…For all the anticipation and controversy surrounding them, the postwar trials were somewhat anticlimactic. Debs didn’t want the ASU to be seen as persecuting its opponents, but he also wanted to avoid the embarrassment of a high acquittal rate. Therefore, he instructed me to only bring cases that had a good chance of conviction…
…The largest category of those put on trial were war criminals. Easily the most notable was General Joe Huffington[1], who had ordered the Huffington Massacres. Another high-profile case was that of Major Sumter de Leon Lowry Jr.[2], who had not only executed the brave workers of the Pensacola Commune after they surrendered but encouraged the rape and slaughter of their families. I have no doubt that many who were guilty of foul crimes escaped justice, but such is the reality of war. It is equally certain that just as many war criminals died during the war itself. As someone who served as a partisan, I can speak with experience to the finality of revolutionary justice…
…Surprisingly few in number were the capitalists, those men who had exploited the working class for years. In this case, many such men had fled the country, often leaving their fortunes behind. Revolutionary justice had done for others like Henry Frick. Those who remained were generally not the great magnates but the lesser factory or mine owners, who often compensated for their lack of wealth by squeezing their employees even further. I was struck by the contrast between men like James MacNaughton[3], a mine manager who had suppressed strikers in Michigan, and men like John D. Rockefeller[4], probably the richest American who ever lived. MacNoughton was belligerent, convinced that all he had done was justified. Rockefeller was more magnanimous, offering to plead guilty if I could guarantee that his fortune would be used to benefit the American people. He was quite satisfied when I told him that the greater share of his wealth had gone to the Commissariat for Health…
…Finally, there were the political figures, those who had participated in the crimes of the Wilson Administration. They were even fewer than the capitalists, but their cases were very prominent and required special care. The eyes of the world would be focused upon them. It was also here that a higher acquittal rate was acceptable, demonstrating to the world that we could show mercy. I worked closely with Debs and Justice Commissar Seymour Stedman[5] to determine who would be charged. We rejected any serving politicians as well as men like Thomas Marshall…
…I often pitied my opposite number, the honorable William Jennings Bryan. He knew as well as I did that the vast majority of these men would be found guilty. His role was not so much to accomplish anything as to be seen trying. His reputation and prominence in pre-Revolutionary politics was the larger reason why he was chosen. No one could confuse him for a socialist or call him unprincipled, save by reactionaries or radicals. He faced his impossible task head-on, wielding every piece of law he could find to support his case. I find no shame in admitting that Bryan was by far the superior lawyer to myself. After all, he had opened his own legal practice in 1887, six years before I was even born! I strongly encourage any aspiring lawyer to study his arguments…
- From Every Comrade A King by Huey Long
[1] IOTL, a prominent leader of the Indiana Klan.
[2] IOTL, a long-serving officer of the Florida National Guard. He was a fervent anti-communist and segregationist.
[3] General manager and president of the Calumet and Hecla Mining Company in Michigan. He was involved in suppressing the Copper Country Strike of 1913-1914.
[4] Founder of the Standard Oil Company and a very prominent philanthropist.
[5] A prominent civil liberties lawyer. IOTL, he was Debs’ running mate in 1920.