The Fire Never Dies: Labor's Star Ascendant
- Thread starter Meshakhad
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They can also be called in the interim as with the 1787 Constitution.
It's actually one more. The new Article VI talks about the structure of the industrial unions (paralleling Article IV, which explains the commonwealths). Article VII is basically the new Article VI, specifically recognizing the GDC as the interim government. Article VIII simply sets out the terms of ratification (3/4ths of state legislatures). This is followed by the Guarantees.
Not quite. This thread will culminate with inauguration of the new government on May 1, 1920. We also have a few other issues to cover, particularly the postwar trials.
How is Deb's ensuring the more radical factions rebel against the premier if it's a result they don't like? Like in the USSR in the 1920s
Yes. I borrowed the language of "Guarantees" from Star Trek.
It should be mentioned that with the Revolution in recent memory, the threshold for armed rebellion is a lot lower than it used to be, but we're not at the point of rebellion just because an election didn't go someone's way. The only one who might try is Bronstein, but while he has a lot of popularity, he doesn't have the institutional support within the Red Army.
Here's a dumb question: regarding April 23 as a national holiday for the vote, how do they handle coverage for those in emergency services like police, fire, and health, as well as those in the armed forces?
We manage IOTL with Election Day not being a national holiday. Realistically, I expect the nation to eventually move towards a voting period that simply concludes on April 23 and voting by mail.
Vote-by-mail would certainly exist for the military (it was introduced for the first civil war, after all!) and for civilians in at least some states (Vermont was the first to introduce this IOTL, in the 1890s). Probably a lot of voting precincts would be located at fire and police stations, too, which largely sorts the issue for them.
109. Planning the Postwar Trials
…Even as the Constitutional Convention was in full swing, the GDC had begun discussion of a grimmer task: postwar trials. That there would be trials was a given. Both before and during the war, the working class had endured innumerable crimes at the hands of the ruling class. Justice had to be served. At the same time, there was a desire in many circles for reconciliation. Not only would a more vengeful policy drive America’s enemies to bitter resistance, but the nation’s rebirth had already been baptized in blood…
…The GDC ultimately decided to limit defendants to two categories: those who had committed war crimes during the Revolution itself and those who had used their positions of wealth and power to commit gross abuses against the working class. Foster initially pushed for charging anyone who had been involved with the Wilson administration or had been a capitalist before the war, but Debs convinced the GDC otherwise. For the former category, Debs argued that it would look bad if a significant number of high-profile cases ended in acquittals and that it would look bad if men were convicted simply for supporting the Wilson administration…
…For the latter category, Debs pointed out that these men had already lost their property. Most had either fled the country or were living in vacation homes, their businesses and mansions having been expropriated, and were no longer in a position to continue their exploitation. In fact, many of them were now struggling to make ends meet, being unaccustomed to finding work for themselves. Debs went so far as to suggest that a program be set up to “enable former capitalists to integrate into the working class by finding them honest and gainful employment”. After reportedly laughing for two minutes straight, Foster agreed. Many former factor owners found themselves working as engineers or machinists. Some of them, such as William Boeing, were able to rejoin the cooperatives that had been formed out of companies they had previously ran. A significant number of former investors and financiers ended up as math teachers or accountants…
…After the convention concluded, Debs began the process of organizing the trials. While the first court sessions would have to wait until after the new government was elected, gathering evidence could begin now. Debs’ first choice for prosecutor was General Samuel Orr, a lawyer who had served as New York police chief under Hillquit, but Orr declined, stating his intention to seek a position on the Supreme Court. Ultimately, Debs settled on the lawyer-turned-partisan commander Huey Long, who eagerly accepted. His opposite number would be perennial Democratic presidential candidate William Jennings Bryan, who had been a supporter of the Wilson administration but had denounced Simmons. As a non-socialist, Bryan was a controversial pick, but Debs wanted someone whose credentials were unimpeachable…
…In the meantime, the GDC took on the herculean task of writing an entire new legal code for the American Socialist Union. Much of it was borrowed wholesale from the old U.S. Code, but many sections – particularly property rights – were completely rewritten. The First Draft of the ASU Legal Code was, as the name suggests, quite rough. But it did not have to be perfect. It just had to serve until the Workers’ Congress got around to revising each section. A similar process was underway among the states as they prepared to become commonwealths…
- From A New Union: A Political History of the American Socialist Union by Hillary Rodham
…The GDC ultimately decided to limit defendants to two categories: those who had committed war crimes during the Revolution itself and those who had used their positions of wealth and power to commit gross abuses against the working class. Foster initially pushed for charging anyone who had been involved with the Wilson administration or had been a capitalist before the war, but Debs convinced the GDC otherwise. For the former category, Debs argued that it would look bad if a significant number of high-profile cases ended in acquittals and that it would look bad if men were convicted simply for supporting the Wilson administration…
…For the latter category, Debs pointed out that these men had already lost their property. Most had either fled the country or were living in vacation homes, their businesses and mansions having been expropriated, and were no longer in a position to continue their exploitation. In fact, many of them were now struggling to make ends meet, being unaccustomed to finding work for themselves. Debs went so far as to suggest that a program be set up to “enable former capitalists to integrate into the working class by finding them honest and gainful employment”. After reportedly laughing for two minutes straight, Foster agreed. Many former factor owners found themselves working as engineers or machinists. Some of them, such as William Boeing, were able to rejoin the cooperatives that had been formed out of companies they had previously ran. A significant number of former investors and financiers ended up as math teachers or accountants…
…After the convention concluded, Debs began the process of organizing the trials. While the first court sessions would have to wait until after the new government was elected, gathering evidence could begin now. Debs’ first choice for prosecutor was General Samuel Orr, a lawyer who had served as New York police chief under Hillquit, but Orr declined, stating his intention to seek a position on the Supreme Court. Ultimately, Debs settled on the lawyer-turned-partisan commander Huey Long, who eagerly accepted. His opposite number would be perennial Democratic presidential candidate William Jennings Bryan, who had been a supporter of the Wilson administration but had denounced Simmons. As a non-socialist, Bryan was a controversial pick, but Debs wanted someone whose credentials were unimpeachable…
…In the meantime, the GDC took on the herculean task of writing an entire new legal code for the American Socialist Union. Much of it was borrowed wholesale from the old U.S. Code, but many sections – particularly property rights – were completely rewritten. The First Draft of the ASU Legal Code was, as the name suggests, quite rough. But it did not have to be perfect. It just had to serve until the Workers’ Congress got around to revising each section. A similar process was underway among the states as they prepared to become commonwealths…
- From A New Union: A Political History of the American Socialist Union by Hillary Rodham
110. The New Capital
…The designation of a city as the national capital would normally be transformative. But while there is a much more overtly political element to New York today than there was before the Revolution, the city has kept much of its historic nature as a center of trade and industry…
…On January 1, 1920, the GDC officially moved its headquarters from Chicago to New York City. In practice, most of their administration was already there, having arrived weeks or even months before to locate permanent offices. Most of the Commissariats would establish their headquarters in Manhattan. Margaret Sanger had already established the Commissariat for Health on Bleecker Street[1]. Daniel DeLeon planted the Commissariat for Industry in Times Square. George C. Porter appropriated the mansion of industrialist Henry Frick[2], which overlooked Central Park, for the Commissariat for Agriculture, citing a desire to have his commissariat close to greenery. A similar reasoning would later see the Commissariat for the Interior positioned on the other side of the park, repurposing a luxury apartment building called the Turin…
…The exception, of course, was the Commissariat for War. William Z. Foster was justifiably concerned that the House would elect General Leon Bronstein as Commissar for War in May (which indeed they did). While the two men had eventually developed a solid working relationship, Foster did not want Bronstein to end up in complete control of the military. Accordingly, while the Commissariat itself would be headquartered on Governor’s Island, he established separate headquarters for the Army and Navy. The Red Army would be headquartered at Fort Hamilton, while the Red Navy would remain at the Brooklyn Naval Yard. The Coast Guard and Marine Corps went to Cape Liberty and Brooklyn Heights, respectively…
…Of course, the most important offices would be those of the Central Committee, the Workers’ Congress, and the Supreme Court. The new Supreme Court Building would be built at Astor Place, near New York University. The Workers’ Congress would convene at Madison Square Gardens, although the current building was built in 1928. Finally, the Central Committee occupied what was once the center of American capitalism: the New York Stock Exchange. From now on, Wall Street would become a byword not for wealth and commerce, but for socialism and American influence…
- From The Red Apple: New York City After the Revolution by Chuck Schumer
[1] IOTL, the location of the Margaret Sanger Health Center, headquarters of Planned Parenthood.
[2] Today the Frick Collection, an art museum. Frick himself played a major role in US Steel. ITTL, he was gunned down by Red Guards during the Manhattan Uprising.
…On January 1, 1920, the GDC officially moved its headquarters from Chicago to New York City. In practice, most of their administration was already there, having arrived weeks or even months before to locate permanent offices. Most of the Commissariats would establish their headquarters in Manhattan. Margaret Sanger had already established the Commissariat for Health on Bleecker Street[1]. Daniel DeLeon planted the Commissariat for Industry in Times Square. George C. Porter appropriated the mansion of industrialist Henry Frick[2], which overlooked Central Park, for the Commissariat for Agriculture, citing a desire to have his commissariat close to greenery. A similar reasoning would later see the Commissariat for the Interior positioned on the other side of the park, repurposing a luxury apartment building called the Turin…
…The exception, of course, was the Commissariat for War. William Z. Foster was justifiably concerned that the House would elect General Leon Bronstein as Commissar for War in May (which indeed they did). While the two men had eventually developed a solid working relationship, Foster did not want Bronstein to end up in complete control of the military. Accordingly, while the Commissariat itself would be headquartered on Governor’s Island, he established separate headquarters for the Army and Navy. The Red Army would be headquartered at Fort Hamilton, while the Red Navy would remain at the Brooklyn Naval Yard. The Coast Guard and Marine Corps went to Cape Liberty and Brooklyn Heights, respectively…
…Of course, the most important offices would be those of the Central Committee, the Workers’ Congress, and the Supreme Court. The new Supreme Court Building would be built at Astor Place, near New York University. The Workers’ Congress would convene at Madison Square Gardens, although the current building was built in 1928. Finally, the Central Committee occupied what was once the center of American capitalism: the New York Stock Exchange. From now on, Wall Street would become a byword not for wealth and commerce, but for socialism and American influence…
- From The Red Apple: New York City After the Revolution by Chuck Schumer
[1] IOTL, the location of the Margaret Sanger Health Center, headquarters of Planned Parenthood.
[2] Today the Frick Collection, an art museum. Frick himself played a major role in US Steel. ITTL, he was gunned down by Red Guards during the Manhattan Uprising.
I'm from an NYC suburb and I'm not sure how I feel about changing The Big Apple to The Red Apple.
It's just for the title of the book. The city itself is still known as the Big Apple.
Yeah, I've had the idea of a socialist government in New York since I came up with Imperial Dusk back in 2019, and I really wanted to write about it.
Also, we are almost at the end. The next update will deal with the ratification of the Constitution and the status of Hawaii and Puerto Rico. Then we get the 1920 elections, and finally the inauguration of the new government. After that, I'll focus on editing this TL for eventual submission to Sea Lion Press, but I promise that before the end of this year, we will see the first posts for The Fire Never Dies, Part II: The Red Colossus.
Goshdarnit Meshakhad, I can only say "Based" so many times in one day!
Well, Huey is definitely going places since he's getting such a high-profile position as chief prosecutor in the post-war trials...
I expect him to end up Premier sometime in the future.
I expect him to end up Premier sometime in the future.
111. Ratification
…The 1919 Constitutional Convention came to an end on November 17, 1919, when the proposed constitution was approved by a decisive majority. All that remained was ratification by the states. With most state legislatures now dominated by the SLP, ratification was largely seen as a formality. That very evening, Washington State became the first to ratify the new constitution, having held a late-night session for that express purpose. Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Illinois, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nevada, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin did so the next day. Within a week, twenty-two states had ratified…
…For some states, debate over ratification was focused on specific issues. New York spent two weeks wrangling over dividing the state (as well as voting on a new name for Upstate New York), but ultimately ratified. Maryland had concerns about being handed a ruined Washington, but the GDC assured them that funds would be made available. The Dakotas argued for a month over which state would take which reservation…
…More serious resistance came out of the South. In addition to fierce debates in the reconstituted state legislatures, the conclusion of the Constitutional Convention was the spark needed to ignite a new round of violence. White partisans, often called Wilsonites, sought to disrupt the ratification process. While they failed in their aim, they dashed hopes that the bloodletting would be over. Rather than send in the military, the GDC responded by establishing the Commissariat for Security, headed by former Milwaukee police chief Joseph Klein, to organize law enforcement at the national level…
…On January 11, Florida became the thirty-sixth state to ratify the new constitution. While the legal obstacles were now cleared, there was still pressure on the remaining states to ratify. By April 23, only California had failed to do so, ultimately waiting until August. Alaska and Dineteh also ratified the Constitution, after which they were formally recognized as full commonwealths…
…However, two other territories had not ratified, and never would. In Hawaii and Puerto Rico, the debate over ratification had become a debate over independence. Both territories had been acquired by the United States less than twenty-five years ago. Despite the efforts of Governor Santiago Iglesias Pantín, on January 26 Puerto Rico voted not to ratify the constitution, but to declare independence, founding the Union of Puerto Rico. After gaining assurances that Puerto Rico would remain an American ally, the GDC voted unanimously to recognize Puerto Rican independence…
…Hawaii was more complicated. By 1919, native Hawaiians only made up around 10% of the population, with the majority being Asian, mostly Japanese. Even the natives were divided between establishing a socialist government or restoring the monarchy. The Hawaiian independence movement managed to win over the Asians by warning of the dangers of remaining under rule of the white mainlanders (even hinting that an independent Hawaii might orient itself with Japan), ultimately winning a narrow majority of 52%. Those who had hoped for a restoration of the monarchy and a full break with America were disappointed, as the former pro-commonwealth faction tilted the balance at the Hawaiian Constitutional Convention in favor of socialism and an alliance with the ASU. The Treaty of Honolulu, establishing a mutual defense pact and a new basing agreement at Pearl Harbor, would be the first treaty to be ratified by the Chamber of Labor Delegates…
- From A New Union: A Political History of the American Socialist Union by Hillary Rodham
…For some states, debate over ratification was focused on specific issues. New York spent two weeks wrangling over dividing the state (as well as voting on a new name for Upstate New York), but ultimately ratified. Maryland had concerns about being handed a ruined Washington, but the GDC assured them that funds would be made available. The Dakotas argued for a month over which state would take which reservation…
…More serious resistance came out of the South. In addition to fierce debates in the reconstituted state legislatures, the conclusion of the Constitutional Convention was the spark needed to ignite a new round of violence. White partisans, often called Wilsonites, sought to disrupt the ratification process. While they failed in their aim, they dashed hopes that the bloodletting would be over. Rather than send in the military, the GDC responded by establishing the Commissariat for Security, headed by former Milwaukee police chief Joseph Klein, to organize law enforcement at the national level…
…On January 11, Florida became the thirty-sixth state to ratify the new constitution. While the legal obstacles were now cleared, there was still pressure on the remaining states to ratify. By April 23, only California had failed to do so, ultimately waiting until August. Alaska and Dineteh also ratified the Constitution, after which they were formally recognized as full commonwealths…
…However, two other territories had not ratified, and never would. In Hawaii and Puerto Rico, the debate over ratification had become a debate over independence. Both territories had been acquired by the United States less than twenty-five years ago. Despite the efforts of Governor Santiago Iglesias Pantín, on January 26 Puerto Rico voted not to ratify the constitution, but to declare independence, founding the Union of Puerto Rico. After gaining assurances that Puerto Rico would remain an American ally, the GDC voted unanimously to recognize Puerto Rican independence…
…Hawaii was more complicated. By 1919, native Hawaiians only made up around 10% of the population, with the majority being Asian, mostly Japanese. Even the natives were divided between establishing a socialist government or restoring the monarchy. The Hawaiian independence movement managed to win over the Asians by warning of the dangers of remaining under rule of the white mainlanders (even hinting that an independent Hawaii might orient itself with Japan), ultimately winning a narrow majority of 52%. Those who had hoped for a restoration of the monarchy and a full break with America were disappointed, as the former pro-commonwealth faction tilted the balance at the Hawaiian Constitutional Convention in favor of socialism and an alliance with the ASU. The Treaty of Honolulu, establishing a mutual defense pact and a new basing agreement at Pearl Harbor, would be the first treaty to be ratified by the Chamber of Labor Delegates…
- From A New Union: A Political History of the American Socialist Union by Hillary Rodham
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May I suggest Adirondack as the new name for Upstate New York?
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I've already mentioned Iroquois, but Adirondack isn't a bad idea either.
I don't think talking about an alliance with Japan would have much appeal for the Asians, not even the Japanese (and remember, there were a lot of Filipinos around at this point too, who probably would have been counted as "Asians" but for whom such alliances would have no particular power). Japanese residents never evinced any particular interest in aligning with the Home Islands, and certainly in World War II (despite the fears of some in Washington) were pretty loyal to the United States.