The Federation of the Commonwealth of Nations Timeline!

First of all - I have got some quite general ideas on what to include, but no specific details on how to do it. This is why any help would be welcome, because this time, I'm gonna pull this timeline through from about 1888 to (at least) 2100.

Main POD:

The main POD (is it divergence or decision actually? I like the former best.. ), is found in simple molecular structures of the human body. Kaiser Wilhelm the second is not born being a complete retard, thus not trying to prove what a prick he can be all the time.

Most importantly, he accepts the ideas of what to become "Bismarkian Politics" during his years as the Kaiser to rival the fame of the British monarchs and let the German monarchy outlive his British role-model.

The main points of this Bismarkian Politics are:

1. Consolidation with the French or the reassurance that no two-front war will be fought.

2. Trying to form an alliance with the British Empire.

3. Colonies will be of no importance for the German Empire: instead, a more domestic-orientated policy will be followed. This also negates the necessity for a great navy, since only the north of Germany is lying at a coast protected by the British Royal Navy.*

*To keep the great lobbies silent, a few colonies were made in Africa though. This also explains the small German influence down there in 2012.

Other central ideas are that:

- A limited war of France against the Netherlands which saw an unsuccessful German intervention, letting France attack Belgium. This lead to Britain uniting with Germany and declaring war on France. However, this was only a limited war since Britain was the original ally of France and this one ally decided in favour of Germany because of the French aggressions against Belgium and the Netherlands (Russia kept out because of friendly relations with Germany and fearing an Anglo-German entente). Italy went in for the kill, but were repelled by the French leading to a fascist revolution down there due to an overstretched medditerranean 'Empire' and the lost war with Greece (rebels supported by the Russian Empire).

-
There was one great war due to a "fascist alliance" of France, Spain, Portugal and Italy after the limited war against France and the spreading of nationalist ideas from Italy to western Europe.

- After the great war, which is seen as a follow-up war of the so called "Bloody March" during which Canadian and Irish troops retook most of flandern from the French after their forces had been diverted to block the Italian attack, most of Europe was completely devastated. The war was even a greater one than OTL WWI (if that is even possible) due to the fact that technology was developed faster because of Germany focusing on domestic politics (basic research!) + the war errupting in 1933, rather than 1914. This meant that the whole military tactics derived from the first world war where non-existent in this ATL, and had to be catched up with quite desperately. However, civilian technology ATL is 15-20
years more advanced than OTL in the year 2012.

- The Federation came into being after a public referendum + the abolishion of the British monarchy. The US became the biggest economy, rebuilding Europe but the federation soon became the world's leading power (again, if you take it so) because of immigratn influx, an even greater united market, and the European Cooperation Treaty (imagine an OTL US + 20% of the market + OTL European Union Schengen effect).

- After the war there was a 30-40 years ideological separation (but no real cold war) in an USSR which did invade some parts of eastern Europe but was diplomatically held back by Britain and Germany + the fact that there was no OTL expansion into a third Reich. Without an American intervention into Chinese affairs because of the Federation still having a larger amount of influence there, there was no attempted peace-brokering between the communists + natioanlists forces => No communist China! However, China developed it's world power's ambitions about the same time as today because the Federation exerted too much influence over it's politics at first hand.

- This then leads to the situation we have in 2012 - Less economic/ecological problems than OTL, but about the same (or even worse) political "options" to come true.

So, any help on how to form a good TL out of this? I'm keeping my future ideas for myself right now, since I'll be fine doing that on my own.. ;)






 
Well, part of it is going to be pre-1900 since the whole ATL begins in 1888. But other than that, no - Most of it (up to now) is going to play in the 20th century and I am actually quite looking forward to incorporating a future ATL. :)

What may be done though is to find other POD's before 1888 which allow a realistic world to happen for the healthy Wilhelm II to change, but still alter several aspects of - for example - British rule, French nationalism etc. Or even something completely different? :D
 
Finally scratched the idea of a TL written in enumerating form. It just freaks me out to search for every little details which is still OTL..


 
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Very well, it seems that I'm just not able to do much of a timeline. I suck at doing all the numbers and the events of the whole world.. it might as well be the urge to do it perfectly, or nothing at all.

Well, seems I haven't got the problem with actually writing stuff, so here's the first part. One can say it's unrefined, but I actually start to make it look nice only after I've got all parts up to 2012.

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Part One: From the birth of Wilhelm the Second to the turn of the century.


In 1859, Prince Frederick William Victor Albert of Prussia was born in Berlin as the son of Prince Frederick William. Wilhelm became the second in line of succession to Prussia after his father. Furthermore, he was the first grand-son of Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Wilhelm was seen as a stroke of luck to his parents after the failed birth of a brother two years earlier and later became known as Wilhelm the Second, First Emperor of the Germans. Wilhelm was to become one of the most potent figures of Germany’s and Europe’s history next to Otto von Bismarck.

Latter became the Prussian ambassador to France in 1862 after declining the Czar’s offer to become part of the Russian diplomatic service. In the years before his office in France, Bismarck was seen as too ambitious by many Prussian politicians due to his behaviour during the March revolution of 1848. Emperor Wilhelm the First however appointed him to the office of minister-president and foreign minister of Prussia. This is seen as the beginning of “Bismarckian politics” in the German sphere of influence.

Up to the year 1871, Europe saw not only the Second War of Schleswig in which Denmark faced Prussia and Austria-Hungary
in a dispute over the two duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg. The continent also experiences the resulting war between victorious Prussia and Austria-Hungary over the administrational rights imposed by the treaty of Vienna which was originally intented to prevent said war. The North German Confederation was born in 1867 after Prussia , again, emerged victorious over Austria. The Franco-Prussian war of 1870 to 1871 resulted in the final unification of Germany and the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine by Germany, written down in the Treaty of Versailles. The unification is seen as a result of the economic unification due to a German custom’s union, of the Prussian dominance over other powers, and as the first major result of Bismarckian politics in Europe. From 1871 on, the House of Hohenzollern became the single lineage to claim themselves to be the Emperors of Germany.

The German Empire soon began to prosper under a constitution incorporating both autocratic and democratic ideas but lending the German chancellor and Prussia an extraordinary amount of power. Enough stability for Germany to challenge and acclaim the leading positions in most aspects of economy, military, culture and science was secured in the following decade. This stability and era of peace gave also birth to a strongly unified German sense of national pride which resulted in the "emotional unification" of Germany following the unification by iron and blood. In contrary to the popular sentiment however, Bismarckian politics strongly favoured a course of non-colonialism and consolidation with France which was made clear by Wilhelm the First in the Ravensburger Decree in 1879. In the year 1884, Prince Frederick William died due to throat cancer, making his son the first in the line of succession. Soon thereafter, Wilhelm the First died, leaving Wilhelm the Second to ascend the throne and opened up a new chapter of German history.

Wilhelm the Second continued to favour the advices of his aging Chancellor, now re-elected for the fourth consecutive time. Nevertheless, Bismarckian politics continued to be adjusted to a realistic level, allowing colonial ventures to take place on the south-east coast of Africa. Instead of actual colonial might, these were intended to quiet the ever-growing unions in favour of further colonisation. Consolidation with the French was difficult during the times of Wilhelm the First but became ever more difficult during the rule of Wilhelm the Second, especially after the French blocking of the Tunis conference in 1892.

At the turn of the century, the world looked towards Europe, and Europe towards Germany to determine the course of the future while the British Empire remained neutral on most parts, quietly fostering their ambitions and widening their borders. France began to enter a serious recession in both economic and political life. Ever more people became attracted to the idea of a “francophone community”, regarding everything German (and for the most part Germanic) as the reason for France’s downfall during the second half of the 19th century. In southern Europe, even stronger national movements urged for the unity of the nation and the establishment of a stronger, jingoistic-orientated political movement to break the stranglehold of the current great powers. In Russia, people embraced the ideas of France, silently declaring that the creation of a “pan-slavic nation” was the only method of dealing with an ever-growing Germany to the west, as well as the “yellow threat” to the east.

Outside of Europe, the United States of America added Cuba and the Philippines to their territory, widening an area isolated from Europe except for economic and cultural transfer. During the turn of the century, the Japan broke loose of millenia-old isolation and attracted investments from all over the world, allowing the Emperor to modernise the nation while handing over only slight amounts of his absolute power. The Japanese Empire now controlled not only Korea, but entered a brief war with Manchuria, securing most of their eastern and central territories, leaving the rest to swallowed up by struggling warlords. China itself became a place of uncertain political movements where the only security became that opium was still produced.

Latin America turned more and more towards the United States of America for protection against the ever-growing jingoism in their Iberian mother countries. Africa was the playground of the European colonial powers, and whole parts of the Middle East and Central Asia became “neutral zones” to prevent a war between the British Empire and the Ottoman, or Russian ones.

In the end, everyone searched for their place under the sun. And those who had not gained, or did lose it, became to feel more and more threatened.

Threat, however, leads to fear.

And fear, to anger.
 
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So, it's been some days, and I've been writing on the next part. It only covers 13 years, but they're so eventful! My style of writing isn't homogenous I fear, since I've noticed that I probably did go more into the sensationalist writing at the end. But it's so much more fun. :D


If anyone actually reads all of this - Thanks! If not - Well, thanks anyways. :rolleyes:

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Part Two: The Wild Thirteens.

The turn of the century placed Germany in a situation which enabled it to challenge British dominance in all fields. The legacy of Otto von Bismarck however called for a internationally reserved position of Germany, fearing a two front war against France and Russia. For most German politicians, it was clear that France still resented the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine. Thus, friends were to be sought.

Initially, the Czar of Russia was seen as the most favourable option for the German people. However, it became quite clear that Russia did not see the need to lesser their ambitions in eastern Europe. After a conference in 1902, the German ambassador Oppers was said to state that "the Russian bear can only be fed with the blood and flesh of Austrians." This conflicted with the German Empire's good relations with the second "German" Empire, Austria-Hungary who was seen as the first anchor against French aggression.

Nevertheless, the Russian Empire was not the sole option. Wilhelm the Second made his pro-British stance clear from the day of his appointment on, feeling personally aligned to the British Empire as the grandson of late Queen Victoria and revering the manners in which on which the British Empire founded its might on. Britain itself approved of the way Germany was developing, seeing that it could be a most important stabilising factor in central Europe as a non-expansionistic, economic great power. While not outspokenly allying with Germany, Britain changed its foreign policy's centre from the still struggling France to the industrious and prosperous German Empire.

A first treaty in 1904 sealed this newly found friendship. The Treaty of Cambridge was formulated mainly by a joint conference between British and German diplomats and - more unofficially - by the leaders of their most powerful industrial lobbies. Within this treaty, several tolls were lowered, as well as a few abolished entirely. In addition to that, the treaty secured Germany the rights to several east African colonies: Nigeria, Cameroon and Namibia. These were intended to serve to content the ever-growing supporters of an expansionistic German colonial policy which was seen to be threatening to Anglo-German relations by most senior German politicians.

The French observation of the new course by the British government was clearly visible in 1907 - A new government was elected. The President of the French Republic became a nationalist called Philippe Francois Faure with his right-winged Nationalist Party of France becoming the majority. This was a depiction of the utter fear by the French that Germany has now effectually isolated France from the rest of Europe. The only option left by the government was to seek support in historically even more unconventional allies than Britain - The Russians, the Italians, the Portuguese, and even the Spanish.

The Russians and Italians however developed a more-than friendly relationship over the last years, both fearing the same isolation that France faced but united under the prospect of breaking Austria-Hungarian power in east Europe.

Initially, the French government sought to gamble that the German Empire would strengthen its relationships with Austria-Hungary ever more, eventually leading to a Austro-German alliance. A French-Italian-Russian triple entente could then encircle the German and Austrian Empires in a three front war. This idea was dismissed quickly however. A French espionage mission revealed that the German Empire was devising plans in order to break Austria-Hungarian power since the certainty of British support was evident. The so called "Anschluss-Plan" went even further - An outright, final conflict with Austria was to be sought after which the German parts of the then-dismantled Empire were to be annexed into the German Empire. Not wanting to show the German Empire the French knowledge of the Anschluss-Plan, France looked further south: to the Pyrenees.

The situation looked grim on the Iberian peninsula, were a civil war between nationalist republicans and royalists ravaged for four years already. For the first two years, the French government under Faure hesitated to meddle with internal Spanish and Portuguese affairs for no side seemed to gain an upper hand, fronts changing constantly. At first, military intervention was considered, but dismissed even after a military modernisation and enlargement program was devised in 1908. It was deemed to threatening to internal stability and so, focus was shifted onto economic reforms.

The French government was finally pressed to make a move against French isolation in 1909 after French public opinions deterred ever more. Not only did a non-democratic, German Empire surpass the Republic in economic and - even more devastating – scientific power, even gaining the status of a leading nation. The French public was ashamed by the fact that their fellow Frenchmen in Alsace-Lorraine still were part of the German Empire. These events by themselves were worse enough. In 1909 however, the Treaty of Berlin was the last straw for the French public.

The Treaty of Berlin was for many the formal sign of an Anglo-German alliance, stating that the Royal British Navy was to protect the waters of the German colonies, leaving the Imperial German Navy to patrol the North and East Sea. A large portion of the population in Germany did not support the move, while the British population questioned the idea of giving protection without return to another great power. A minority however quietly smiled about the fact that the British Empire effectively obliterated the threat of an Anglo-German arms race with taking away any reasons for a greater German navy. In Germany itself, the success under Bismarckian politics was a publicly accepted fact and viewed upon as an integral part of German foreign policy. The treaty also expanded the borders of both Nigeria and Cameroon further into the African continent, informally fasten the British tolerance of the African-German colonies. Thus, most supporters of an expansionistic and naval-orientated German foreign and military policy were not able to exert enough influence to prevent the treaty from being signed.
The French government had to react onto the public dissatisfaction: betterment of the situation was promised (again). In addition to the, mostly superficial, domestic reforms, large sums of aid was now given to the Spanish and Portuguese republicans. The French government still saw an ideological ally in any Republic on the Iberian Peninsula. In addition to that, the French military intervened several times on Spanish territory on reasons of rebel attacks on French territory near the Pyrenees. This was done to suppress the now growing Catalonian and Basque national movements which were threatening to evolve into a third and fourth party of the conflict. In addition to all that, the French colonial holdings were beginning to rebel under the motherland's failed administration and demanded for ever more independence. These insurrections where crushed violently by the French military, leading to more anti-French sentiment in most French colonies, especially the Indochinese ones.

An economic recession and the minimal success of the French operations in Iberia finally lead to the population openly revolting. Martial law was enforced in most urban areas, as well as an emergency assembly to debate what to do to finally stop the decay of the French Republic. The more right-winged nationalist parties were becoming more and more jingoistic and were able to make use of public opinion in March of 1910. President Faure nearly became the victim of an attack of an extreme French nationalist who accused him of working for the German government aiming at the destruction of the Republic from within. The government was deeply troubled by the problems it faced now and - in utter desperation - decided to make use of the growing national voices within the population. A plan was formulated to direct the population's forces outwards.

In April 1910, France declared war on the Spanish royalists. In effect, France did now have to fight against three opponents: The Spanish royalists, the Basque national movement which, against all odds, established itself in the northern regions, as well as the anti-French Spanish republicans. After two months of war, it became clear that it was becoming a difficult campaign for France due to the population's resistance and the overall knowledge of guerrilla warfare after several years of constant fighting. On another, more underhand move, the French government decided to forward the details of the anschluss-plan to high Italian and Russian government officials.


The French offensive coincided with a Russo-Italian plan to further their respective nation’s interest in the eastern European area. Italian national sentiment was constantly growing after their unification, seeing that they – in contrary to France – were able to uphold a striving economy, as well as colonial holdings in western Africa. Thus, a secret alliance with Russia was entered after it became clear that Germany was more concerned about their attitude towards Britain, than their actual cooperation with the Austrian-Hungarian Empire. After Italy and Russia received the French message about the anschluss-plan, as well as a confirmation of the validity after own espionage missions were dispatched, both nations decided to use the international turmoil about the French intervention into the Spanish civil war to realise their ambitions in eastern Europe.
War on Austria-Hungary was declared on August 1910 which, while not entirely playing into the hands of the French government due to the unexpected hesitation of the Russo-Italian alliance, did divert attention from the “Spanish situation” towards central and eastern Europe.
Northern Europe was now faced with a southern Europe engulfed in the flames of war. The German Empire did deny help for the Austrian-Hungarians stating that there was no official alliance between the nations other than cultural connections which do not justify the entrance into a war with Italy and Russia.

Lacking the support of the German Empire, Austria-Hungary initially seemed to falter under the two-front attack. However, a gifted Austrian diplomat called Von Rönen was able to make use of an unsuspected ally in the struggle against Russia - Japan. The Japanese Empire had slowly arisen to challenge the United States of America in the Pacific but remained even more focused on its goals in East Asia. China was becoming more and more a region under the rule of countless warlords than one unified state, and the war against Austria-Hungary meant that a great part of the Russian army was now bound to be used on the western front. The Emperor, who saw his father reclaiming lost glories and creating a modern and advanced industrialised state, was eager to forge his legacy. Japan declared war on Russia in October 1910.

Thus, the Russian Empire was now confronted with a more than formidable foe on its eastern shoreline. Von Rönen was able formulate a peace treaty with his Russian peer in which Austria gave away its Galicia to the Russian Empire, as well as a legal statement declaring that Austria-Hungary will not expand into eastern Europe any further. Nevertheless, the most important part of the treaty was not written on paper – Austrian troops were now marching towards Italy in an attempt to stop the Italian offensive in the Balkans and turn the tide of battle. The Heimsberg Treaty was signed only one week after Japan’s declaration of war.

Naturally, the Italians were furious about Russia’s “betrayal”. The war against Austria-Hungary was now turning out to be everything else but easy. Austria-Hungary may have had less industrial resources, but a far larger pool of manpower. During the trench-wars which resulted out of a halting Italian offensive, the Italians did not have time on their side. Furthermore, the young war was already beginning to lack public support, some newspapers claiming that it was merely a politician’s dream to extend Italian influence over regions traditionally not even considered Italian. Or, even worse: A mere thought of revenge. The nationalist propaganda barely three months old began to waver in face of the mass slaughter only 200 km of the City of Venice.

In Iberia, France had more luck. Due to growing support of the Republican movement, the superior French military and still vast, if not grand, industrial capabilities, the French were able to push back the Spanish royalist down to a horizontal front having it’s mid-point in Madrid itself. There, some of the worst urban battles of the early 20th century were to be fought. The Basque rebellion was, once again, stopped by the military. On another note, the French government was still facing problems at home. The war industry had begun to take the worst of the beginning recession and was seen as the best solution to tackle the economic deficits to come. However, colonial holdings were more and more aligned to demand independent from France. There had been several rebellions in Indochina and northern Africa already, which demanded precious military resources to be directed from the Spanish frontline away. And there still was the impending question of what to do with Portugal, whose Republicans hoped on French involvement - while the Portuguese Royalist desperately tried to gain support from any movement possible.

At the beginning of 1911, the French military was finding itself in a favourable position against the Spanish Royalists. Only a small front near British Gibraltar was left to them, while most of the occupied territories were pacified. In lights of recent positive developments at home - a calming of the discontent with the government and the coming elections – the military staff decided to make Portugal their second Spain. With Great Britain and Germany staying neutral in any of the three wars raging on all parts of the world, the French military had, once again, no doubts about who would emerge victorious.

What the French government oversee was that the unrest in its colonies was no mere temporary dissatisfaction. Its colonies were troubled by years of harsh government and the grim economic situation which was even more conceivable outside of France itself. On the contrary, British colonies began to slowly become equal members of the international community. While not recognised as independent nations, more and more rights and the ability to self-government were granted to Canada, Australia and South Africa. It was only a question of time when the French colonies did not accept their motherland’s iron fist which was seemingly becoming the sole reason for their poor situation. Already starved by decades of only slightly advancing economy, military interventionism and a anachronistic policy of cultural enforcement, colonies in the French Empire were already eyeing with independence.

And then, in February 1911, France declared war on Portugal. The first colony to form a local militia and declare independence from France was Madagascar. Developing fairly well under the rule of progressive governor-general Francois de Blois, the colony would not support the mother nation’s wars any longer. Other colonies were quick to follow. Madagascar’s adjacent islands declared independence four days after Madagascar, joining the latter as the “Commonwealth of Madagascar”. After that, the rebellion was spreading through North African possessions of France, obvious to the adjacent military power and fuelled by religious conviction of the Muslim majority. The Caribbean holdings, French Guyana and Indochina were quick to follow, leaving only a minority of the French possessions in the government’s hands.

An uproar of disbelieving surprise echoed through Europe in face of this global defiance of colonialism but was soon played down to being a particularly French problem by the colonial powers. The now independent colonies knew that their freedom was not going to last forever unless protection could be granted – And with that, they turned to the only power still able to project enough power against the French: The British Empire.

From March 1911 on, the British foreign office had to dispatch several envoys to all parts of the world to discuss several similar designs of the Berlin Treaty to ex-French colonies. Up to now, military operations were only underway in the Maghreb and Indochina. France naturally objected to any of the British Empire’s moves but was quite simply unable to make any move. William R. Baker, the US foreign minister put it this way: “The French Empire is facing internal struggle and lasting military campaigns in all parts of the world and is now confronted with the British Empire – It is difficult to challenge the lion under normal circumstances. France adds a perilous situation and a border with a terrifying eagle.”

In the following month, many colonies started to independently sign treaties with the British Empire which granted protection in return of naval access and favourable trading conditions. The “Treaties of 1911” also marked the beginning of the integration of some French-ethnic colonies into the British Empire and the Federation of the Commonwealth of Nations in the mid-20th century. By the end of 1911, France had lost authority over all colonies, except for the northern African possession and Indochina. These had to be pacified by military expeditions however and nullified any successful war against Portugal. Thus, a peace treaty was signed between France and Portugal, only stating that Portugal will not interfere with any state formed in the now Republican controlled Spanish territory. The French population reacted in electing a more moderate party in November 1911 - quite to the contrary to popular fears in Germany and Britain of an even more radical policy. The Progressive Party under Francois Miller agreed on the old government’s aim to form a Spanish republic – Otherwise, it was a clear shift from right-winged ideology to liberalism. A new chance for consolidation was born.

In the east, the war between Italy and Austria dragged on. Austria won isolated victories, while Italy was in orderly retreat since December. In 1912, a final breakthrough was managed near Venice let the Austrians press onwards into the heartland of the peninsula. The Italian government had to agree on a peace treaty which let the Austrian regain its old Venetian territories. In addition to that, Italy was forced to deliver reparation payments to Austria. The first voices favouring a radical nationalist government were to be heard in Italy.

The only war left was the Russo-Japanese war, which was fought with fierce determination by both parties. The sake and prestige of both Empires dependent on the outcome of the war, and for Japan, it was also the chance to finally ascent into the status of a – at least regional – superpower. From there on, anything was possible. Initially, the Japanese had a tremendous advantage due to their, for the Russians, unexpected and untimely declaration of war. During this time, the campaign to secure the Chinese seaboard was commenced as well. It lasted more than two weeks before the first Russian troops were able to establish something resembling a defence against the Japanese. By that, most of eastern Manchuria had fallen into Japanese possessions. The Russian defence began to strengthen after thousands of more troops were arriving from the western front, as well as new ones from all parts of the Russian Empire. By the time the Russians were able to commence any offensive against the Japanese, the latter had already begun to create deep-field fortifications along their occupied territory’s borders. This resulted in a stalemate slaughter lasting until January 1913.


Up to January, the Russian military advisors believed that the war could be won. They did not realise however, that the Japanese military had become far more advanced than it was only fifteen years before. A struggling economy, emerging civil unrest and a harsh winter finally lead the Russian government to sign a armistice with Japan, officially declaring that the territory already occupied would now belong to the Japanese Emperor. The peace treaty also granted all Russian islands north of Japan to the latter, widening their water territories as well.

The Japanese Empire had now grown into a force occupying all of the coast from Manchuria to the borders of French Indochina. The new colonies still had to be pacified, as well as the land yonder. But it was only a time for the Japanese Emperor, until the petty Chinese warlords would call the Emperor their liege.

In Spain, a Republic was announced on 27th June. The nations of northern Europe were finding themselves in a favourable position, not having faced the struggles of war, as did the United States of America who was now fearful of the Japanese expansion so close to the state of Philippines.

As a majority however, the world slowly emerged into a new decade of hope and progress. After several years, it did seem that the world has come to rest once again – The British Empire dominating the sea, the Germans and Americans the economy. France was beginning to rehabilitate itself under a liberal leadership, and the fragile seeds of democracy had been sewn in Spain.

But fragile they were indeed – And it was only an irony of fate that much, much later, historians would accuse the autocratic regime of Austria-Hungary to have prepared the ground for a force rivalling the Mongol hordes of the medieval ages.
 
Very interesting. Please continue.

Thank you, I will. :D I am currently thinking of 2 "war eras" and 1 "great war" which should make up for a "new world order" situation as it has been around 1948 OTL. One war era was the one between 1911 and 1913. The next one will actually evolve into the great war, so it can be more seen as 1,5 wars. :rolleyes:

The underlying prospect is that by then, the United Nations Organisation is formed (and to make up for the lack of United Statian roles in the wars) by the president there. ;)
 
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