1: The End of Weimar
  • Anchises

    Banned
    Hey, this is my second attempt to write a timeline. This one essentially deals with a Germany that avoids the National Socialists. Not all is well and good though. All the toxic and venomous ideas that were born after the Great War and grew in the chaos of Weimar are still around. So lets explore a radically different 30s and beyond together!

    The PODs are a somewhat healthier von Schleicher and a nasty fall that wrecks Hindenburg's health in tumultuous times...

    The End of Weimar
    Kurt von Schleicher, the central figure in the Downfall of the Weimar Republic, is to this day a controversial figure in Germany. There is no clear Left-Right divide between admirers and political enemies. Just like in the 30s von Schleicher is a polarizing figure that is in some ways above the fray of ordinary partisan politics. Unquestionably von Schleicher is one the formative characters in German and European history of the 20th Century.

    In the year 1932 most observers with intimate knowledge of the German political scene would be astonished by this. Von Schleicher looked more and more like a spent force, one new participant in the parade of failed Reichskanzler. His idea of a "Querfront", an alliance of Right Wing Social Democrats, Left Wing Nazis around the Strasser Brothers and the Unions failed. Hitlers control over the NSDAP was too tight and the population was indifferent towards Schleicher. His political capital was rapidly dwindling. The Left, despite some sympathies, viewed him as a reactionary General. The Right despised him, he was viewed as the "Red General" due to his ideas of cooperating with the Unions and the SPD.

    Without a political basis for his chancellorship von Schleicher seriously considered the idea of a coup d'état. Hindenburg was convinced that the Reichswehr wasn't able to gain and hold control over Germany and instead favored a Right Wing coalition government including the NSDAP. Internal documents show that he was determined to dismiss von Schleicher in 1933. However history had other plans. In late 1932 Hindenburg slipped and fell in his residence, sustaining a particularly nasty open fracture. Due to his advanced age the doctors were worried from the start. Hindenburg's health was rapidly deteriorating and by January 1933 it was in free fall. The Reichspräsident was only periodically lucid and it became obvious that he wouldn't survive the month.

    Bundesarchiv_Bild_136-B0228,_Kurt_von_Schleicher.jpg

    von Schleicher as Minister of Defense (1932)

    The unclear succession plunged the country in a political crisis. Most Republican parties were paralyzed, the National Socialists on the other hand were rallying their forces to take over after Hindenburg's death. They were loudly agitating for quick elections, certain that Hitler would easily win.

    Von Schleicher used this chaos to approach the SPD and the Unions. Painting a bleak future, with an imminent National Socialist takeover after Hindenburg's death, he was able to convince the party to back him "if the need for decisive action against the National Socialists should arise". This was important because the military arm of the SPD, the Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold, had more than 250.000 members. This manpower was needed to stabilize Germany in case of a Putsch because the Reichswehr itself was too small to guarantee full control over Germany.

    The Reichswehr itself was willing to back von Schleicher. Especially Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord the commanding officer of the Reichswehr urged von Schleicher to act.

    A small circle of officers quickly created a plan for a military takeover of the Weimar Republic. Eugen Ott, who had created a famous military planning exercise about a military takeover of the Weimar Republic, was the central figure in this small circle of planners. The support of the Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold and the assurance by the Unions that no General strike would happen, made the officers confident that their plan would work.

    The Death of Hindenburg
    On January 18, it became obvious that Hindenburg would die in the next 24 hours. This was the signal that started the Schleicher-Plan.

    Hitler was lured to Berlin under the guise of coalition negotiations for a new government. A group of Reichswehr soldiers disguised as Communists assaulted his Berlin residence, killing Hitler and most of his security detail.

    The Reichswehr then was hastily mobilized and quickly occupied key areas in Berlin, Munich, Cologne and Königsberg. Furthermore mixed groups of Police and Soldiers were used in harsh crackdowns against the KPD and Communist paramilitary formations. They encountered little organized resistance due to the swiftness of the operation and the absolute confusion that gripped Germany on the first day of the Schleicher Putsch.

    Thälmann, the leader of the KPD was killed by a Reichswehr formation on January 19, ending any Communist hopes to organize a sustainable resistance.

    The NSDAP was in the state of absolute confusion and shock. With Hitler dead, apparently killed by a Communist raid and with no clear successor chaos gripped the party. Some local branches of the SA mobilized on the initiative of local party leaders but without clear leadership or a clear enemy the SA was mostly inactive in the decisive first days of the Putsch.

    On January 20 the NSDAP still had no clear leadership. Police, SA and Communists clashed on the Streets, by and large the SA was still inactive thoug . Germany collectively held its breath, what would be the next step of Schleicher ?
     
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    2: The Schleicher Putsch
  • Anchises

    Banned
    The Diadochi
    The Death of Hitler had thrown the NSDAP into absolute chaos. By 1932 the whole party was built around Hitler's charismatic leadership. National Socialists fervently believed into the "Führerprinzip" and with the Führer apparently killed by Communists it seemed like the struggle was already lost. By January 20 the Reichswehr had seriously hampered communication between the local party organizations and there were several members claiming to be Hitler's heir.

    Ernst Röhm as commander of the SA fled to Eastern Prussia (1) once he received the news about Hitler's death. He holed himself up in a mansion of a fervently National Socialist Junker and started rallying troops. Using a core of experienced SA members he started forming his Volksheer, proclaiming that he would avenge the Führer by purging Germany from the communists and the reactionary officer class that lost the Great War. Reality quickly crushed these ambitious plans however, by January 26 he had rallied 2000 men around him, only around 1200 were sufficiently armed however. Ammunition stocks were dangerously low and supplying the men and horses with food proved to be difficult. According to his beliefs he quickly started to expropriate surrounding villages and estates. This quickly galvanized resistance, even from otherwise sympathetic Junkers. Eastern Prussia proved to be a lousy choice for realizing the National Bolshevik project that Röhm had in mind. Local Junkers were able to quickly rally small militias around them and by February the Volksheer was besieged by several well supplied and mobile Freikorps. The situation looked increasingly bleak for Röhm and his Soldiers...

    Hermann Göring started rallying troops around Frankfurt an der Oder and in Pommern (2). Using his upper class connections and his fame as a fighter ace he cooperated with the local bourgeoisie and the Pomeranian Junkers. He was more successful than Röhm but still wasn't able to recruit and successfully supply an army that would be able to march on Berlin. By February he had shaky control over Pomerania and Frankfurt an der Oder but lacked the strength to march on Berlin, which was heavily fortified by Schleicher's troops. Heinrich Himmler became his Second in Command but had very little real power.

    Joseph Goebbels accompanied by Robert Ley and Rudolf Heß basically were refugees at this point. Hiding at various local branches of the NSDAP, constantly hunted by the Police and a dedicated Reichswehr task force. They failed to rally a significant number of SA members. Most SA members were either trying to reach Göring or Röhm, which proved to be increasingly difficult due to the relatively stable control that the Reichswehr had over the railway system and major roads. Neither Göring nor Röhm were able to utilize the full potential of the SA, a lot of the members either were arrested on their way to the Eastern strongholds of the NSDAP or joined the reactionary Freikorps supporting Schleicher. The major discipline problems of the SA and the unfavorably situation that the NSDAP was in after the Schleicher Putsch were too much for the SA. Despite their delusions of grandeur most of the SA was a glorified band of thugs good enough for street fights but not up to the challenge of a civil war.

    The Left was deeply splintered at this point. Killing Thälmann was a double edged sword. Central Leadership of the Communists was gone after that point but this caused an uncontrollable wave of strikes and insurrections by Communist Unions and the remnants of the KPD. Schleicher's hope that his alliance with the SPD and the moderate Union would lead to a relatively quiet situation in the Ruhr district and other working class strongholds was not fulfilled. Parts of the SPD electorate ignored the directions of the SPD leadership, joining the Communists or staging their own protests and insurrections. The Reichsbanner also failed to fully mobilize. Only a small part supported Schleicher's troops directly. The larger part of the Reichsbanner either never mobilized or acted independently against scattered SA holdouts in West and Central Germany.

    The Prussian Augustus
    After January 20, it quickly turned out that the Putsch had not gone as smooth as von Schleicher hoped. The death of Thälmann and Hitler had prevented the large scale Civil War many had feared but the situation wasn't far from stable. Parts of the Bureaucracy and Police were not following orders from Berlin, by now secure under Schleicher's control. Most of them did though and even ardent Republican holdouts where slowly accepting that Schleicher's military rule was preferable to the Fascists or Communists.

    The situation in the Ruhr District and in the Eastern Provinces was still delicate though. By now the Reichswehr was supported by Reactionary Freikorps and parts of the Reichsbanner, well armed with secret weapons acquired for a quick rearmament of Germany. Schleicher however had to devote significant parts of his troops to securing the border against Poland and France, fearing foreign intervention. Furthermore he had legitimate fears that the Reichswehr might not fight against National Socialists. Rounding up drunken SA members marauding eastwards was one thing, fighting National Socialists lead by a Hero from the Great War was an entirely different one.

    So Schleicher decided to devote his forces to crushing the rebellious Socialists and Communists, while remaining mostly passive in the East, only securing the border and Königsberg.

    By February the campaign to pacify the Ruhr district was going well and Röhm's idiotic behavior had driven East Prussia into Schleicher's arms. Göring however was a danger and threatening moves by Poland and other neighbours made it obvious that Schleicher had to stabilize the situation quickly.

    (1) Eastern Prussia had a high percentage of NSDAP voters and lots of rural areas to hide. Being disconnected from the rest of Germany, it seems like a decent choice to start a Guerilla/Militia war against a superior foe. Reaching the rest of Germany would be problematic but I guess Röhm here has experienced a weird mix of realism and idealism. He hoped for a nationwide National Bolshevik Revolution once he controlled Königsberg but planned to create his little National Bolshevik paradise in Eastern Prussia.

    (2) Also very National Socialist provinces. Berlin is not an option so Göring instead fled to Frankfurt an der Oder. With a mix of cunning, charisma and bravado he overwhelmed the local Police with a modest force of SA men loyal to him. Himmler joins him because he hasn't a power base of his own and his beliefs are more compatible with Göring's reactionary nepotism than with Röhm's Nationonal Bolshevik ideas.
     
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    2.0: A Schleicher Putsch rework
  • Anchises

    Banned
    Tohuwabohu: The Schleicher Putsch
    Handbuch der Großdeutschen Geschichte, Kapitel 67: Kurt von Schleicher und der Beginn der Diktatur (2004)
    The Schleicher Putsch is a bitterly debated topic among German Historians. Different schools of historical thought don't even agree that it really was a Putsch. There is an influential school that rates the event as a short Civil War, however this view is shared by a minority of Historians. Regardless of the terminology, the events of January 18 and the chaos that followed shaped German and European history.

    Timeline of the Events:

    January 18:


    Hindenburg's condition becomes critical. His private physicians estimate that he will die within 24 hours. Von Schleicher, who at this point had full control over the Reichswehr, sets the "Augustus Plan" in motion.

    Adolf Hitler receives a call by von Schleicher, he offers Hitler the Chancellorship and proposes a broad cooperation between the NSDAP and the Reichswehr, to "restore order and lead Germany to glory". Hitler is initially skeptical but is certain that he can leverage his skyrocketing popularity to push von Schleicher out of the Presidency. Quickly organizing a plane he arrives in Berlin in the evening. He is welcomed at the airport by von Schleicher and a small cadre of Reichswehr Officers. Hitler is briefed about the situation and around midnight he retreats to his Berlin residence. Unbeknownst to him he is shadowed and around 4 am a squad of Reichswehr soldiers dressed as Communists invades his home and kills him and most of his security detail. Two of Hitler's SS guards manage to flee the scene but are quickly arrested by the Police.

    The Reichswehr and Police formations loyal to von Schleicher use the cover of the night to cut critical communication lines in Germany. Radio stations, weapon caches, the Reichsbank and several other critical government buildings are quickly occupied.

    January 19:

    Police and Reichswehr conduct a joint crackdown on Communist elements in Berlin. Prepared lists with Communists, National Socialists and suspected sympathizers are handed out. Social Democrats and members of Unions associated with the SPD are notably absent. Ernst Thälmann, Herbert Wehner, Walter Ulbricht and the rest of the Central Committee of the KPD are summarily executed near the Karl-Liebknecht-Haus. The only survivor is Wilhelm Pieck who is taken into protective custody. He reveals secret weapons caches and hideouts of the KPD to his Reichswehr handlers. (1)

    Using Pieck's information and the prepared lists a massive wave of arrests kills any organized resistance in the Capital in the cradle. By evening the Capital is safely in von Schleicher's hands. Most National Socialists are simply arrested, while several Communists or suspected KPD sympathizers are killed or severely beaten.

    Around noon a prepared statement from von Schleicher is broadcasted all over the Reich. In this statement von Schleicher announces the death of Hindenburg and his succession to the Presidency. He also announces that a KPD death squad killed Adolf Hitler during negotiations to form a new Government. Declaring a State of Emergency Schleicher suspended fundamental rights like Freedom of Assembly and enacted a nation wide curfew.Closing his statement von Schleicher urges all able bodied and patriotic Germans to join the Reichswehr in defending the Reich against the Communist uprising.

    January 20:


    Communication between different parts of the country is exceedingly hard due to actions of the Reichswehr in the night of the 18th. Parties and paramilitary formations are unable to formulate a coordinated response above the local level. Local groups are forced to take a stance without knowing the position of the central leadership.

    Overview of the situation:

    Virtually all of the German Police quickly accepted von Schleicher's authority.

    The same is basically true for the Bureaucracy. Some mayors successfully refuse cooperation with the Reichswehr but this is a local phenomenon.

    The overwhelming majority of the Stahlhelm and other reactionary formations quickly joins the Reichswehr. These groups quickly form Freikorps who are neatly integrated into the command structure of the Reichswehr. The DNVP leadership decides to back von Strasser due to a lack of alternatives.

    Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold formations remained mostly inactive due to secret negotiations between von Schleicher and the SPD. In rare cases local formations either joined the Reichswehr/Freikorps or Leftist Insurgents. The SPD leadership remains inactive, they have negotiated a secret deal with von Schleicher.

    SA
    and NSDAP quickly splinter:

    Eastern Prussia: Walter Stennes starts rallying SA men still loyal to him. He is able to quickly fill the power vacuum that Hitler's death opened and uses his old connections to maximum effect. He proclaims that the"National Revolution" has started, due to the unreliable communications his efforts are mostly limited to Eastern Prussia despite his influence in other provinces like Pommern.

    Bundesarchiv_Bild_119-2608,_Walther_Hinkler-Stennes.jpg

    Walter Stennes

    Bavaria: Most so called "Old Comrades" quickly flee to Bavaria, in the following days they manage to coordinate with each other, founding the "Nationalsozialistische Völkische Republik Bayern" (NVRB). Their goal is to secede from Germany, to achieve true National Socialism in Bavaria. Ernst Röhm quickly emerges as the leader of the NVRB due to his control over the SA formations in South Germany. The Bavarian SA is renamed to "Volkswehr" and SA men from all over South Germany are marching towards Bavaria.

    Bundesarchiv_Bild_102-15282A,_Ernst_Röhm.jpg

    Ernst Röhm

    In the other parts of Germany: SA leaders decide on a local basis. Some directly join the emerging Freikorps, others serve as more independent auxiliary troops for the Reichswehr, and some SA formations outright degrade into bands of looters pledging loose allegiance to Stennes or Röhm.

    The KPD has no central leadership after the crackdown in Berlin. Local leaders either join the simmering insurrections in the Ruhr area or are quickly arrested in the following days.

    One has to keep in mind that Germany as a whole was engulfed by chaos by the 20th. People used the chaos for political murder, to settle rivalries or to enrich themselves. All over Germany people are killed for political and personal reasons, demonstrations and street fights are happening despite an explicit ban on assemblies and stores and warehouses are looted by opportunists.

    January 21-27:

    Chaos engulfs most areas of the Reich for 2-3 days. By January 24 the situation has calmed down in most areas except for Eastern Prussia, Bavaria and the Ruhr area. More than 400 people are killed in various street battles, political murders and crimes.

    Suspected Communists are arrested in areas that the Schleicher Putsch directly controls. In the Ruhr area wild strikes and armed resistance are culminating into a short lived leftist/communist insurrection. This insurrection has no centralized leadership and no clear program beyond resisting the Putsch and the Military. The worker resistance is hopelessly outgunned and police and Reichswehr are brutally ending the insurrection. By January 26 the Ruhr area is mostly pacified, more than a thousand workers were killed and circa three thousand are arrested.

    In Eastern Prussia the by now called Stennes Revolution is running out of steam. Initially Stennes managed to gather more than thousand SA men. Looting thinly disguised as "expropriating for the Revolutionary cause" and aimless political murders quickly galvanize resistance. Local Junkers quickly assemble Freikorps to hunt Stennes and his so called "pillaging Landsknechte", in coordination with arriving Reichswehr troops Stennes and his army are beaten in a number of skirmishes. Desertions, deaths and injuries have reduced the number of men fit for use too under 700 and munition and food supplies are quickly dwindling. Stennes begins secret talks with Reichswehr officers.

    The NVRB has more success. Röhm is able to gather more than 3000 men, not all of them are equipped with firearms but a sizeable number is. An offensive to capture Munich is quickly beaten back by the Reichswehr and Police but on the countryside the Volkswehr actually manages to beat the Reichswehr in several engagements. Röhm is a somewhat competent commander but the constant power plays of his subordinate leaders, the "Old Comrades" seriously undermines any effort of building a state.

    January 28-31:

    Stennes manages to negotiate a deal with the Putschists. A generous payment for himself, immunity for him and his men and a guaranteed job for the rebellious SA men convinces Stennes and his men to lay down their weapons. (2)

    In Bavaria things are starting to deteriorate for the Nazis. More and more Reichswehr battalions are flooding in from pacified areas. Outgunned and with dwindling ammunition supplies Röhm and his men are increasingly under pressure.

    February 1-5:

    Röhm is killed in a battle on February 2nd.

    Franz Ritter von Epp tries to assume leadership of the NVRB but only around a third of the remaining troops follows him, while the others are joining other old comrades. At this point roving bands of Volkswehr insurgents are starting to fight each other while avoiding the Reichswehr.

    Ritter von Epp capitulates with his men on February the 4th, most other old comrades either flee to Austria or commit suicide. The ones choosing to flee will be discussed in the chapter about Austria.

    On the 5th the von Schleicher government is in control over the Reich.

    (1): Pieck allegedly ratted out his Comrades during the Spartakus uprising. Consider this a fact ITTL. He rats out his Comrades again to stay alive during the Schleicher Putsch.

    (2): The man was an ice cold opportunist. His Stennes revolt might have been motivated by money that the Brünning Government payed him and in 1949 he returned from exile and tried to be classified as a victim of national socialism. His "Revolution" was merely an opportunity he used. Some easy looting and a nice payment to stop it.
     
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