The Eternal Empire: Emperor Maurice dies before being overthrown

Part 8: The Lost Decade
Part 8: The Lost Decade​

Justinian II had only a single child, a son named Maurice who was born in 639. The Emperor didn’t even see the boy until he was three, and had barely spent time with him, or Theodora, the Empress he had married in 638. While it was likely that Justinian would have invested Maurice with Imperial titles eventually, he had not done so when plague struck the Emperor dead.

The boy was however declared Augustus in 643. Obviously a four year old cannot hold real authority, so a regency council was set up, headed by Gregorious, the cousing of the last three Emperors, and the brother of the briefly mentioned first wife of Constantine IV, and the Exarch of Africa. He left the post to a trusted general named Gennadius and departed for Constantinople as soon as he got the news.

Gregorious took charge rapidly, and set about securing his position immediately. Theodora was exiled to convent in Italy, and many of Justinian’s former ministers were soon gone as well. In their place men from Africa were appointed, angering many inside the capital.

Gregorious was not interested in being a mere regent however, and had himself declared Caesar. Soon afterward he was crowned Augustus. In early 644 his wife bore a son, and soon afterward Maurice was found dead. Messages went out that Gregorious was now the sole Emperor. He did not get the answers he expected, which is to say complete and immediate fealty. Gregorious’s regime had been viewed with suspicion by the Danube commanders, and he had sent no support the army of Anatolia.

Their generals, Thomas the Armenian and George of Amorium were hailed Augustus by their troops, and were soon marching on Constantinople. I mentioned last time that of the five old field armies only three remained. One was posted in Egypt to defend against further Arab attack, one was kept near the capital, and one was posted to Anatolia. Thus, the army marching from the East was the full field army of Anatolia, while the Danube troops were the local defense forces, and their march south would not go unnoticed by the Bulgars.

Thomas the Armenian naturally arrived first, setting up camp outside of the city in 645. He rapidly set about putting his soldiers in contact with city guards, and after a few days of negotiations one of the guards took a bribe, allowing Danube soldiers into the city, where they entered the palace and murdered Gregorious. Thomas was declared Augustus on April 3, 645.

Immediately however problems emerged. The Imperial field army had been across the Hellespont in Honorius when the Danube forces arrived, and had not moved quickly enough to confront Thomas. But they refused to recognize the new Emperor, instead elevating their own commander, John of Lazika to Augustus.

John was a friend to the man in command of the Imperial fleet, and at night in June 645 Admiral Manuel ferried five thousand men across the Hellespont and into the capital. Thomas was murdered in the palace and John was recognized as Augustus the next day. Note, that for the purposes of numbering our Emperors only one of these men will ever be recognized as Emperor.

John was in place less than a month when George’s army arrived inside Bithynia. He personally led the battle that followed as the two Imperial armies clashed. We know little of the battle that followed, only that at the end John was dead, his army had surrendered, and George was declared Emperor.

George was in place all of six months when word arrived that the Egyptian army was in revolt. The general of the Egyptian Army, Cyrus of Rhodes had been a partisan of Gregorious, and so declared himself in revolt when word of his assassination came. George gathered his men and prepared to sail to Egypt, but Admiral Manuel despised him, and so when George tried to sail away the Admiral had a heavy iron ball tied to the Emperor, and threw him into the Aegean.

Cyrus arrived in Constantinople in 646 and had himself declared Augustus.

For a time the Romans hoped normality was returning, and Cyrus reigned for a full year. But his time in Egypt had left him a firm believer in the compromise religion which still was in place in the province. When he tried to change the liturgy of the Chalcedonian services in Constantinople the Archbishop had him excommunicated. Cyrus’s bodyguards were all Chalcedonians, and when the mob came for him they did not resist. Cyrus was murdered on June 7, 647.

In his place was elevated a man named Probus, about whom we know very little. He doesn’t appear to have held any major commands, nor to have made much of a name for himself in any other field. It doesn’t matter however as Probus would be dead of fever sixteen weeks after being declared Augustus.

His death left a power vacuum at the top. Five men had now worn the purple in less then three years, and none of them had lasted very long. Their supporters and family were each purged in turn, and with the three field armies now all having had their commanders take the purple only to lose it there were few senior men ready to fill the role of Emperor. One finally emerged when Isaac, the Exarch of Ravenna declared himself Augustus, and departed Italy in July 647. Word of his elevation was met by the new commanders of the field armies, and once again the Roman people settled down for infighting. Isaac arrived at the capital with twenty-five thousand men raised from Italy, mostly mercenaries from Beneventum and the Exarchate troops. He met the forces of the Anatolian field army in August, and defeated them, then did the same to the Capital’s army.

Seeing the way the winds were blowing the Egyptian army murdered their commander and sent his head to Constantinople as a show of loyalty.

Isaac was officially recognized as Augustus on August 22, 647. The new Emperor rapidly set about consolidating his position, putting able men in charge of the armies and sending them back out to their posts. He also organized a planned attack on the Caliphate when word came that the Arabs had besieged Nisibis and Dara while Imperial attention was focused inward. For eighteen months Isaac set about preparing a new dynasty. But then in March 649 he had a stroke, and died.

His son, also named Isaac was elevated to the purple, and he tried to continue his father’s plans. Inn 650 he led an army into Armenia, and then down and toward the two fortresses, which by now had been forced to surrender. The Battle of Dara was fought on May 8, 650. It was a crushing Roman defeat. Isaac was completely inexperienced, and lost nearly fifteen thousand men against the hardened Arab army. The Romans fled back into the mountains, the Arabs on their heels. Isaac was murdered by his own officers two days later.

Using local knowledge the new Roman commander, Gregoryy of Armenia managed to put together a smaller army and inflict a defeat on the pursuing Arab forces, driving them out of the mountains once again. He did not risk another campaign south however. For now the Romans would have to wait and watch for signs of weakness. For his victory Gregory was declared Augustus by his men on June 3, 650. He returned to Constantinople, but rumors had filtered back that he had actually deserted Isaac on the field, and that was why the Emperor had lost.

This was not idle speculation either. You will recall it was exactly what had gotten Heraklanos into power, and a second such rumor set the city on edge. Gregory was murdered by a plot of the city’s elite on February 25, 651.

Immediately a single man put his foot down. Manuel had been the key force behind the murder of at least two usurpers, and had had enough. The admiral of the Imperial fleet already controlled access to the city, and used his naval power to seize the city itself on February 28, 651. Soon afterward he was declared Augustus, and we will now refer to him as Manuel I.

The civil war was not over however. News of Isaacs death had seen the Duke of Benevento declare himself independent and try to invade Calabria. Manuel gathered the remains of the Anatolian and Constantinople field armies and fused them into a single army, the Tagmata, before sailing to Italy. The Duke’s army was beaten in a battle near Reggio, and the man fled back to Beneventum, the Emperor following. Over the next three months the duchy was steadily overcome by Imperial forces, and the duke was besieged.

Hoping to spare themselves the Emperor’s wrath the population of Beneventum mutinied, opening the gates for the Roman army. Manuel’s forces stormed the city, sacking it and capturing the Duke and his family, who were all murdered. Key to Manuel’s victory had been forces sent by the Duke of Spoleto, who was happy to stab his fellow Lombard duke in the back. As a reward he was given control of most of Campania. The former territory of Beneventum was organized into new provinces, and due to the now lack of foreign threat to Italy Manuel took the momentous step of simply abolishing the Exarchate of Ravenna completely. Italy would be reformed into two new Diocese, one in the north with headquarters at Ravenna, and one in the south headquartered at Taretum.

Finally, in May 654 Manuel sailed back to the capital to properly begin his reign as the sole master of the Roman Empire. He would be the first Emperor of the Thalassan dynasty, which would rule more or less interrupted for the next six hundred years. The longest of any dynasty in the history of the Empire. Along the way it would preside over victories, defeats, the lowest lows, and some of the highest highs in Roman history.

The decade of civil war was from any metric, a complete disaster for the Empire. Thousands of soldiers were dead. The treasury, already depleted by the decade before, was now completely empty. Manuel, upon returning to the city to take stock of his finances is said to have commented that if he had to rub two coins together to keep warm he would instead have to die of cold.

The Arabs were once again on the offensive in the East, with raids having smashed through the Cilician Gate while the soldiers were away, and more raids having penetrated Egypt in the south. In the North the Bulgars had crossed the Danube and looted and burned their way across Moesia.

The new Emperor had a lot of work to do if he was to stop the ongoing collapse.
 
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This decade made the crisis of the third century look like a mild inconvenience.

600 years is a long time for a Dynasty, perhaps they're be the Capetians of TTL, with their cadet branches sprouting a forest of rulers across Europe.
 
This decade made the crisis of the third century look like a mild inconvenience.

600 years is a long time for a Dynasty, perhaps they're be the Capetians of TTL, with their cadet branches sprouting a forest of rulers across Europe.
Note it doesn’t say the same blood family. The actual bloodline from father to son will be gone before the dynasty is gone.


I suppose the Thalassan dynasty is the Macedonian dynasty analogue ITTL?
I think the Kommenoi would be the close analogue.
 
Part 9: Of the Sea
Part IX: Of the Sea​

We ended last time with a mention of how dire the military situation was for the Empire, with Arab raiders penetrating both Anatolia and Egypt, and Bulgars sweeping across Moesia. This, if anything, paints a rather rosy picture. The Empire had few soldiers, no cash, and desperately needed both.

Manuel, with a practical mind therefore turned to the one source of gold never tapped by an Emperor. The Church. He called the Patriarch of Constantinople to meet him in the palace, and hammered out a religious edict, which was forwarded onto Rome for papal approval, along with a personal plea from both the Emperor and the Patriarch about how desperate the situation as. The Pope sent back his agreement rapidly, with the expectation that all would be restored when the immediate danger had passed.

And so, in 954 Imperial soldiers, priests, slaves, and craftsmen visited every church in the city, and departed for churches in other parts of the Empire. Every bit of gold that could be removed was, including the Hagia Sophia being stripped virtually bare. Coins were minted by the tens of thousands, and the refugees that had flooded into Constantinople were searched for able-bodied men, who were immediately conscripted into the army. He trained and drilled his army relentlessly, making sure that priests were sent through the ranks daily, giving sermons and reminding the men of why they were fighting, to defend Christendom from the heathens.

The first target were the Arabs. Getting Anatolia back under control, and driving the raiders our of Egypt was of utmost importance. The former admiral sent his son, Anastasius, along with the entire Roman fleet to raid and pillage the coastline of Syria and Palaestina, to draw whatever forces back to defend their homes as he could. It is here that our first references to liquid fire are mentioned, as the Romans mounted spigots of the weapon on ships, and turned them on docks and trade ships in harbors that were attacked.

Anastasius arrived at Cyprus in 655, and set up a headquarters there. His campaign was carefully planned, and soon the fleet departed for Caesarea. Dozens of Roman ships fought their way into the city, burning and looting as they went. The Arab garrison was captured as it tried to organize, and the population of the city were herded onto the ships at sword-point if necessary. By the time any real response could be organized Caesarea was in flames, and thousands of people were gone. Ascalon was hit next, where a similar situation played out. After that however Anastasius returned to Cyprus with his loot and prisoners, sending the former Roman citizens back to Constantinople and keeping the Arabs n the island as prisoners.

By now the Caliphate was well-aware that the Romans were again on the offensive, and the raids were scaled back to try and defend the coast from Roman attack. But the Arabs had no fleet, and their attempts to build one in Tripoli were interrupted when the Roman fleet arrived and burned their efforts to ash. Despite the efforts to defend their coast the Arab raid into Anatolia of 655 still penetrated deeply into the Diocese of Pontus, reaching to Pessinius before the Emperor arrived. There the forty thousand Romans faced off against twenty-thousand Arabs. Manuel attempted an encirclement but his efforts failed in the face of the more experienced Arab soldiers. Despite this, the Arabs were forced to withdraw the field in defeat, and retreated out of Anatolia for now.

In 656 however the raiders returned, but this time were met near Tyana, again by the numerically superior Roman force. Once again fighting was inconclusive, but the Arabs were forced to withdraw. The Romans pursued, and caught up with the Arabs at the Cilician Gate. There a major battle was fought, and this time the highly motivated Roman army was able to deal a significant defeat the Arabs, capturing nearly three thousand prisoners, and freeing hundreds of Arab captives. The treasures the Arabs carried, originally taken from the Roman people, were divided up amongst the army to keep the soldiers loyal.

Before the 657 campaign began however word came from the Caliphate. Caliph Umar was dead, and a new leader was being selected. Arab envoys arrived with gold and a five year truce, looking to buy peace with the Romans. Manuel, still looking over his shoulder toward Thrace agreed readily. In exchange for five hundred pounds of gold per year, ten horses, and a prisoner exchange the peace went into effect. Thousands of people changed hands in the swap, including all the Arabs taken in Anastasius’s raids.

The Arabs dealt with Manuel whirled his army around and raced back toward the capital, crossing the Hellespont near the new year, and settling into winter quarters there. More men were raised from the returned prisoners and liberated citizens of Roman towns in the East, and when spring came Manuel departed Constantinople with an army that again numbered forty-thousand. He also sent envoys north to the Khazars with the first year’s payment from the Arabs, and induced the Khazar khan to strike at Bulgar positions in the north.

This done the Emperor set out for Nicopolis, where he set up a base and sent his cavalry out to patrol for Bulgar raiders. The raids came, and the Emperor went out to meet them, facing the Bulgar khan near Dorostratum. The Romans lost, with the Emperor being forced to withdraw back toward the south, but critically the army stayed together. The Bulgars pursued, and the Emperor entered the Hemus mountains to escape them. Despite this the Bulgars persisted, to their doom. The Romans were familiar with the mountain passes, and lured the Bulgars into one, which they blocked with stones. Forces left behind then blocked the far side of the pass, and Roman soldiers rained missiles down upon the Bulgars.

The khan was forced to give up and negotiate for his men to be set free. Manuel offered him good terms, but required the khan to sign a truce with the Romans, and return captives. He also offered a stipend to the Bulgars if they did not attack. The khan agreed and withdrew back across the Danube.

Despite this victory however, the Emperor knew the Bulgars would be back, and would not fall for that trick a second time. And so rather than returning the refugees and prisoners to Moesia he took an alternative. Constantinople’s population had ballooned as refugees fled south, and those taken by the naval raids had been brought to the capital as well. It was around half a million, which without the dedicated grain shipments from Egypt, which had seen its production plummet under Arab raiding, was impossible to sustain.

Fifty thousand people were gathered at spearpoint, put on boats, and sailed to Italy. They were largely settled in Tuscani, as an attempt to make the region functional again. Others were sent to Beneventum to dilute the local Lombards. These new holdings were placed under strict Imperial control, with residents completely forbidden to ever sale or otherwise leave their land. Manuel intended for the region to recover economically, and that would never happen if the farmers could depart. Another wave followed, of about twenty-five thousand. These people were settled, or returned, to Anatolia where they would normally take up raising sheep, as the flocks could be hidden and moved if more raids arrived.

Moesia instead was settled by soldiers from Manuel’s campaign, who would serve as a constantly armed militia, working land when they could, and fighting the Bulgars if necessary. Some historians label this group in Moesia as the first theme, but that system would wait until Anastasius’s turn on the throne to be established.

With peace abroad in place Manuel turned to administrative matters he had put off. The Roman tax system was in shambles. Collectors had been unable to go to Anatolia or Egypt for most of the past decade, and so revenues had declined precipitously. Manuel sent out tax collectors with a zeal, trying to get whatever he could gather to pay the army. Eventually he did managed to set the Empire back on some financial footing, restoring a total revenue of about three million nomismata per year. An impressive figure until you remember this was only about sixty-percent what had been collected just a century before. The decline in revenue meant the Emperor was unable to fulfill his promise to restore the Empire’s churches in his lifetime, nor would his immediate descendants.

The Emperor had barely had time to get his administrative affairs in order when the truce with the Arabs expired. Raids resumed immediately, and the Emperor once again left the capital, this time for Egypt. With him he took the veteran core of the army that had fought the Arabs and the Bulgars, about twenty-thousand men. This army had been complete amateurs just a few years before, but now were hardened and ready to resume the war against the heathens of the East.

They also looked forward to the paydays their previous victories had brought, but the sources assure religious fervor was the primary motivation.

Egypt was, to put it simply, a chaotic mess. Farms and towns were burned, lawlessness was rampant, and Imperial authority was in tatters. Increasingly the people had turned to the authority of the Church, and Chalcedonian Christianity, to save them from what the local priests blamed on the old monophysite heresy.

Th Emperor’s arrival, along with his army, brought things back under some degree of control. The Emperor personally being on the scene in Egypt hadn’t happened in twenty years now, and the population thought that maybe things were going to go back to normal.

They were sorely disappointed. The first thing that the Emperor did in Alexandria was march into the Church of Saint Mark, pointed his officers to the gold that decorated the building, and soldiers marched in to strip it bare. The Alexandrians almost rioted, but were barely mollified when their archbishop assured them it was all in service of God, and that indeed not using wealth given to God to defend his kingdom was far greater sacrilege.

That the Emperor bore a letter with the signature and seal of both the pope and patriarch of Constantinople, both of whom had already done what was being asked of Alexandria likely mollified the man. Even still, the Emperor departed Alexandria as quickly as possible, gathering supplies and more men wherever he could. One of the important sources of these soldiers were the Ghassanids, who had been waging a private war against the Muslims in the Sinai, with Roman backing when possible. On the border the fortresses of Pelusiumand Clymsa still held firm, but both were easily bypassed by the Arab raiders. The cities acted less as barriers to raids, and more as barriers to return as soldiers from the fortresses conducted counter-raids on returning parties of Arabs, stealing back as much treasure and freeing what prisoners they could.

Manuel approved of these strategies, and left additional men to garrison the forts before returning to Babylon in central Egypt. There he waited for the Arab raids for the year.

They came on schedule, under the command of a general named Mu’awiya, who had previously led successful attacks into both Persia and Anatolia. Mu’awiya led a force of fifteen thousand, and came out of the north, bypassing Pelusium and heading for the Nile. The Emperor sallied from Babylon, and met the Arab force near Bilbies, where the Roman veterans drove back the now less experienced Arab forces.

Ghassanid foederate troops harassed the retreating Arabs, who suddenly found their way blocked by the four thousand man garrison of Pelusium. Realizing the mistake he had made Mu’awiya tried to deal, but Manuel was no interested. His army caught the Arabs in the trap, and scattered them. Mu’awiya himself was killed, and the raiding army was destroyed.

Afterward the Muslims again contacted the Emperor, and arranged another five year truce. This time offering seven hundreds pounds of gold per year, and fifteen horses. Manuel accepted, and went home taking most of his army with him, and leaving the rest to garrison the border provinces of the Diocese.

The Romans did not know it of course, but Mu’awiya’s raid had been largely a show of force, an attempt to win legitimacy for his own claim to power, as preparation to make a bid for the Caliphate himself. That attempt had failed disastrously, but back in Syria the situation causing his actions had not. The tribes were agitating against the rule of the Caliphs, and what is called in Arabic the First Fitna was underway

The causes of the various Fitnas that plagued the Caliphates over the years are varied, but most come down to the simple fact that for the majority of Arab history the tribes had been mostly independent, and now that a central power was trying to force them to follow orders the local leaders chafed at this change. They didn’t object to that central power in theory of course, so long as that person was picked by God, but with the death of Umar the last of the men who could seriously claim to be direct comrades of Muhammud had died, leaving the question of leadership open. The tribal leaders looked around and largely came to the conclusion that God’s logical picked successor was themselves. And those who did not backed whoever was the most powerful or who promised them the most.

That had been Mu’awiya, who had the largest base of support, and a good military record. But suddenly he was dead, and his army was gone. Clearly God hadn’t picked Mu’awiya at all, and so a lively debate would be required to determine who had been.

Civil war was the natural result. The Fitna would last for seven years, and give the Romans much needed breathing room to get back on stable footing.

Manuel himself would not live to see it however. In 667, two years into the second five year truce Manuel I Thalassa died. He was sixty-three years old, and had been Emperor for sixteen successful years. Manuel I was a great Emperor. He took a weak, divided, and broke Empire and managed to keep it together when it by all rights should have fallen apart.

He did not save the Roman Empire, that job would be left to his successors. But he did force the state to keep functioning, and win much needed time for the Romans to save themselves. The reality was that the Fitna was just a sign of things to come, and every year that the Arabs didn’t finish the Romans off was one more year that the inevitable drew closer. Its been said looking back on this period that the Caliphate could never have destroyed the Empire, and this might well be true. But it didn’t mean the Arabs couldn’t have simply picked up the pieces and let the Romans destroy it themselves.

Thanks to Manuel I that didn’t happen, and the pieces instead were held, if only barely, together.
 
So the would be first would be Umayyad Caliph is dead. Is the family of Ali still alive? Will be interesting to see who asserts control with no dominant forces left in the Muslim Empire.

Romans have bought themselves a lot of breathing room.
 
So how will these changes affect other nations of Europe at this time like the Franks or Anglo Saxons?
The Franks and Saxon’s will have dedicated updates about a century hence. Long story short though, the conquest of northern Italy is about equivalent to OTL Dagobert’s intervention in Gothic Spain, the last major power play of the Merovingingans. The dynasty will enter decline from here on before being usurped.

The Anglo-Saxons are at the moment not really affected.


Is the family of Ali still alive?
Yes.
 
The Franks and Saxon’s will have dedicated updates about a century hence. Long story short though, the conquest of northern Italy is about equivalent to OTL Dagobert’s intervention in Gothic Spain, the last major power play of the Merovingingans. The dynasty will enter decline from here on before being usurped.

That's expected given how much instability Salic Law causes in practice.
 
Another great set of updates. Any chance of the Berber tribes coming under Constantinople's sway even as mercenaries? Also is Donatism still an influence in North Africa?
 
Maybe I am just used to shit show of fall of the Western empire but the emperors we have followed haven't seemed that bad
They weren't compared to some of the truly awful emperors that have ruled the Romans. But that was mostly true of this period OTL as well. From Tiberius II through OTL's Constanntine IV the Emperors were mostly capable of doing the job and not overly sadistic. TTL's Heraklanos was the former, not so much the latter. TTL's Justinian II was mostly both, but suffered from skewed priorities. The Romans of this time period were, civil wars excepted pretty good about getting a decent heir.
 
It's more like Phokas fucked up first, then the Heraclians tried to fixed things but still fucked up but not as big.
In the case of OTL, I disagree. Heracleus fucked things more than Phokas did. But that is up to discussion.

In this timeline however, they fucked things up entirely by going into Game of Thrones mode.Their eagerness to backstab each other and plunge the empire into the worst circumstances is just legendary.
 
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They weren't compared to some of the truly awful emperors that have ruled the Romans. But that was mostly true of this period OTL as well. From Tiberius II through OTL's Constanntine IV the Emperors were mostly capable of doing the job and not overly sadistic. TTL's Heraklanos was the former, not so much the latter. TTL's Justinian II was mostly both, but suffered from skewed priorities. The Romans of this time period were, civil wars excepted pretty good about getting a decent heir.
yeah they seem like decent Emperors if they had kept their back stabbing tendencies in check but what's a little Roman tradition among friends, comrades, and family.
 
Their eagerness to backstab each other and plunge the empire into worst circumstances is just legendary.
yeah they seem like decent Emperors if they had kept their back stabbing tendencies in check but what's a little Roman tradition among friends, comrades, and family.
This is loosely based on the actual infighting between Heraclius’s OTL heirs, only here they were older rather than still teenagers. The OTL Enperor Heraklanos was the first one to be physically mutilated rather than killed he was removed from power. Here the Romans aren’t that “enlightened.”

Yet.
 
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