The Eternal Empire: Emperor Maurice dies before being overthrown

Justin III seems like the type of Emperor who will be forgotten in history, one who does the hard work, grinding out small victories, but overshadowed by more glamorous figures like his Wife and this new Frankish King.

Will be very interesting to see what Louis' justification for the Emperorship, an Emperor of the Franks is obviously less prestigious but is there still the pretense of equality with the Roman Emperor?
 
This would be Louis the Pious seeking a bride for his son right?
This is one of the two leaders ITTL who will be the closest to Charlemagne, Louis Magnus. He's about the same generation as Louis the Pious, but less...well pious.

Justin III seems like the type of Emperor who will be forgotten in history, one who does the hard work, grinding out small victories, but overshadowed by more glamorous figures like his Wife and this new Frankish King.

Will be very interesting to see what Louis' justification for the Emperorship, an Emperor of the Franks is obviously less prestigious but is there still the pretense of equality with the Roman Emperor?

Louis's justificiation is that he has 50,000 battle-hardened veterans under his banner right now, more he can call up, and at the moment his army would stomp the Romans flat if they refuse. I.E. the basis of all Imperial claims.

Well not exactly, but the Romans really aren't capable of stopping him if he decides to be hostile to Constantinople and say...invade Italy. But Louis really doesn't want war with Constantinople, since they are fellow Christians and he's been fighting pagans most of his life and sees no particular reason to stop simply because he's gotten older. So his offer is basically, give me an Imperial title as Emperor of the Franks, give my son an Imperial bride; and in exchange I'll put the Bulgars in their place. As the Romans really, really want this war to be over this is a pretty solid deal from his perspective. And...well like I said, the Romans really can't do anything to stop him if his priorities changed.
 
A Frankish Roman alliance? Sounds like an unstoppable team up. Are the Franks borders roughly the same as OTL at this time?
Close, but with several of the tribute states annexed, and without Corsica, Central Italy, or any of Spain. The Franks are also a bit more centralized than they were OTL at this stage and with a more Roman style administration in place.
Louis’s primary goal in getting the title is that he’ll be able to crown his oldest son Emperor, and have him inherit everything, which will be a rather unwelcome move back in Frankia as you might imagine. But an alliance with Constantinople (that is to say against the Bulgars who are the biggest hostile threat to him) will both secure Roman support when he makes said move, and simultaneously neutralize his biggest external neighbors (the Bulgars and the Romans), so he’ll be concentrating fully on internal affairs when the inheritance is announced.

I’ll go into Louis’s reign in more detail when Justin andZoe die, which will herald the long decline of Imperial authority under their less than capable successors. And it will be a neat dividing line before the Danes, the Rus, the Pechenegs, and the Magyars who willdominate the coming century.
 
Where did the Roman cataphracts go?
They were mostly killed alongside Justinian III. There are new ones who have fought in a couple battles, but these soldiers are very expensive to equip and require a lot of expensive training to be effective. The Romans during the war did. It have the money, equipment, or time to get a full force rebuilt. Krum had the advantage in building his own forces of having the best horsemen in Europe, and a lot of captured equipment to skip over those hurdles.

The Romans cataphracts were included in the charge of Justin’s cavalry at Marcianopolis.

The Bulgar version also were less effective than you might get the impression. While the charge broke the Slavs this was mostly because the horse archers had already disrupted the Roman lines. Against the heavier Roman infantry this didn’t occur, and so they were able to hold their ground when the Slavs fled, and then simply defeat the charge at Marcianopolis.
 
So I guess there's no HRE here, or at least not one centred in Germany?
Nope. No reason, or ability, for the pope to do so. If he tried to crown someone Emperor of the Romans it would mean he either would have to leave Rome, permanently, or suddenly find himself approximately a head and part of a neck shorter.
 
Part 27: The Great Bulgar War III
Part XVII: The Great Bulgar War III​

To understand what happened at the conclusion of the Great Bulgar War its important to have some idea the situation inside the Frankish kingdom at this time. We will be covering the events in more detail after the death of Justin III, as his death does mark a noticeable shift in the Empire, and marks a good point between the reconquest of the East by Leo and the great changes that would occur in the second half of the 800s and the first half of the 900s.

Louis Pepius, the Latinization of Pepin’s name, was the grandson of the last king of the Franks that we saw in the narrative. That Pepin had overthrown the Merovingian dynasty and set himself up as the new king, with Imperial approval. The Pepians had maintained fairly close ties to the Romans, in particular through trade and religion. As the most powerful kingdom in the old Western parts of the Empire, and the second most powerful Christian realm after Rome itself, it was beneficial to both sides to maintain peaceful relations.

By the early 800s though the balance of power was shifting. The Romans had just been through a long and taxing war, one which had seen their professional army devastated by repeated defeats, and entire themes devastated by the Fabian strategy employed by Justin to bring the Bulgars to heel. Rome was now weaker than it had been since Leo had retaken the East.

The Franks on the other hand were now triumphant on their own frontier. Louis had conquered much of Germani, past even the Elbe River that Augustus had failed to conquer in his own reign. He had even conquered significant portions of the Serbi territories in old Pannonia, giving him a border with the Bulgars, something he was less than enthusiastic about. It was to smash the Bulgars as much as, or more than, his desire to help his fellow Christians against the pagan Bulgars, Louis’s stated reason for offering assistance, that Louis offered to actually march East.

More even then that though was the Imperial title he sought. We will discuss the intricacies of Frankish politics another day, but for now just understand that for Louis’s succession plans to work he needed to be not a rex, but an Imperator. And an Imperial bride for his son would be a magnificent symbol of that title.

So, in exchange for these awards what did Louis bring to the table? Well, basically he brought the best army in Europe. The Frankish army was now almost a hundred thousand strong all told, though as with the Romans not all of those could be called on to fight at any one time. Louis did however have an army of forty thousand he could call up and lead wherever he wanted to.

And these forty thousand were not some half-trained rabble out of Britannia. These soldiers were highly disciplined and experienced veterans. They had marched to the Elbe and beyond under their king’s command, and were equipped with the best weapons and armor that their victories could buy. The Frankish army was the most powerful fighting force in Europe at this time. And yes, that does include the Roman army. Louis promised to restore Dalmatia and Dacia to Roman rule in under a year, and then march into Bulgari itself if needed and take the capital.

Justin, who as I’ve noted was tired of being on campaign year after year took a few days to consider, but in the end he agreed. If Louis did as he promised, as a Roman ally and alongside Roman troops, then he would be crowned as an Emperor, and his son Charles would marry Justin’s daughter Anna when she turned fifteen. Louis’s messengers departed on ships back to Italy with promises of aid the coming summer.

When they left Justin began planning for the coming campaign. Tens of thousands of Frankish troops would have to be provisioned, so the Emperor set about stockpiling as much grain as possible. The dole was cut, and messages were sent to Mesopotamia to gather grain in lieu of other forms of tax payments. As the ships began to arrive in Constantinople more ships were loaded with food and sent to the Dalmatian coast and to Venice, where it would be distributed to Frankish troops.

The supply situation determined Justin departed Constantinople once again in 821, going north to Nicopolis with his army of twenty-five thousand.

Across the Danube Krum was preparing to campaign once again, but his position was by now extremely weak. His great invasion of the Romans was in shambles, and his nobles wanted little part of the coming battles, but Krum was nothing if not a good commander, and he forced his underlings back into line.

His army crossed in Dacia and set up in Sirmium, preparing to try and break through the Theme and Macedon and cross into Hellas. As Justin resecured the Danube trading towns Krum drove south, defeating the theme army of Macedon and raiding into Hellas proper. But even as his men gathered loot word came that his the Frankish army had crossed the border and had overrun what garrisons Krum had left in Dalmatia, and that the local Croati had surrendered to the Franks rather than continued to have their homes fought over. By mid-June the Frankish army was poised on the border of Dacia.

Realizing the jig was up Krum withdrew north, hoping to reoccupy Sirmium, but Louis had already stormed the city. With Justin now marching in from the East, and Louis in control of the West Krum tried to flee across back across the river once again. But at Vinimicium the Frankish king caught him. The Bulgar army of twenty-thousand was outnumbered two to one by the Franks, and deployed as they would to fight the Romans. The Kataphraktoi were placed on the wings however, and horse archers were set in front of the army.

But the Frankish troops had a higher number of archers, with each man being required to bring a bow and quiver of arrows on campaign, quivers that had been refilled by Roman ships delivering both supplies and food to the campaigning army, and these men loosed their arrows against the horse archers of the Bulgars in the opening skirmishes.

Horse archers were the dominant force on the battlefield at this point in history, but against disciplined and experienced foot archers they were beatable. And the Franks had many more archers than the Bulgars had riders. In the ensuing battle the Bulgars lost two thousand horse archers, against the Franks three thousand foot.

Krum however had still caused disruption in the Frankish line, and he ordered his kataphractoi to charge. They did so, but in response Louis ordered his own knights forward. The Frankish knights met the Bulgar Kataphractoi between the two main armies, and again Frankish numbers carried the day. The Bulgar heavy cavalry broke and fled before the Franks, fleeing back through their own army. The Bulgar line now badly disrupted the Frankish knights charged home themselves, and the Bulgars broke and ran.

Krum himself was killed in the fighting, and the steppe army tried to cross the Danube back to safety. But, the Romans had just sent a fleet to Sirmium before the battle. Knowing what was happing Louis had sent the commander of the fleet back down the Danube, and now with the battle won the Roman fleet fell upon the fleeing Bulgars, smashing their boats and shooting men who dove into the river. Only seven thousand made it back across the Danube to Bulgar territory.

The Battle of Vinimicium was the effective end of the war. The Bulgars had always been reliant on their experienced and powerful cavalry, and with so many losses they could not rebuild their army to continue the fighting, even if Krum’s successor had wanted to. But he didn’t. The new khan sent men to Constantinople by the end of the year begging for peace terms. The Romans granted these, requiring Bulgars to serve in the Roman army as auxiliaries, and the Bulgars swore to cease raids into Imperial, or Frankish, territory. In addition, the Bulgar khan would send two hundred pagan slaves and a dozen horses south to Constantinople as tribute each year.

The Great Bulgar War was the end of Bulgar threats to the Empire for the forseeable future. While sporadic fighting would occasionally break out over the coming century it was always low-level, and short-lived. It would not be until the eleventh century that a leader would once again try to test his might against the Romans. By then the Bulgars would have been unrecognizable to this generation. Having abandoned much of their nomadic life-style the Bulgars of that later time would be a settled, Christian people, and they would be ruled by a king, not a khan.

Louis sent most of his army home, but went to Constantinople himself after the battle. There he was treated as an honored guest, brought before the people to be cheered, and walked alongside Justin in the Church processions celebrating the end of the war.

The visit lasted a month, and at the end of it Louis knelt before the Emperor of the Romans, who brought forth the Imperial diadem of the West (or more likely a copy), and placed it upon the head of Louis, declaring him to henceforth be the Augustus Imperator of the Franks. Notably, he did not use the term Baslieus, which was now retained exclusively for the Emperor himself.

Louis rose as an Emperor, his goal fulfilled, and when he departed he was given a purple silk robe as a personal gift from Justin.

And as agreed, three years later the princess Anna was sent West to Rome where she married the Frankish Caesar Charles, and the couple would remain in Italy for the next three years, while her father-in-law put down the revolt that had broken out on the announcement of Charles’s status.

In Constantinople meanwhile Justin settled in for a nice, long retirement. He had just spent half of his life fighting a long, thankless war, and he was ready to relax. His wife had the Empire well in hand.
 
The visit lasted a month, and at the end of it Louis knelt before the Emperor of the Romans, who brought forth the Imperial diadem of the West (or more likely a copy), and placed it upon the head of Louis, declaring him to henceforth be the Augustus Imperator of the Franks.
Does this imply some degree of deference (or even subservience) to the Roman Emperor? Wouldn't it be preferable for Louis (who I assume is in a position of strength) to be crowned by the Patriarch or the Pope instead with the crown gifted by the Romans?
 
Does this imply some degree of deference (or even subservience) to the Roman Emperor? Wouldn't it be preferable for Louis (who I assume is in a position of strength) to be crowned by the Patriarch or the Pope instead with the crown gifted by the Romans?
Makes sense to be honest, the Byzantine Emperors while paying service to the concept of SPQR were in the end conceived of as deriving their power and authority from being God’s Vice-regent on earth. If the vice-regent can only be crowned by God’s representative, I.e the Roman Pope or Ecumenical Patriarch. Then it makes sense that a lesser emperor ( note Pepin was not crowned Basileus ( interestingly it was the flip in OTL with Charlemagne being recognised as Basileus of the franks not Imperator)) would be granted his authority by the Greater Emperor. It’s a matter of Prestige and acknowledgement that the Franks have reached a great enough level of civilisation to no longer be called barbarians but maintaining that there is ultimately only one supreme ruler under Christ on earth, that of the Roman emperor.
 
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Makes sense to be honest, the Byzantine Emperors while paying service to the concept of SPQR were in the end conceived of as deriving their power and authority from being God’s Vice-regent on earth. If the vice-regent can only be crowned by God’s representative, I.e the Roman Pope or Ecumenical Patriarch. Then it makes sense that a lesser emperor ( note Pepin was not crowned Basileus ( interestingly it was the flip in OTL with Charlemagne being recognised as Basileus of the franks not Imperator)) would be granted his authority by the Greater Emperor. It’s a matter of Prestige and acknowledgement that the Franks have reached a great enough level of civilisation to no longer be called barbarians but maintaining that there is ultimately only one supreme ruler under Christ on earth, that of the Roman emperor.
Historically an emperor would also crown a co-emperor, sure they would still have a nice ceremony with the Patriarch but they would already be co-emperor at that point.
 
Does this imply some degree of deference (or even subservience) to the Roman Emperor? Wouldn't it be preferable for Louis (who I assume is in a position of strength) to be crowned by the Patriarch or the Pope instead with the crown gifted by the Romans?

In theory, yes it does imply a degree of deference to the Romans. But this is in line with OTL's attitude, where it wasn't until Charlemagne that the Franks stopped being deferent to the Emperor. Here with the Romans still in control of much of their territory the Franks have not reached a level they think is equal to, or greater than, the Roman Emperor. And Louis is fine with this, since it places him as the number 2 secular ruler on earth so far as the Franks are concerned. And, for now, that is good enough.

But you can bet money that this will not be true down the line.
 
Interesting to see the Frank’s are more centralised and arguably even more powerful at this stage. But wouldn’t it take just a poor ruler or two for the whole thing to implode and we get some strong regionalism (if not the same level as OTL)?

Hopefully horrible rulers aren’t a Roman specific curse.
 
Interesting to see the Frank’s are more centralised and arguably even more powerful at this stage. But wouldn’t it take just a poor ruler or two for the whole thing to implode and we get some strong regionalism (if not the same level as OTL)?

Hopefully horrible rulers aren’t a Roman specific curse.

*grins evilly*

Over the next century the Franks are going to undergo a decline as well, though theirs will mostly be from overstretch and an Emperor whose ambition significantly exceeds his ability...
 
Part 28: The Recovery Period
Note, that in this portion the in-universe author first exhibits his anti-Semitism, which will occasionally come up again later. These are not my views, please don’t take them as such. Its part of establishing the in-universe author’s worldview and to give some idea into how the modern world of the TL turned out.

Part XXVIII: The Recovery Period​

When the Bulgar war ended the Imperial regime was deeply in debt, its army was in bad shape, and the Balkans were devastated. The population of Moesia shrank by over sixty-percent, and Dacia’s population shrank by over thirty percent. Both territories had also seen towns and villages destroyed, wells poisoned, farms burned, and all the other ravages that seventeen years of war brought about.

In addition the Empire was now stuck with the Croati of Dalmatia as new subjects, having annexed the territory when the Bulgars officially gave up. To say that the Croati were not fans of this idea would be an understatement, and ten thousand soldiers had to be stationed inside the new province to keep the peace at all times, with the threat of more soldiers being sent from Dacia and Macedon should the locals cause too much trouble.

Despite this rebellions would sporadically break out throughout the next century, until Christianization really took hold in the area. Zoe tried to put an old Imperial practice of forced migration into the provinces into effect, but her efforts were a failure. While the population of the Empire was rising the new families preferred to move to the richer lands of Mesopotamia, which were also safer near the Zagros Mountains (ironic as that might seem), Italy, or even Syria. A few thousand poor of Constantinople were transplanted, but not enough to overcome the large population decline.

It would not be until a weaker tribe from north of the Danube needed protection from the Pechenegs, and could not defeat the resurgent Bulgars, that the Danube provinces were properly repopulated. One source of migrants for now however were about ten thousand people who identified as Roman and who lived across the River. These Blakhs, originally just a name for Latin speakers in general but which came to specifically refer to those who lived across the Danube, migrated at the end of the war and settled in Roman Moesia. Most however remained in their established homes between the Black Sea and the Carpathian Mountains. They are also the reason that the region, now known as Bolki got its name.

Reinforcements were sent to Mesopotamia, Syria, and Africa to hold off raiders, but the Emperor himself did not put in an appearance. What has to be fundamentally understood about Justin’s character is that he wasn’t particularly inclined toward the life of a soldier. He had spent most of his adult life on campaign, and he didn’t want to see another army camp so long as he lived.

The Emperor was far more interested in religious contemplation and writing, which he now turned to over actually doing his job. You see, Justin had not expected to become Emperor in his early life, and so he had studied for a monastic calling, only turning to serving as a prince of the Imperial family when his childless uncle had made it clear he was unlikely to have children. Now freed of the burden of war he returned to that pursuit. His marriage produced no more children, though the termperment of his son made many in his court hope there would be another, alternative prince.

But as the years passed it became clear that Justin and Zoe weren’t interacting much at all, and that far from being a capable ruler he instead had left virtually every aspect of Imperial rule to her.

The Emperor’s various religious works are too lengthy to recount here, so instead I will focus on the most important of his doctrines, that of the Dogma tou Iconoatheato, or the Doctrine of Rejecting Icons. While most of you will be familiar with the idea, it does bear explaining that in the early church, indeed for the first thousand years of Christian organization pictures and other works featuring saints in prime positions in Christian life were rampant. Pictures of the Virgin Mary were carried before armies as they moved to do battle, and virtually every household had a saint to whom they prayed. Justin rejected this view whole-heartedly. He felt that each of these were idolatrous, and were a way of placing a human between the Romans and God. His Dogma is the first great case put forward for doing away with the practice, although his view would not be taken up again until a far more capable man came to the same conclusion, and undertook the destruction of the idols as a way to return Rome to God’s favor.

The second text Justin worked on was a work written in Arabic which laid out the case of Islam being considered not a heathen religion, but a fully Christian one that should be refuted, but not treated as pagan. This would be implemented in his lifetime, and resulted in a decrease in the religious taxes levied on Muslims inside the Empire. None of what Justin said in the word was particularly new, it was more a collection of arguments made by Arab scholars inside the Empire over the past half century, and would eventually completely supplant the old mindset of Muslims both inside the Empire and outside.

This is in large part because it was these thinkers who first down the Qu’ran, and put into written word their interpretation of Muhammud’s teachings. In the Arabian Peninsula, where oral tradition still formed the basis of Islamic teaching the written word would gradually eclipse memory, until only a few small sects still held on to the old customs. These sects would be completely exterminated by the second Caliphate some four hundred years hence.

We will discuss the ongoing developments of Islam at a later date however.

The final work Justin worked on was a harsh condemnation of the Jews, those who had been first given the chance of accepting the Savior, and who had rejected Him. To these people Justin spared no amount of scorn, and his condemnation would once again become state policy. Relgiious taxes on Jews were increased significantly in Justin’s rule, forcing many to either convert or depart for Gothic Spain, where religious toleration was, for now, the order of the day, on this matter at least.

The Empire’s targeting of this unwelcome group would continue for the next few centuries, until the religion was finally outlawed within the Empire completely under the Caesarii in the fourteenth century. With a few modifications their decree remains in force.

While Justin retired to a life of theological contemplation Zoe kept the state running. She managed fiscal affairs, though she was forced to debase the coinage slightly in 826, though she cleverly pretended this wasn’t the case by simply saying it was a new coin with a lower gold content, avoiding the bad optics of the first debasement of the nomismata in Imperial history. In her role as empress Zoe led processions, held court, made legal decisions, and even was present on campaign in Africa and Mesopotamia, all in the name of her reclusive husband.

After 830 she was joined by her son Leo, who was completely disinterested in the topic, preferring to drink, gamble, hunt, and visit lodgings of ill repute to the disciplined life preferred for soldiers. Despite the boy’s inclinations Zoe kept trying to shape him into a better prince, but in this she was unsuccessful.

To try and settle her son down Zoe held a bridal show in 832 for him, allowing her son to pick out a girl who would be his bride. She hand selected several whom she felt would be suitable, and Leo did pick one out, the prettiest and most…ample one if the sources are to be believed. Maria of Thessalonika however has no pictures remaining, so judging her beauty will have to wait until someone invents a time machine. The pair were married in November 832, and Maria gave birth to her first son, Constantine in September 833.

If Zoe had hoped this would make Leo mature however she was mistaken. It seems largely to have simply provided the prince with a partner whenever he didn’t feel like going out into the city and carousing.

After 835 she gave up and simply left Leo in the capital while she oversaw campaigns.

That is not to say Zoe actually led soldiers or directed strategy. That would have been unthinkable. Like Theodosius III she acted more as a mascot and figurehead for the troops, while her generals won battles.

By 836 Zoe’s armies had once again defeated the Berbers in Africa, and gotten new treaties with the Arabs. While in Mesopotamia however tragedy struck. Zoe was touring the Theme of Babylon when she fell ill, probably from an outbreak of smallpox in the region that year, and a week later she was dead. Zoe was about 60 years old, and effectively been Empress for either 17 or 30 years. Depending on how you count.

With Zoe dead Imperial business ground to a halt. Justin was finally forced to actually begin ruling the Empire once again, but he let Zoe’s officials simply continue their work without much input from himself. He didn’t pursue any new policies while back in charge, and seems to have mostly stopped even doing this minimum of work by 839. Justin’s health began failing as 839 drew to a close, and while he lingered a while there was little doubt what was happening. He died on March 9, 840. He was 65 years old, and had ruled the Empire for 20 years.

Justin was not exactly a bad emperor, the Empire suffered no disasters, and enacted no bad policies under his reign, but this was as much his wife’s work as any inclinations on his part. Most of Justin’s adult life must be considered however, as he fought the Bulgars for almost two decades before letting himself slip in irrelevance. The victory over the Bulgars was good move, but his ultimate decision to crown a Frankish Emperor rather than simply win the war himself would have major consequences down the road. In addition, his religious works were some of the most impactful in history. I laid out the three that are most relevant to our own frame of reference, but the Emperor published almost a hundred pamphlets, homilies, and short philosophical axioms that are still recited today. He also published a dozen books on various topics, several of which are required reading for any modern philosophy or theology student.

Historians may never agree whether this outweighs the negatives of Justin’s reign, but one thing is certain. He was at least better than his son Leo V, about whom the nicest thing one can say was, at least he wasn’t a psychopath as well as a hedonist.

But that will have to wait. The death of Justin signals a fundamental shift in Imperial power, which will last for the immediate future. So we’re going to dedicate the next few sections to reviewing the internal operations of the Empire, the economy, the military, and the development of geopolitics outside the Roman Empire.
 
You have written about coming decline of imperial power, do you mean power of the empire as a whole or power of the ruler over the empire?
Weakening of the ruler may not be such a bad thing , there are no separatist group in the empire (well Croats now) so there is no need for empire to fracture which would be their biggest problem since almost all the domestic enemies are more or less defeated(for now) , but it would also depend on how much power individual provinces and individuals (governors, generals etc.) have in the empire, but after the reforms of last century they should have less so we will see.
This may also lead to restricting power of the monarchy like in England , I could see Parliament/Senate , there is a precedence there but I am now sure about that, we will have to see what will this wonderful author write next.
Love reading this TL , I also love the speed at which you update and this style of storytelling is also very good.
 
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