@Lascaris surely you mean the siege of Messina, instead of Syracuse.
The eagle's left head
- Thread starter Lascaris
- Start date
Sicily is becoming crowded, and the plot thickens. Love the little OTL analogy of the name being misinterpreted as a title...
At the moment Peter has Charles to be concerned about and Alexander is much weaker than Peter (or Charles for that matter). Neither would want a fight. Further in the future...
He's certainly much better off than he was six months earlier when he had no land or power of his own. And a duchy... or despotate of Syracuse if well developed has a fair bit of potential as seen in ancient times. Granted compared to the times of Agathocles it's rather worse off at the moment.
If Peter dies James would be becoming king of Sicily and Alfonso of Aragon....
It's... convenient. Despot is not exactly known as a title in western Europe of the time...
Part 8
Messina, September 14th, 1282
Under other circumstances Charles I of Anjou might had delayed his assault on the city till the siege had further progressed. But circumstances were far from ideal. Peter had landed in Sicily, been proclaimed king by the local traitors and was marching to the aid of Messina he even had the temerity to dispatch two ambassadors Peter of Queralt and Roderick of Luna to Charles to demand that he evacuate the island. The ambassadors had not reached him yet, some friars had met them in Nicosia and rushed back with the news. Closer to Messina some Greek schismatic who claimed to be the son of one of the so called emperors of the Greeks and Frederick's II daughter had somehow managed to seize control of Syracuse and was making a nuisance out of himself attacking his foraging parties and patrols. The siege had to end before Peter showed up. A full scale assault was launched. It was thrown back by the Messinese with heavy casualties. Then Charles tried to convince Alaimo to surrender the city on particularly lenient terms. He failed again.
Messina, September 24th, 1282
When Charles had met Peter's ambassadors he had refused to accept the Aragonese claim to Sicily, had nevertheless left open the possibility of leaving Sicily as well as re-invading it when it struck his fancy. Not unexpectedly the Aragonese army had continued to slowly advance. With Messina still defiant Charles start pulling his army back to mainland Italy, he would not take the risk of putting his army between hammer and anvil and possibly cut off if the Aragonese fleet defeated his own. At least Peter was apparently not in such of a hurry to reach Messina. After all if the Angevins were leaving without a fight what was the point to rush things?
Messina, October 2nd, 1282
Peter, king of Aragon and Sicily finally reached the city, to be treated to the sight of the burned out remains of the French camp. He might had not been in a hurry to engage the French, but not anyone shared his opinion. The Messinese upon receiving definite news of his landing in Sicily and seeing the French leaving had launched several sorties out of the city. Then Alexandros Vatatzes and his Syracusans had descended at night upon the French camp, instead of waiting for the advance elements of the Aragonese army. The French somehow had been taken by surprise and Alaimo had sortied out of Messina to seal the victory. Charles and most of his army were already across the straits at that moment but the remaining French forces had been destroyed and all their baggage lost. Vatatzes and Alaimo had been left overnight with a huge quantity of arms, siege machines and other loot. Peter was not entirely certain how his wife's cousin had managed the feat. Was it luck? Skill? Both? After all his army apart from a core of Sicilian cavalry and crossbowmen and Greek marines appeared to be mostly lightly armed infantrymen. And a unit of Calabrians that had apparently switched sides when Alexander had attacked the French camp. It wasn't the only of his problems. He had already been warned not to trust Alaimo would had already betrayed first Manfred for Charles and now Charles. And to make matters worse Alaimo's wife Machalda had already tried to seduce him...
Syracuse, October 26th, 1282
Over the past 6 months Syracuse had been turned overnight from a provincial town to what amounted to capital of what? Peter of Aragon was not entirely certain as he entered it with Alexander by his side. He suspected neither Alexander was. He had called him a duke. The Greeks were calling him a despot which apparently was a rank like duke or maybe even prince. He had more immediate concerns. Alexander could be at least a nuisance if not an outright threat if he so wanted. He was a nephew of Manfred and cousin of his own wife. He was personally charming, had the loyalty of his followers and was very wily for his age, he supposed this had been necessary to survive Constantinople. And of course he probably had the backing of Constantinople. If his cousin offered his fealty he would be stupid not to pay the price to secure it. A duke had to have a duchy. An acceptable price to secure Sicily. After all how could a king not have lords under him?
Thrace, December 11th, 1282
Michael VIII, Faithful to Christ the God, basileus of the Romans, was once more on campaign despite being increasingly ill and the admonishments of his wife to leave the campaign and try to recover. The needs of the empire had to take precedence. And thus he died. He had ruled for 24 years since the coup that had brought him to the throne. His legacy was mixed. He had gained the purple by coup and then blinded Ioannes IV after vowing to protect him. He had recovered Constantinople. He had brought the empire almost to the verge of civil war by accepting the union of the churches. He had saved the empire in the West and eliminated the threat of Charles of Anzou. He had denuded the East of troops and alienated it by his actions against the Lascarids. He had built up an army and navy worthy of the empire. He nearly bankrupted the empire. For all his successes at the time of his death he was so hated his son Andronikus did not dare to bury him to Constantinople. Perhaps he deserved better. Or perhaps not.
Syracuse, December 25th, 1282
Simon de Leontino, the brother of Alaimo had been bishop of Syracuse from 1270 to 1280. His French replacement had been kicked out at the time of the revolution. Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes, despot of Syracuse if you were Greek, duke of Syracuse if you were Aragonese needed a bishop. Under the Normans the local Greeks had priests but the bishops were habitually chosen upon Latins even though the Normans had let the 32 Greek Sicilian monasteries be and even let more to be founded by St Bartholomeus of Simeri. It was to these Basilian monks that Alexandros had turned. The monastery of Santissimo Salvatore of Messina, monastery of the Soter for the Greeks had been the most important of the Basilian monasteries since 1132, its abbot was an archimandrite controlling the other Greek monasteries. And thus the monk Barnabas became bishop of Syracuse in Christmas 1282...
Under other circumstances Charles I of Anjou might had delayed his assault on the city till the siege had further progressed. But circumstances were far from ideal. Peter had landed in Sicily, been proclaimed king by the local traitors and was marching to the aid of Messina he even had the temerity to dispatch two ambassadors Peter of Queralt and Roderick of Luna to Charles to demand that he evacuate the island. The ambassadors had not reached him yet, some friars had met them in Nicosia and rushed back with the news. Closer to Messina some Greek schismatic who claimed to be the son of one of the so called emperors of the Greeks and Frederick's II daughter had somehow managed to seize control of Syracuse and was making a nuisance out of himself attacking his foraging parties and patrols. The siege had to end before Peter showed up. A full scale assault was launched. It was thrown back by the Messinese with heavy casualties. Then Charles tried to convince Alaimo to surrender the city on particularly lenient terms. He failed again.
Messina, September 24th, 1282
When Charles had met Peter's ambassadors he had refused to accept the Aragonese claim to Sicily, had nevertheless left open the possibility of leaving Sicily as well as re-invading it when it struck his fancy. Not unexpectedly the Aragonese army had continued to slowly advance. With Messina still defiant Charles start pulling his army back to mainland Italy, he would not take the risk of putting his army between hammer and anvil and possibly cut off if the Aragonese fleet defeated his own. At least Peter was apparently not in such of a hurry to reach Messina. After all if the Angevins were leaving without a fight what was the point to rush things?
Messina, October 2nd, 1282
Peter, king of Aragon and Sicily finally reached the city, to be treated to the sight of the burned out remains of the French camp. He might had not been in a hurry to engage the French, but not anyone shared his opinion. The Messinese upon receiving definite news of his landing in Sicily and seeing the French leaving had launched several sorties out of the city. Then Alexandros Vatatzes and his Syracusans had descended at night upon the French camp, instead of waiting for the advance elements of the Aragonese army. The French somehow had been taken by surprise and Alaimo had sortied out of Messina to seal the victory. Charles and most of his army were already across the straits at that moment but the remaining French forces had been destroyed and all their baggage lost. Vatatzes and Alaimo had been left overnight with a huge quantity of arms, siege machines and other loot. Peter was not entirely certain how his wife's cousin had managed the feat. Was it luck? Skill? Both? After all his army apart from a core of Sicilian cavalry and crossbowmen and Greek marines appeared to be mostly lightly armed infantrymen. And a unit of Calabrians that had apparently switched sides when Alexander had attacked the French camp. It wasn't the only of his problems. He had already been warned not to trust Alaimo would had already betrayed first Manfred for Charles and now Charles. And to make matters worse Alaimo's wife Machalda had already tried to seduce him...
Syracuse, October 26th, 1282
Over the past 6 months Syracuse had been turned overnight from a provincial town to what amounted to capital of what? Peter of Aragon was not entirely certain as he entered it with Alexander by his side. He suspected neither Alexander was. He had called him a duke. The Greeks were calling him a despot which apparently was a rank like duke or maybe even prince. He had more immediate concerns. Alexander could be at least a nuisance if not an outright threat if he so wanted. He was a nephew of Manfred and cousin of his own wife. He was personally charming, had the loyalty of his followers and was very wily for his age, he supposed this had been necessary to survive Constantinople. And of course he probably had the backing of Constantinople. If his cousin offered his fealty he would be stupid not to pay the price to secure it. A duke had to have a duchy. An acceptable price to secure Sicily. After all how could a king not have lords under him?
Thrace, December 11th, 1282
Michael VIII, Faithful to Christ the God, basileus of the Romans, was once more on campaign despite being increasingly ill and the admonishments of his wife to leave the campaign and try to recover. The needs of the empire had to take precedence. And thus he died. He had ruled for 24 years since the coup that had brought him to the throne. His legacy was mixed. He had gained the purple by coup and then blinded Ioannes IV after vowing to protect him. He had recovered Constantinople. He had brought the empire almost to the verge of civil war by accepting the union of the churches. He had saved the empire in the West and eliminated the threat of Charles of Anzou. He had denuded the East of troops and alienated it by his actions against the Lascarids. He had built up an army and navy worthy of the empire. He nearly bankrupted the empire. For all his successes at the time of his death he was so hated his son Andronikus did not dare to bury him to Constantinople. Perhaps he deserved better. Or perhaps not.
Syracuse, December 25th, 1282
Simon de Leontino, the brother of Alaimo had been bishop of Syracuse from 1270 to 1280. His French replacement had been kicked out at the time of the revolution. Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes, despot of Syracuse if you were Greek, duke of Syracuse if you were Aragonese needed a bishop. Under the Normans the local Greeks had priests but the bishops were habitually chosen upon Latins even though the Normans had let the 32 Greek Sicilian monasteries be and even let more to be founded by St Bartholomeus of Simeri. It was to these Basilian monks that Alexandros had turned. The monastery of Santissimo Salvatore of Messina, monastery of the Soter for the Greeks had been the most important of the Basilian monasteries since 1132, its abbot was an archimandrite controlling the other Greek monasteries. And thus the monk Barnabas became bishop of Syracuse in Christmas 1282...
Is it a worse defeat for the French? Or the same as in OTl but with Vatatzes and Alaimo capturing rhe baggage train instead of the Catalans and Alaimo?
Vatatzes now has the means to properly equip a fair number of men and become the most important "local" magnate.
By getting these monks at his side, he gets a lot of soft power over both Sicily and Calabria.
I am under the impression that at least until the early 13th century, greek-speakers constituted the majority of the calabrian population. And they were not restricted in southern Calabria as in later centuries. After all, in 1168 the Normans established the greek archimandrite of St. Elia di Carbone at the border between Calabria and Basilicata.
Vatatzes can tap at another source of potential support: the local elites that fell out of favor post-1231. Until then, there was a local Italo-Greek educated elite that were mostly notaries. Establishing the laws of "good King Roger" that was apparently a popular demand, would mean that the Italo-Greek notaries would be back in business and would have evey incentive to support Vatatzes in the hope of being promoted to administrators.
Source: Brill's Companion to Byzantine Italy
How bad was the OTL defeat in the first place? I'm certain we accurately know. Roughly on par with OTL, probably somewhat worse, seems a reasonable estimate.
The loot is going to be certainly useful. And Alexander's hold on Val de Noto is certainly stronger than Alaimo's hold on the north...
There is still a very strong Greek presence in Eastern Sicily and South Italy, which to put it bluntly was getting oppressed as time went on, less so by the Normans. Making one of them bishop of Syracuse instead of either a Lombard or importing a bishop from Greece cements their support... and for the beauty of it does not even alienate the catholic population. After all the Basilians are technically in communion with Rome... but not that close to the papacy at the very time the Sicilians are excommunicated and burning effigies of the pope..
If someone reads between the lines Alexander got into the French camp by getting the Calabrians to switch sides...
Alexander is at the moment cultivating the support of the local Greeks for uhm... obvious reasons?
Part 9
Reggio di Calabria, February 14th, 1283
The Sicilian and Aragonese army crossed the straits of Messina, captured Reggio unopposed and advanced north caling on the Calabrians to join him. The Angevin army under Charles of Salerno, Charles of Anjou son, had retreated to positions in San Martino. There the younger Charles managed to hold out beating back all the Aragonese attacks. Peter would retreat to Sicily leaving Alexandros Vatatzes to continue the campaign. The Calabrians further north who had actually heeded to Peter's calls and revolted would have to fend for themselves for the time being.
Messina, April 19th, 1283
Queen Constance, had landed in Sicily three days earlier, bringing with her John of Procide, her two younger sons James and Frederick and her daughter Yolande. A parliament gad been called right afterwards in Messina. Peter had there announced to the Sicilians that his second son James would be the one inheriting the throne of Siciliy while the elder son Alfonso would be inheriting the crown of Aragon. Then with Peter needing to return to Aragon, Constance had been made regent of Sicily with John of Procida and Roger de Lauria as chancellor and grand admiral respectively and Alaimo di Lentini as Grand Justiciar. Just the next day Peter had left for Trapani from where he would sail away for Valencia on May 6th. Vatatzes, away in Calabria had been given no formal title...
Bordeaux, June 1st, 1283
Peter III and Charles of Anjou had agreed to decide the fate of Sicily by a duel between themselves and a hundred of their knights. What the Sicilians were thinking of the two kings agreeing to decide their fate in this way is better left unsaid. The pope had ordered the duel not to take place but Charles had simply ignored his will. Thus Peter showed up early in the morning to find his opponent was not there. He proclaimed his opponent had shied away from combat and he was the victor by default. Then at mid-day Charles showed up to find his opponent was not there. He proclaimed his opponent had shied away from combat and he was the victor by default. The two kings had agreed to duel in June 1st. They had just forgotten to arrange the time as well...
Syracuse, August 1st, 1283
Alexander had written back to Constantinople asking for his mother and family to join him in Syracuse as soon as news of the death of Michael had reached him. Michael might well had refused. Andronicus, was made of weaker stuff, his mother disliked Anna and his cousin Michael Tarchaneiotes was Alexander's father in lay and advocating for him. He had agreed. Anna and Maria Tarchaneiotes had not wasted any time. The Vatatzes family estates, what Michael had left to Anna of them, had been liquidated. Retainers and Lascarid loyalists had been gathered, word was already spreading in Asia Minor that the son of good emperor John had liberated lands in Sicily beyond the sea away from the Turks ravaging the land and was seeking fighting men, a call the loyal, the ambitious and the desperate had reasons to heed to. Their actual numbers at this time, despite what the later chronicles would write were probably at best in the hundreds. They were still useful. And thus Anna of Hohenstauffen made her return to Sicily after a generation...
Paris, February 2nd, 1284
King Philip, officially accepted the papal offer of the crown of Aragon for his second son, Charles of Valois. It would be some time till this translated to an invasion of Aragon, but Peter could not leave it to return to Sicily. Sicily would have to fend for itself...
Demetrias, April 1284
The siege was over in victory. But an epidemic of malaria was ravaging the imperial army. What the soldiers of the despot of Thessaly had failed to do, disease had managed. Michael Tarchaneiotes died from the disease. The remains of his army had to abandon the city...
The Sicilian and Aragonese army crossed the straits of Messina, captured Reggio unopposed and advanced north caling on the Calabrians to join him. The Angevin army under Charles of Salerno, Charles of Anjou son, had retreated to positions in San Martino. There the younger Charles managed to hold out beating back all the Aragonese attacks. Peter would retreat to Sicily leaving Alexandros Vatatzes to continue the campaign. The Calabrians further north who had actually heeded to Peter's calls and revolted would have to fend for themselves for the time being.
Messina, April 19th, 1283
Queen Constance, had landed in Sicily three days earlier, bringing with her John of Procide, her two younger sons James and Frederick and her daughter Yolande. A parliament gad been called right afterwards in Messina. Peter had there announced to the Sicilians that his second son James would be the one inheriting the throne of Siciliy while the elder son Alfonso would be inheriting the crown of Aragon. Then with Peter needing to return to Aragon, Constance had been made regent of Sicily with John of Procida and Roger de Lauria as chancellor and grand admiral respectively and Alaimo di Lentini as Grand Justiciar. Just the next day Peter had left for Trapani from where he would sail away for Valencia on May 6th. Vatatzes, away in Calabria had been given no formal title...
Bordeaux, June 1st, 1283
Peter III and Charles of Anjou had agreed to decide the fate of Sicily by a duel between themselves and a hundred of their knights. What the Sicilians were thinking of the two kings agreeing to decide their fate in this way is better left unsaid. The pope had ordered the duel not to take place but Charles had simply ignored his will. Thus Peter showed up early in the morning to find his opponent was not there. He proclaimed his opponent had shied away from combat and he was the victor by default. Then at mid-day Charles showed up to find his opponent was not there. He proclaimed his opponent had shied away from combat and he was the victor by default. The two kings had agreed to duel in June 1st. They had just forgotten to arrange the time as well...
Syracuse, August 1st, 1283
Alexander had written back to Constantinople asking for his mother and family to join him in Syracuse as soon as news of the death of Michael had reached him. Michael might well had refused. Andronicus, was made of weaker stuff, his mother disliked Anna and his cousin Michael Tarchaneiotes was Alexander's father in lay and advocating for him. He had agreed. Anna and Maria Tarchaneiotes had not wasted any time. The Vatatzes family estates, what Michael had left to Anna of them, had been liquidated. Retainers and Lascarid loyalists had been gathered, word was already spreading in Asia Minor that the son of good emperor John had liberated lands in Sicily beyond the sea away from the Turks ravaging the land and was seeking fighting men, a call the loyal, the ambitious and the desperate had reasons to heed to. Their actual numbers at this time, despite what the later chronicles would write were probably at best in the hundreds. They were still useful. And thus Anna of Hohenstauffen made her return to Sicily after a generation...
Paris, February 2nd, 1284
King Philip, officially accepted the papal offer of the crown of Aragon for his second son, Charles of Valois. It would be some time till this translated to an invasion of Aragon, but Peter could not leave it to return to Sicily. Sicily would have to fend for itself...
Demetrias, April 1284
The siege was over in victory. But an epidemic of malaria was ravaging the imperial army. What the soldiers of the despot of Thessaly had failed to do, disease had managed. Michael Tarchaneiotes died from the disease. The remains of his army had to abandon the city...
Last edited:
Even though the Laskarid retainers are in the hundreds, they would still form the biggest contingent in Sicily after the Aragonese. I would guess that a lot of them would be former Akritai, that lost their privileges under Michael. That would be important, since they were accustomed to raids and counter-raids at the mountain ranges and valleys of Asia Minor. I would guess they fought mostly as light cavalry and light infantry. They would be excellent at fighting the Franco-Provencals in Calabria and if needed the Almogavars as well. The Laskarids can form the cadre to train local peasants and smallholders in their tactics. They won't even have a language barrier compared to the Aragonese.
Vatatzes commanding in Calabria is a major development. He now has his Hohenstaufen mother to cement his power in Val di Noto. So, he can expand his influence in Calabria. If he captures land that belongs to pro-french nobles, like Peter Ruffo the count of Catanzaro, he can distribute it to his Calabrian supporters. Lastly, if he captures Longobucco in Consenza he will control the silver mines of the region, along with much needed bullion.
Vatatzes commanding in Calabria is a major development. He now has his Hohenstaufen mother to cement his power in Val di Noto. So, he can expand his influence in Calabria. If he captures land that belongs to pro-french nobles, like Peter Ruffo the count of Catanzaro, he can distribute it to his Calabrian supporters. Lastly, if he captures Longobucco in Consenza he will control the silver mines of the region, along with much needed bullion.
Ok this is just gold! No doubt it is OTL but damn that was funny!
No titles given but a commanding post. It is all in the hands of our dear protagonist
I'd wonder what would be the reaction, both of the new regent's officials/enforcers and from herself to her aunt moving into and making her presence known in Calabria and Sicily... As well as boosting even more her cousin prestige/legitimacy among all those that still would remember the Hohenstaufen rule...
This apparent oversight might possibly not only'd give more freedom of action to Vatatzes but it too would come to bite him in the future...
Within Sicily, the... despotate of Syracuse, the duchy of Syracuse for the Latin minded, is the single strongest not Aragonese force. None else has direct control of the Eastern third of the island... Here Peter's feudal mindsets bit him in the posterior from when seen from a modern mindset, not that fighting a cousin loudly and voluntarily proclaiming his support in the face of French armies was any better choice.
In OTL Anna/Constance left the court of Constantinople for that of Aragon in the 1260s, she became a nun and died in the early 1300s, while Constance the niece insisted of having her half-siblings, which were imprisoned by Charles of Anjou liberated even though that could potentially threaten the Aragonese claim on the throne of Sicily. So at a guess they should get along fairly well.
Just a few weeks earlier Peter put Alexander in charge of an army, so it's not a deliberate slight, after all Vatatzes has been confirmed to what amounts to hereditary control of a third of Sicily. On the other hand he is the same man who despite his earlier alliance with the Byzantines, had a major row with his wife when as regent she wanted to establish further ties with Andronicus. Why? Because this would probably require a Royal marriage of his daughter with the emperor and... marrying a schismatic prince would be a tarnish to the honor of the royal house of Aragon. At a time said house was excommunicated by the pope who had declared a crusade to overthrow it and put Charles of Valois on the throne.
No-one knows what happened to him after 1280. Chances are he died about then otherwise he'd be showing somewhere in the sources.
I think they are talking about Ligarios, an admiral serving Michael VIII against the Latins.
Last edited:
Perhaps you are right. Let’s see who Lascaris had in mind.
Indeed it is very possible to have died soon after 1280. Having said that, I have felt that the chroniclers would mention his death if it happened very soon after his successes. However, if he died years later in obscurity, then the chroniclers would have forgotten about him.
Licario, the gasmulos commander of Michael.
Last edited:
Part 10
Syracuse, March 25th, 1284
Alexander had spent the winter months training his army and recruiting more men. Not unsurprising in doing so he had followed the role models he was accustomed with, the ones his family and the Comnenes before them had been using in Asia Minor. It was a system not exactly alien to Sicily. It was not straight feudalism either for all the advantages and disadvantages this might entail. Locally his support support upon the commoners and the peasantry, remained strong if anything after nearly two years it was growing stronger. But a stream of complaints was coming from John of Procida in Palermo. Vatatzes new soldiers were insubordinate, or rather, not unlike the Aragonese mercenaries loyal only to their master. And Alexander was refusing to let the Sicilian clergy take back the procurations that they had given to the laity at the time of the revolution, instead he had even granted pronoia holdings to several of his followers from church incomes. For Procida the conflict with the pope was supposed to be temporary. For Vatatzes separate taxation for Rome was simply alien. At least for now Procida had the very same complaints from the Aragonese and providing a reliable army could excuse many sins. Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes led his army back to Calabria...
Provence, May 1284
The fleet assembled by Charles of Anjou, sailed for Naples. When it joined the fleet and army his son was assembling in Naples it should be enough to reconquer Sicily. Or at least so Charles hoped. The Provencal fleet numbered 34 galleys and 4 galliots. Dozens more ships were ready at Naples and yet more ships at Brindisi. His fleet would reach Gaeta in June 6th.
Naples, June 7th, 1284
Charles prince of Salerno had been in a quandary. The Aragonese fleet under Roger de Lauria was constantly raiding his coast. In Calabria, Alexandros Vatatzes had landed an army in Reggio and raiding north from it, with apparently many Calabrians joining him, the damn Greeks there had no sense of loyalty as they should. His father had given him strict orders to stay on the defensive till he reached Naples in person and the papal legate left with him insisted he should follow his father's orders. Meanwhile the Neapolitans who were being blockaded and raided were demanding action threatening even to revolt otherwise. Not knowing his father had already reached Gaeta, he finally succumbed to the pressure and on news most of Roger's fleet was away sailed out to destroy the squadron blockading Naples. Unfortunately for Charles the information was inaccurate, Roger's entire fleet was at Naples. The ensuing battle would end in disaster, Charles himself had avoided capture only because Roger had received word that the Provencal fleet was approaching and broken off battle.
Naples, June 9th, 1284
Charles of Anjou, never the easiest of men had been almost apoplectic at the news at his son's defeat, calling him a fool and even asking rhetorically why he was still alive after disobeying him. Naples had risen up when the defeated fleet had reached back to port. The prince had quelled the uprising, but this had not stopped his father from executing 150 supposed ringleaders. Then, still furious at his son, he had ordered him to leave Naples, taking the locally levied troops south the Calabria and secure Reggio. Charles of Salerno had to leave the same day. Charles of Anjou at the head of the main army would follow south in June 24th.
Near Cosenza, Calabria, June 28th, 1284
The small group of Stratiotai, most of them Greeks with a handful of Cumans along them, turned back their horses to go back with their report to their master. The Italians it was true were taking reasonably good precautions. But the Stratiotai were veterans of fighting the Turks in Anatolia, and for that matter anyone from fellow Greeks to Golden Horde Mongols in the Balkans. It was a different school of warfare...
South of Cosenza, Calabria, June 30th, 1284
Charles of Salerno, threw down his sword an raised up his hands in surrender. His army had been ambushed in the mountains and when his knights had tried to break the ambush they had their horses shot from under them. Then with his army immobilized the attackers had proceeded to massacre his men. Charles had seen more than his share of war and was hardly a stranger to ruses of war, he was with his father at Tagliacozzo after all. But this was not war as commonly practised here in Italy or back in France, it reminded him much more of the stories of the fighting east in Romania or against the infidels. As he was brought before the man who had beaten him, he understood. The Greek prince, had not been after all alone as his father's spies claimed. Nevertheless as the Sicilian army, now reinforced by many Calabrians, retreated south before the much larger army of the elder Anjou, Vatatzes would prove a gracious host. The two young men, Alexandros was a few months younger, despite being on opposite sides of a war would end up striking an unlikely friendship...
Alexander had spent the winter months training his army and recruiting more men. Not unsurprising in doing so he had followed the role models he was accustomed with, the ones his family and the Comnenes before them had been using in Asia Minor. It was a system not exactly alien to Sicily. It was not straight feudalism either for all the advantages and disadvantages this might entail. Locally his support support upon the commoners and the peasantry, remained strong if anything after nearly two years it was growing stronger. But a stream of complaints was coming from John of Procida in Palermo. Vatatzes new soldiers were insubordinate, or rather, not unlike the Aragonese mercenaries loyal only to their master. And Alexander was refusing to let the Sicilian clergy take back the procurations that they had given to the laity at the time of the revolution, instead he had even granted pronoia holdings to several of his followers from church incomes. For Procida the conflict with the pope was supposed to be temporary. For Vatatzes separate taxation for Rome was simply alien. At least for now Procida had the very same complaints from the Aragonese and providing a reliable army could excuse many sins. Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes led his army back to Calabria...
Provence, May 1284
The fleet assembled by Charles of Anjou, sailed for Naples. When it joined the fleet and army his son was assembling in Naples it should be enough to reconquer Sicily. Or at least so Charles hoped. The Provencal fleet numbered 34 galleys and 4 galliots. Dozens more ships were ready at Naples and yet more ships at Brindisi. His fleet would reach Gaeta in June 6th.
Naples, June 7th, 1284
Charles prince of Salerno had been in a quandary. The Aragonese fleet under Roger de Lauria was constantly raiding his coast. In Calabria, Alexandros Vatatzes had landed an army in Reggio and raiding north from it, with apparently many Calabrians joining him, the damn Greeks there had no sense of loyalty as they should. His father had given him strict orders to stay on the defensive till he reached Naples in person and the papal legate left with him insisted he should follow his father's orders. Meanwhile the Neapolitans who were being blockaded and raided were demanding action threatening even to revolt otherwise. Not knowing his father had already reached Gaeta, he finally succumbed to the pressure and on news most of Roger's fleet was away sailed out to destroy the squadron blockading Naples. Unfortunately for Charles the information was inaccurate, Roger's entire fleet was at Naples. The ensuing battle would end in disaster, Charles himself had avoided capture only because Roger had received word that the Provencal fleet was approaching and broken off battle.
Naples, June 9th, 1284
Charles of Anjou, never the easiest of men had been almost apoplectic at the news at his son's defeat, calling him a fool and even asking rhetorically why he was still alive after disobeying him. Naples had risen up when the defeated fleet had reached back to port. The prince had quelled the uprising, but this had not stopped his father from executing 150 supposed ringleaders. Then, still furious at his son, he had ordered him to leave Naples, taking the locally levied troops south the Calabria and secure Reggio. Charles of Salerno had to leave the same day. Charles of Anjou at the head of the main army would follow south in June 24th.
Near Cosenza, Calabria, June 28th, 1284
The small group of Stratiotai, most of them Greeks with a handful of Cumans along them, turned back their horses to go back with their report to their master. The Italians it was true were taking reasonably good precautions. But the Stratiotai were veterans of fighting the Turks in Anatolia, and for that matter anyone from fellow Greeks to Golden Horde Mongols in the Balkans. It was a different school of warfare...
South of Cosenza, Calabria, June 30th, 1284
Charles of Salerno, threw down his sword an raised up his hands in surrender. His army had been ambushed in the mountains and when his knights had tried to break the ambush they had their horses shot from under them. Then with his army immobilized the attackers had proceeded to massacre his men. Charles had seen more than his share of war and was hardly a stranger to ruses of war, he was with his father at Tagliacozzo after all. But this was not war as commonly practised here in Italy or back in France, it reminded him much more of the stories of the fighting east in Romania or against the infidels. As he was brought before the man who had beaten him, he understood. The Greek prince, had not been after all alone as his father's spies claimed. Nevertheless as the Sicilian army, now reinforced by many Calabrians, retreated south before the much larger army of the elder Anjou, Vatatzes would prove a gracious host. The two young men, Alexandros was a few months younger, despite being on opposite sides of a war would end up striking an unlikely friendship...
I do wonder about as much would Vatatzes get from Anjou for his son's ransom...
Well, both of them would perhaps bond and/or share a mutual understanding over each other, at very least, difficult relationship, with their respectives father figures.