The eagle's left head

Well this just keeps getting better and better for the Lascarids! Idk if they'll be in a position to influence the civil war all that soon considering their current engagments in Sicily and the Latinokratia and having to dedicate time, effort, and men absorbing/passifying any land they gain from said engagments in the future, but I hope that they do.
Aiding Andronikos III and ending the civil war earlier could only benefit what's left of the empire and the Laskarids both because if they do eventually end up trying to take back control of the empire it'll be useful to have its remaining territory mostly intact which a quicker victory for Andronikos III would hopefully facilitate
 
I was trying to calculate what Thessaly can provide for the Catalans. I found this link in turkish, where it is stated that at the beginning of the 17th century there were 36 zeamets and 439 timars at the sanjak of Tirhala. These holdings supported 3,000 sipahis. It is worth mentioning it was an era of peace and stability, not multiple invasions as now in the timeline. The Tirhala Sanjak of the era included also mountainous areas of Central Greece, (Agrafa), Neopatras and parts of the modern Grevena perfecture. Considering the recent battle and the heavy casualties and the revolt of the mountain communities of central Greece, I very much doubt that the Catalans can hold to Bodonitza, Siderokastron, Salona and even Neopatras. We also know that a small part of Thessaly at the north-west is not controlled by the Catalans.

Overall, the Catalans will find it difficult to maintain an army comparable to the last one in the medium and long term. In a campaigning season or two, they will be massively outnumbered by the Catepanate of Hellas.
 
So the Civil War stays to canon for now.
The civil war did start on schedule. The detail have a major difference in Manuel as rival successor and co-emperor.
Every fucking update with andronikos the second in it make me hate the imbecile even more
Some of his successors were perhaps more capable but still... Take Ioannis Kantakouzenos for example. The man was certainly capable, a scholar, wanted the good of the empire... and brought the Turks to Europe.
On schedule yes, but the same, I don't think. Manuel's survival is the big difference here.
What comes of it, I don't know.
That... shall be seen. It is not as if we know all that much about Manuel aside from being a favorite of his grandfather.
Boeotia is a great acquisition. Even during catalan times, Thebes exported silk through Livadostrata at the Corinthian Gulf.
If taken the Lascarids would certainly not mind the silk production. If anything as a family their proclivities would be to support them.
This is quite heavy defeat. Leaving more than 16% of the total force as dead, would mean that there are also lot of wounded, some of which will perish as well. These are not sustainable losses, especially since the manpower pool is limited.
I don't think it is implausible though. Alfonso was effectively scraping the dregs of the barrel and Alexios has a veteran army. If anything he did fairly well in managing to cover his retreat.
Thessaly is populous with a lot of fiefs. But it has gone through a period of instability and several incursions very recently. Thessaly is rich in land, but poor in coin. At the same time, the Despotate can blockade the Pagasetic Gulf, or at least make trade precarious with increased pirate activity. I doubt the local magnates will be overly thrilled with the possibility of providing increased taxes to Alfonso and the latter has not other alternatives to procure coin. Is Stefanos Gavriilopoulos still around ?
Gabriilopoulos is holding the north-west... if anything both he and perhaps John Orsini should be getting ideas by now. As would the Byzantines were they not in the middle of civil war...

Well this just keeps getting better and better for the Lascarids! Idk if they'll be in a position to influence the civil war all that soon considering their current engagments in Sicily and the Latinokratia and having to dedicate time, effort, and men absorbing/passifying any land they gain from said engagments in the future, but I hope that they do.
Aiding Andronikos III and ending the civil war earlier could only benefit what's left of the empire and the Laskarids both because if they do eventually end up trying to take back control of the empire it'll be useful to have its remaining territory mostly intact which a quicker victory for Andronikos III would hopefully facilitate
It short of feels like cheating, the Lascarids are effectively turning into a second set of Ottomans expanding from the west. Of course if seen at a distance what were the Ottomans but a family starting to bring together the various fragments of the empire till turning too big to be able to deal with by any of the individual statelets?
I was trying to calculate what Thessaly can provide for the Catalans. I found this link in turkish, where it is stated that at the beginning of the 17th century there were 36 zeamets and 439 timars at the sanjak of Tirhala. These holdings supported 3,000 sipahis. It is worth mentioning it was an era of peace and stability, not multiple invasions as now in the timeline. The Tirhala Sanjak of the era included also mountainous areas of Central Greece, (Agrafa), Neopatras and parts of the modern Grevena perfecture. Considering the recent battle and the heavy casualties and the revolt of the mountain communities of central Greece, I very much doubt that the Catalans can hold to Bodonitza, Siderokastron, Salona and even Neopatras. We also know that a small part of Thessaly at the north-west is not controlled by the Catalans.
Trikala in 1520 had a population around 352,000 people (70,403 families). So my working estimation is about 289,000. I'm not including Grevena in this but then my maps don't have it as part of the sanjak. Even if it was the difference would be relatively minimal, call it around 19,000 people.

Overall, the Catalans will find it difficult to maintain an army comparable to the last one in the medium and long term. In a campaigning season or two, they will be massively outnumbered by the Catepanate of Hellas.
If the Lascarids have any say the Catalans will not exist in the medium to long term of course. After all Alexandros pretty much agreed with Michael VIII every single Latin and Greek statelet in Greece had to be eventually re-united... even at the very time he was creating one for himself in Sicily...
 
If taken the Lascarids would certainly not mind the silk production. If anything as a family their proclivities would be to support them.
Alexandros protected Jews expelled by Frederick and the French. It is an important policy when it comes to theban silk weaving, since it seems that most of the weavers were Jews.

I don't think it is implausible though. Alfonso was effectively scraping the dregs of the barrel and Alexios has a veteran army. If anything he did fairly well in managing to cover his retreat.
It would make sense that the still numerous light cavalry covered the retreat. I guess most of the casualties would have been infantrymen and the Serbian heavy cavalry that charged the pike wall. Fadrique must be running out of infantrymen.

Trikala in 1520 had a population around 352,000 people (70,403 families). So my working estimation is about 289,000. I'm not including Grevena in this but then my maps don't have it as part of the sanjak. Even if it was the difference would be relatively minimal, call it around 19,000 people.
Not the whole Grevena, just a few villages in the south. Other than Agrafa though, I think that Karpenisi all the way down to Panaitoliko Mountain belonged to the sanjak as well.

If the Lascarids have any say the Catalans will not exist in the medium to long term of course. After all Alexandros pretty much agreed with Michael VIII every single Latin and Greek statelet in Greece had to be eventually re-united... even at the very time he was creating one for himself in Sicily...
So dynastic policy is in line with the current very advantageous circumstances.
 
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It short of feels like cheating, the Lascarids are effectively turning into a second set of Ottomans expanding from the west. Of course if seen at a distance what were the Ottomans but a family starting to bring together the various fragments of the empire till turning too big to be able to deal with by any of the individual statelets?
This is the effect of a virtuous cycle of good government in the absence of a big power.
 
This is the effect of a virtuous cycle of good government in the absence of a big power.
tbf the ERE collasping under Andronikos II meant that the statelets around the great power would start to attempt to expand and grow to become the great power in the region in general.
 
So, what is the distribution of population, military resources (levies and galleys raised locally) and wealth/tax revenues across the Katepanate of Hellas, between Achaea, Attica, the Aegean sea, Beotia, and while they have not conquered it yet, Thessaly too?

Lately, I have the feeling Theodore's catepanate is able more and more to flex its muscles without relying too much on help from Sicily, since Ioannis is still waging war into western Sicily.
 
Lately, I have the feeling Theodore's catepanate is able more and more to flex its muscles without relying too much on help from Sicily, since Ioannis is still waging war into western Sicily.
Ι think the catepanate has become as powerful as the Sicilian Despotate - at least for as long as Frederick controls the west of the island.

So, what is the distribution of population, military resources (levies and galleys raised locally) and wealth/tax revenues across the Katepanate of Hellas, between Achaea, Attica, the Aegean sea, Beotia, and while they have not conquered it yet, Thessaly too?
A few thoughts on this question...

Morea
The Morea population stood at 20,000 households in 1461 and was increased to 30,000 households in 1488. This figure excluded venetian Nafplio, Monemvasia, Modon and Koron. However, the peninsula had suffered a lot by the Black Death and then a multitude of wars down to its 1461 conquest.

Considering the long period of peace and the fact that the Lascarid conquest had limited impact to the peasantry, I would guess the population to be more than 30,000 households ( ~150,000 people). I think it would make sense that if we exclude the imperial-controled Eurotas river and Mani peninsula, to maintain a 150k population for the Catepanate Morea.

It should be mentioned that at the end of the 15th century, around 30% of the households were christian Albanian. The vast majority of them were pastoralists exercising very limited agriculture of grain. In contrast, their Greek neighbors were mostly farmers who in a significant degree exercised cash crop-oriented agriculture (grapevines, mulberry trees). At the same time, since the Albanian clans were warlike, they paid less taxes than the rest of the Christians. A Morea before the mass migration of pastoralists should have been quite richer since the production of wine, raisins and silk would have been much higher.

The Principality of Achaea was able to field 1200 knights and 3,000 heavy infantry against Philanthropenos. The Catepanate doesn't include the laconian plain but includes the argolid. At the same time, the prosperous city of Patras doesn't belong to the Catholic Chuch and a lot of fiefs do not belong to the various catholic military orders. That balances the scales
 
Ι think the catepanate has become as powerful as the Sicilian Despotate - at least for as long as Frederick controls the west of the island.


A few thoughts on this question...

Morea
The Morea population stood at 20,000 households in 1461 and was increased to 30,000 households in 1488. This figure excluded venetian Nafplio, Monemvasia, Modon and Koron. However, the peninsula had suffered a lot by the Black Death and then a multitude of wars down to its 1461 conquest.

Considering the long period of peace and the fact that the Lascarid conquest had limited impact to the peasantry, I would guess the population to be more than 30,000 households ( ~150,000 people). I think it would make sense that if we exclude the imperial-controled Eurotas river and Mani peninsula, to maintain a 150k population for the Catepanate Morea.

It should be mentioned that at the end of the 15th century, around 30% of the households were christian Albanian. The vast majority of them were pastoralists exercising very limited agriculture of grain. In contrast, their Greek neighbors were mostly farmers who in a significant degree exercised cash crop-oriented agriculture (grapevines, mulberry trees). At the same time, since the Albanian clans were warlike, they paid less taxes than the rest of the Christians. A Morea before the mass migration of pastoralists should have been quite richer since the production of wine, raisins and silk would have been much higher.

The Principality of Achaea was able to field 1200 knights and 3,000 heavy infantry against Philanthropenos. The Catepanate doesn't include the laconian plain but includes the argolid. At the same time, the prosperous city of Patras doesn't belong to the Catholic Chuch and a lot of fiefs do not belong to the various catholic military orders. That balances the scales
If you don't mind my asking what's your source for that morea's population figure in 1461/88?
 
So, what is the distribution of population, military resources (levies and galleys raised locally) and wealth/tax revenues across the Katepanate of Hellas, between Achaea, Attica, the Aegean sea, Beotia, and while they have not conquered it yet, Thessaly too?
When it comes to galleys, I think it is somewhat easy to establish a ballpark figure. The author had calculated the taxes of Chios to be enough to maintain 12 galleys and a garrison of 500. William of Villehardouin participated in the Egyptian Crusade with 24 galleys. I have no idea if these included also the County Palatinate ones, but for a more conservative estimate lets say they did. The Catalans were able to send 13 galleys against Chios, while maintaining a large field army. So, let's say another dozen from the recent conquests. We know that in the 1560s, the Duke of Naxos had an income of 9-10,000 ducats and that was after multiple devastations of the islands that had left the smaller ones basically uninhabited - plus he didn't control all of the Cyclades. In the early 14th century the Cyclades must be more populated. If we add the smaller Dodecanese islands (Leros, Kos), the prosperous island of Thasos and Samos becoming again productive after moving there colonists, I don't think it would be a stratch that all of these would provide another 12 galleys.

Thus, I think the Catepanate can easily deploy 60 galleys in total, without neglecting its army. Ioannis back at Syracuse could call to at least 40 galleys from Sicily and Calabria. But now Calabria with its forests has been in peace for almost 20 years and is prospering. Messina has received Jewish and Asia Minor Greeks as new settlers and is prospering. I wouldn't be suprised if now Ioannis can field at least 50 galleys from his italian holdings.

Now compare these numbers with the OTL figures of the Venetian-Genoese Wars. In 1298, the Genoese sent 77 galleys at Curzola and the Venetians launched 95. In 1352, the Genoese dispatched a fleet of 64 galleys to the Aegean under the command of Paganino Doria. In 1353 at Alhgero, Pisans, Catalans and Venetians had 80 galleys and the Genoese 60. By word of the author, the Angevins recently sent 83 galleys to the expedition to Genoa. And we know that in 1317 they had sent 70 galleys against Sicily.

The Lascarids are a true naval power and they have greater access to naval manpower compared to Frederick and even Robert.
 
Minor note but all galleys are not the same. In the early to mid 13th century you still had one and two bank galleys, the two bank galleys that were standard by the time of the Vespers had 152 men crews. By the 1320s the standard is becoming the three bank galea sottile with a crew of 213 men. And larger ones for flagship use with even larger crews were also around. So a galley in 13th century was effectively a later galliot in crew requirements and size. The Ottoman fleet at Lepanto for example had 67,000 men with 222 galleys and 56 galliots and the Christian fleet 65,000 in 206 galleys and 6 galleasses.
 
Minor note but all galleys are not the same. In the early to mid 13th century you still had one and two bank galleys, the two bank galleys that were standard by the time of the Vespers had 152 men crews. By the 1320s the standard is becoming the three bank galea sottile with a crew of 213 men. And larger ones for flagship use with even larger crews were also around. So a galley in 13th century was effectively a later galliot in crew requirements and size. The Ottoman fleet at Lepanto for example had 67,000 men with 222 galleys and 56 galliots and the Christian fleet 65,000 in 206 galleys and 6 galleasses.
Plus the various people that manned the galley that changed from professionals(the various maritimes cities ) to later "galere" filled with inprisoned people or adversary Muslim or Cristian slaves( french navy or if you were a Corsair state).
So even if you rebuild a fleet you need an alliance with a Corsair state ,b you search an alliance with someone that sell you gaolers (rare), you use your prisons ( you need a city for this).
The Catalan can do that?
 
So, what is the distribution of population, military resources (levies and galleys raised locally) and wealth/tax revenues across the Katepanate of Hellas, between Achaea, Attica, the Aegean sea, Beotia, and while they have not conquered it yet, Thessaly too?

Lately, I have the feeling Theodore's catepanate is able more and more to flex its muscles without relying too much on help from Sicily, since Ioannis is still waging war into western Sicily.
That's largely a matter of supposition it is not as if we have much in surviving records, unlike for example Italy. But we wouldn't go much wrong to say that the figures for the early 14th century are comparable to the early 16th century, the numbers we have for the Balkans do fit with this figure and the same pattern can be seen in the rest of Europe including Italy, So as of 1321 the working estimation is the the Lascarid holdings in Greece have about 182,000 people in the Peloponnese, and 147,000 in the Aegean and Ionian islands. Attica and Boeotia would have another 72,000 or so.
Ι think the catepanate has become as powerful as the Sicilian Despotate - at least for as long as Frederick controls the west of the island.
At the start of the Sicilian war, the Sicilian despotate would be ~281,000 in Sicily and another 131,000 in Calabria, I'd note these are much more accurate numbers since we do have census data. Since the war start the despotate has added to this as it expands into Val Demone and Val di Noto although this is a slow process, even with Frederick heavily defeated in Syracuse he still has sizable resources to fall back to.
A few thoughts on this question...

Morea
The Morea population stood at 20,000 households in 1461 and was increased to 30,000 households in 1488. This figure excluded venetian Nafplio, Monemvasia, Modon and Koron. However, the peninsula had suffered a lot by the Black Death and then a multitude of wars down to its 1461 conquest.
Ottoman Morea was supposed to have 50,941 households in 1520. So in 60 years the population went up 2.5 times growing by 1.57% a year? With 1.51% per year in 1461-1488? I'd cast some doubt in the 1461 figures even allowing for immigration and I'd notε in this period was not altogether peaceful given multiple revolts in 1464, 1466 and 1479, while average European population growth in 1500-1700 was below 0.2% So arguably the population was much higher than the 20,000 households.

The Principality of Achaea was able to field 1200 knights and 3,000 heavy infantry against Philanthropenos. The Catepanate doesn't include the laconian plain but includes the argolid. At the same time, the prosperous city of Patras doesn't belong to the Catholic Chuch and a lot of fiefs do not belong to the various catholic military orders. That balances the scales
Which was again an estimation but I don't think a wrong one given available figures.
When it comes to galleys, I think it is somewhat easy to establish a ballpark figure. The author had calculated the taxes of Chios to be enough to maintain 12 galleys and a garrison of 500.
Chios is the crown jewel of the Lascarid Greek holdings, it made 86,000 ducats a year under the Maona of Chios and that was without Phokaia and its alum mines. A three bank war galley would cost slightly over 5,000 a year to maintain. (And only 2,300 to build...)
William of Villehardouin participated in the Egyptian Crusade with 24 galleys. I have no idea if these included also the County Palatinate ones, but for a more conservative estimate lets say they did. The Catalans were able to send 13 galleys against Chios, while maintaining a large field army. So, let's say another dozen from the recent conquests. We know that in the 1560s, the Duke of Naxos had an income of 9-10,000 ducats and that was after multiple devastations of the islands that had left the smaller ones basically uninhabited - plus he didn't control all of the Cyclades. In the early 14th century the Cyclades must be more populated. If we add the smaller Dodecanese islands (Leros, Kos), the prosperous island of Thasos and Samos becoming again productive after moving there colonists, I don't think it would be a stratch that all of these would provide another 12 galleys.

Thus, I think the Catepanate can easily deploy 60 galleys in total, without neglecting its army.
That's a yearly cost of over 300,000 ducats a year leaving aside taking up about 3% of the entire population in crews. So arguably too much. You might account for roughly one galley per 10-20,000 population as a rule of thumb. Maybe. The lower range seems to fit with wjat Sicily could mobilize, the higher range with Naples. Although there you have the remaining Angevin holding complicating things. Another way to look at it is... where did the majority of Ottoman naval manpower come from at Lepanto? A quite large fraction comes from around the Aegean...

Now compare these numbers with the OTL figures of the Venetian-Genoese Wars. In 1298, the Genoese sent 77 galleys at Curzola and the Venetians launched 95. In 1352, the Genoese dispatched a fleet of 64 galleys to the Aegean under the command of Paganino Doria. In 1353 at Alhgero, Pisans, Catalans and Venetians had 80 galleys and the Genoese 60. By word of the author, the Angevins recently sent 83 galleys to the expedition to Genoa. And we know that in 1317 they had sent 70 galleys against Sicily.
In 1309 the Genoese were contracting 100 galleys to Robert. The 83 galleys in 1321 is historical (might be 82) with Frederick sending 42 galleys to Genoa and getting cased off.
The Lascarids are a true naval power and they have greater access to naval manpower compared to Frederick and even Robert.
They do outstrip at sea Frederick. Robert... is a different question.
Plus the various people that manned the galley that changed from professionals(the various maritimes cities ) to later "galere" filled with inprisoned people or adversary Muslim or Cristian slaves( french navy or if you were a Corsair state).
So even if you rebuild a fleet you need an alliance with a Corsair state ,b you search an alliance with someone that sell you gaolers (rare), you use your prisons ( you need a city for this).
The Catalan can do that?
The switch has not happened yet it was a 16th century thing. At the moment it is free crews in their entirety.
 
Part 44
Skopje, January 6th, 1322

Stefan Uros III became the new king of Serbia. Milutin had died the previous October with the Serbian Orthodox church proclaiming the late king a saint, a dubious proposition givenn his actions in life. This had brought civil war between Stefan, his brother Konstantin and their cousin Vladislav. Stefan who had been sent to Constantinople by his father to be blinded but had not, pretending to be blind in the previous years had gained popular support by the simple expedient that a miracle had returned his vision defeating his brother and forcing Vladislav to retreat to his ancestral lands of Syrmia where Stefan's supporters continued their attacks against him. Stefan's son, Stefan Dusan was proclaimed co-king despite being just 14 years old.

Arcadia, April 1322

Karytaina fell to surprise attack by Demetrios Palaiologos. Theodore and Ioannis were supporting the younger Andronikos in the civil war that had restart and Demetrios was loyal to his father the elder Andronikos. With the Achaean army away fighting the Catalans in Thessaly he had taken advantage of its absence to strike. with Karytaina fallen his army marched north against the fortress of Skorta.

Thessaly, April 1322

Sebastocrator Stephan Gabrielopoulos invaded Catalan held Thessaly at the head of three thousand men and put Larisa under siege. With the Catalans suffering defeat after defeat in the south now was time to push them out of Thessaly...

Livadeia, May 1322

The town surrendered to Theodore Lascaris. But now Theodore and Alexios were faced with a two front war as they had to fight both Alfonso in the north and Demetrios in the south. Theodore would advance north at the head of four thousand men to strike at the capital of the duchy of Athens at New Patras just as Philanthropenos marched south with 2,500 infantry and 500 horse to deal with Demetrios.

Palermo, June 1322

Parliament refused Frederick the grant of additional taxes despite the ongoing fighting. The refusal came on top of a crop failure in the kingdom of Sicily and grain prices doubling. Faced with an ever worsening situation, Sicilian peasantry tried to escape to the cities or even the despotate in increasing numbers while fields were left uncultivated as barons and the church found it less costly to let the fields lay fallow than pay the costs of cultivating them.

Skorta, June 1322

Demetrios had been by all accounts a very good theologian and miniture painter. As a general he was not as accompliced. When facing the foremost general of his time while heavily outnumbered, he had slightly more that two thousand men, the results were bound to be bad. And they had been. Philanthropenos had dealt him a sharp defeat made all the worse by several men changing sides in its aftermath. Soon Philanthropenos was back in control of Karytaina. Demetrios had offered a truce. His cousin had refused turning instead in the north-east to besiege Argos and Nauplion fromthe land hust as the despotate's fleet cut off their supply from the sea.

Larisa, July 1322

Stephan Gabrielopoulos retreated west. Alfonso had swung his army north and had proven a far tougher opponent than he had hoped. The Thessalians had fought hard but had lost four tenths of their army, suffering five times as many casualties as the Catalans. Fortunately for the sebastokrator, Alfonso would have to agree to a truce as he also had to deal with Theodore on the south.

Constantinople, July 1322

Another truce between the three emperors restored peace in the empire after several cities in Thrace has defected from the elder Andronikos and Manuel to join Andronikos III. The resumption of hostilities the past December had not proven such a good idea after all...

Syracuse, August 1322

For the first time since Frederick had begun the war in 1315, the despotate of Sicily unlike the kingdom of Sicily did not have to colllect the "subvertio generalis" the extraordinarly war tax of half a ducat per hearth, since normal taxes were enough to cover the costs of the continuing war.

Salona, Phokis, September 1322

Andronikos Asen blochaded the castle. His seven hundred men even when reinforced by rebels were not enough to actively besiege the castle. Starvation woyld have to do. And it wasn't coming soon with the defenders actually getting a modicum of supplies...

Trikala, Western Thessaly, October 1322

Alfonso might not had been able to exploit his victory but John II Orsini despot of Epirus had never had any compuctions about exploiting other people's victories or as his late brother had learned too late, stabbing them in the back. He had invaded Thessaly as soon as news of Gabrielopoulos defeat had reached him.

Athens, December 1322

Theodore had to accept that against the Catalans beyond the fall of Livadeia and the despotate's advances against the cut off Phokis the year had been a failure. alfonso had thaken avantafe of his slightly lager army to beat back all Theodore's probes towards Lamia and Neai Patrai. At least the subversion in the Morea had given the despotate the opportunity to pick up Nauplion and Argos. And that war was not over. He and his brother were not bound by the truce between the three emperors...

Mytilini, April 1323

Martino Zaccaria looked at the chysobull granting him control of Lesbos with satisfaction. Just the alum mines of his new realm gave him about 28,000 ducats nearly as much as the 29,000 he was getting from Phokaia. And his new holding was rich and populus with over 38,000 people. And just as he had expected Andronikos II had been forced to accept the fait accomple he had created...
 
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Parliament refused Frederick the grant of additional taxes despite the ongoing fighting. The refusal came on top of a crop failure in the kingdom of Sicily and grain prices doubling. Faced with an ever worsening situation, Sicilian peasantry tried to escape to the cities or even the despotate in increasing numbers while fields were left uncultivated as barons and the church found it less costly to let the fields lay fallow than pay the costs of cultivating them.
For the first time since Frederick had begun the war in 1315, the despotate of Sicily unlike the kingdom of Sicily did not have to colllect the "subvertio generalis" the extraordinarly war tax of half a ducat per hearth, since normal taxes were enough to cover the costs of the continuing war.
And the trickle of peasants fleeing to the Despotate will become a flood. This is a recipe for demographic and economic collapse.


Alfonso might not had been able to exploit his victory but John II Orsini despot of Epirus had never had any compuctions about exploiting other people's victories or as his late brother had learned too late, stabbing them in the back. He had invaded Thessaly as soon as news of Gabrielopoulos defeat had reached him.
What portions of the old Despotate does Orsini control? Has Ioannina accepted imperial suzerainty with extended privileges as in OTL? Does Philip of Taranto still control the castles of Vonitza, Angelokastro, Vrachori and Lepanto (basically Acarnania and Aetolia) ?

Theodore had to accept that against the Catalans beyond the fall of Livadeia and the despotate's advances against the cut off Phokis the year had been a failure. alfonso had thaken avantafe of his slightly lager army to beat back all Theodore's probes towards Lamia and Neai Patrai. At least the subversion in the Morea had given the despotate the opportunity to pick up Nauplion and Argos. And that war was not over. He and his brother were not bound by the truce between the three emperors...
Oh my bad - I thought that the Argolis was captured in the previous clash. The fact that a lot of men deserted Palaiologos after the defeat is telling. I wonder fow how long both the elite and the peasants of Laconia would adhere to imperial commands. Andronikos' commands have lead from one disaster to another. Now they have to face the greatest general of their time, who has a bigger force. Not to mention that the Despotate provides a paradigm of success, prosperity and opportunities to nobles and peasants alike.

Martino Zaccaria looked at the chysobull granting him control of Lesbos with satisfaction. Just the alum mines of his new realm gave him about 28,000 ducats nearly as much as the 29,000 he was getting from Phokaia. And his new holding was rich and populus with over 38,000 people. And just as he had expected Andronikos II had been forced to accept the fait accomple he had created...
Something tells me that he has painted a big double-headed eagle target on his back. The Lascarids enjoy naval supremacy and Lesvos is a juicy target. It certainly helps that part of the population are Asia Minor refugees that literally worshipped Theodore's grandfather.

The Thessalians had fought hard but had lost four tenths of their army, suffering five times as many casualties as the Catalans
Even so the Catalans took significant attrition since they cannot sustain even such casualties in the medium term. And they will have to face an epirote army on top of everything.
 
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