The eagle's left head
- Thread starter Lascaris
- Start date
Part 41
Saint George, Arcadia, September 1318
The small church of St George, that had given the area its name was a convenient place for the two parties to meet as the armies arrayed for battle.
"You are outnumbered father. And Theodore has twice as many horse as you do to make it worse."
Andronikos shrugged. "This may be true but you can not know the outcome of the battle even if the numbers are on your side."
Theodore gave him a tight smile. "Let's say, for the shake of the argument that you defeat me. Or beat me back and retreat to Mystra. That's more likely than outright defeating me wouldn't you say? Either way my uncle will be waiting for you. And his army is again as big as yours. Do you really believe you can first beat back me and then before your army can recover defeat Alexios Philanthropenos?"
"So what do you propose? To be clear I'm not surrendering. Or changing sides. I'm loyal to the basileus."
"His serenity forced the fighting. But thankfully little blood has been shed so far. I don't like Greeks killing each other. Plenty of Franks and Turks to fight both here and back in Sicily. Besides Adrienne does not want me fighting her father. Even after what he has done to her. Who am I to sadden her?"
"Nice words. But I had been told by Ioannis father that you are good with words. So what do you actually propose?"
"Monemvasia remains under my control. Her people decided to join us and for certain I'm not leaving them to your uncle's tender mercies."
"And we'll have peace?"
"That is going to cost you more."
"More?"
"Of course. After all you'd have no chance to take Monemvasia. The place is impregnable as long as it's port is open. And I will be leaving your army to get away unscathed after you invaded us with no provocation."
"So what is your price?"
"All the castles of Arcadia."
"That's too steep a price to accept."
"You can give battle. After I win it, and I will win it, I'll be still taking the castles and I won't be stopping before seizing the entire Peloponnesus."
Constantinople, October 1318
Andronikos II Palaiologos threw away the report from the Peloponnese in disgust. His nephew after an abortive campaign, had signed a truce with Lascaris, surrendering Monemvasia and Arcadia to him. Just one more setback. Thirty-six years since the death of his father had forced him into taking the stewardship of the basileia and not one had not passed without setbacks and people failing him. Did anyone thank him that he had stopped the empire from bankrupting itself, a certain fate had he continued to pay for his father's armies and fleets? But at least now the empire's revenues were back to 1 million hyperpyra. Chrysobulls to rebuilt a central army with 3,000 heave cavalry, 2,000 of them for the European and the rest the Asiatic provinces were signed along with orders for the construction of a fleet of 20 galleys. The emire had to remind her neighbors it and uppity breakaway statelets it was a power to be reckoned with...
Palermo, April 1319
King Frederick took to sea at the head of a fleet of forty galleys. Three years after the setback in Syracuse he had managed to rebuild his fleet almost back to its original strength. Which should be enough to keep Ioannis in check at sea... as long as another fleet from Greece did not show up. His son had to take care of that, till a more permanent solution could be found. And it was needed. On land Blasco Alagona the most faithful of his subordinates was leading an army of about 6,500 men. But this meant he had to keep to the defensive once more against Ioannis larger army...
Syracuse, May 1st, 1319
The cathedral had start life as a temple of Athena, dedicated by Gelon after his victory in the battle of Himera. It had become a Christian church dedicated quite appropriately to the Holy Virgin. When Syracuse had fallen to the Arabs it had made a mosque, to be turned back into a church a Latin one after the Normans had taken the city. Alexandros had taken advantage of the papal interdicts to give it back to priests following the Greek rite and make a Basilian monk archbishop of Syracuse bringing the church full circle. And now it would be the site of the marriage of Theodore Doukas Lascaris and Andrienne Palaiologos...
Chios. July, 1319
Alfonso had determined, not inaccurately that Chios was the linchpin of the Lascarid naval power in the Aegean, since its wealth was keeping their fleet paid. His own fleet of thirteen galleys had not been enough in itself but Alfonso had no problem to ally with the emir of Aydin. Mehmed Beg the emir, after seizing Smyrna from Martino Zaccaria in 1317 and Phokaia with its alum mines in 1318 had found the idea much to his liking and had added 34 more ships, 16 of them galleys to the venture. The joint fleet had laid siege to Chios, but Chios strongly fortified aver the previous fifteen years had held out long enough for a Hospitaller fleet of 24 ships under Albert von Sshwarzburg and a Lascarid fleet of two dozen more galleys under Alexios Philanthropenos to show up. The esuing battle had led to the crushing defeat of the joint Catalan-Aidinind fleet with only half a dozen Aidinid ships managing to escape...
Messina, September 1319
Immigrants from the east were not an unknown sight to Messina but not in the numbers being unloaded from the ships. The emirate of Aydin had based its naval power on Greek sailors and rowers from the coastal areas it had recently conquered. Thousands of these sailors had been in lost ships and taken as prisoner in the battle of Chios. And the Philantropenos had sent them to Sicily for his nephews to settle reasoning that in Sicily they would be very useful... and sufficiently far away not to bother him again...
The small church of St George, that had given the area its name was a convenient place for the two parties to meet as the armies arrayed for battle.
"You are outnumbered father. And Theodore has twice as many horse as you do to make it worse."
Andronikos shrugged. "This may be true but you can not know the outcome of the battle even if the numbers are on your side."
Theodore gave him a tight smile. "Let's say, for the shake of the argument that you defeat me. Or beat me back and retreat to Mystra. That's more likely than outright defeating me wouldn't you say? Either way my uncle will be waiting for you. And his army is again as big as yours. Do you really believe you can first beat back me and then before your army can recover defeat Alexios Philanthropenos?"
"So what do you propose? To be clear I'm not surrendering. Or changing sides. I'm loyal to the basileus."
"His serenity forced the fighting. But thankfully little blood has been shed so far. I don't like Greeks killing each other. Plenty of Franks and Turks to fight both here and back in Sicily. Besides Adrienne does not want me fighting her father. Even after what he has done to her. Who am I to sadden her?"
"Nice words. But I had been told by Ioannis father that you are good with words. So what do you actually propose?"
"Monemvasia remains under my control. Her people decided to join us and for certain I'm not leaving them to your uncle's tender mercies."
"And we'll have peace?"
"That is going to cost you more."
"More?"
"Of course. After all you'd have no chance to take Monemvasia. The place is impregnable as long as it's port is open. And I will be leaving your army to get away unscathed after you invaded us with no provocation."
"So what is your price?"
"All the castles of Arcadia."
"That's too steep a price to accept."
"You can give battle. After I win it, and I will win it, I'll be still taking the castles and I won't be stopping before seizing the entire Peloponnesus."
Constantinople, October 1318
Andronikos II Palaiologos threw away the report from the Peloponnese in disgust. His nephew after an abortive campaign, had signed a truce with Lascaris, surrendering Monemvasia and Arcadia to him. Just one more setback. Thirty-six years since the death of his father had forced him into taking the stewardship of the basileia and not one had not passed without setbacks and people failing him. Did anyone thank him that he had stopped the empire from bankrupting itself, a certain fate had he continued to pay for his father's armies and fleets? But at least now the empire's revenues were back to 1 million hyperpyra. Chrysobulls to rebuilt a central army with 3,000 heave cavalry, 2,000 of them for the European and the rest the Asiatic provinces were signed along with orders for the construction of a fleet of 20 galleys. The emire had to remind her neighbors it and uppity breakaway statelets it was a power to be reckoned with...
Palermo, April 1319
King Frederick took to sea at the head of a fleet of forty galleys. Three years after the setback in Syracuse he had managed to rebuild his fleet almost back to its original strength. Which should be enough to keep Ioannis in check at sea... as long as another fleet from Greece did not show up. His son had to take care of that, till a more permanent solution could be found. And it was needed. On land Blasco Alagona the most faithful of his subordinates was leading an army of about 6,500 men. But this meant he had to keep to the defensive once more against Ioannis larger army...
Syracuse, May 1st, 1319
The cathedral had start life as a temple of Athena, dedicated by Gelon after his victory in the battle of Himera. It had become a Christian church dedicated quite appropriately to the Holy Virgin. When Syracuse had fallen to the Arabs it had made a mosque, to be turned back into a church a Latin one after the Normans had taken the city. Alexandros had taken advantage of the papal interdicts to give it back to priests following the Greek rite and make a Basilian monk archbishop of Syracuse bringing the church full circle. And now it would be the site of the marriage of Theodore Doukas Lascaris and Andrienne Palaiologos...
Chios. July, 1319
Alfonso had determined, not inaccurately that Chios was the linchpin of the Lascarid naval power in the Aegean, since its wealth was keeping their fleet paid. His own fleet of thirteen galleys had not been enough in itself but Alfonso had no problem to ally with the emir of Aydin. Mehmed Beg the emir, after seizing Smyrna from Martino Zaccaria in 1317 and Phokaia with its alum mines in 1318 had found the idea much to his liking and had added 34 more ships, 16 of them galleys to the venture. The joint fleet had laid siege to Chios, but Chios strongly fortified aver the previous fifteen years had held out long enough for a Hospitaller fleet of 24 ships under Albert von Sshwarzburg and a Lascarid fleet of two dozen more galleys under Alexios Philanthropenos to show up. The esuing battle had led to the crushing defeat of the joint Catalan-Aidinind fleet with only half a dozen Aidinid ships managing to escape...
Messina, September 1319
Immigrants from the east were not an unknown sight to Messina but not in the numbers being unloaded from the ships. The emirate of Aydin had based its naval power on Greek sailors and rowers from the coastal areas it had recently conquered. Thousands of these sailors had been in lost ships and taken as prisoner in the battle of Chios. And the Philantropenos had sent them to Sicily for his nephews to settle reasoning that in Sicily they would be very useful... and sufficiently far away not to bother him again...
but does the term byzantine empire gets invented at all in this tl i know u want to use it for the sake of convenience but will the actual term ever developed?
Andronikos Asen getting to a truce is the best thing he could've went for, and anything else would be bad for the ERE long term. This way the Byzantines still have a toehold in Morea.
I still think when we get the rebellion by Andronikos III the Morea would be given to the Vatatzes tho, as the Vatatzes are clearly under the Andronikos III camp.
Frederick, weakened but not down!
Seriously his position is the weakest he's ever been in, even with a substantial army Philantropos' reforms on the Vatatzes armies means they could call new armies a lot more easily as the infantry is a lot more useful than in Frederick's armies.
I wonder when will Robert of Anjou get his armies in Sicily proper. Frederick's lands are his after all. Or will the Vatatzes take over at the end when Joanna reigns?
And Alfonso and the Menteshe are thwarted once again.
Seriously I wonder would the Vatatzes attempt a conquest of Menteshe? Their navy have been battered multiple times by the Hospitalar and the Vatatzes already and when Frederick is dealt with I see them attempting to stop the Menteshe once and for all.
Tbf I wonder if the Greeks would colonise Sicily at least considering how many Greeks are moving to the region, and with Greek being the main language of administration I see Latin speakers switching to using Greek slowly too.
PS why are the Vatatzes being called the Lascarids? I haven't seen them make the switch?
So, what is Ioannis' endgoal in the war against Frederick ? I wonder. Frederick's head on a pike to avenge Alexandros' murder ?
Of course, starved to death in a dark, forgotten cell might be more discrete and less susceptible to "shock" other crowned heads through Europe, but that has much less bravado than a good Sicilian vendetta before that was even something (or was it already back then ?).
Of course, starved to death in a dark, forgotten cell might be more discrete and less susceptible to "shock" other crowned heads through Europe, but that has much less bravado than a good Sicilian vendetta before that was even something (or was it already back then ?).
That is a little bit convoluted. Theodore II used the surname of his maternal grandpa instead of Vatatzes, by the way this was the case with Alexios Philanthropenos who instead of the surname of his father Tarchaneiotes took that of his grandfather. I understand this was being done due to no male heirs to continue the surname. So in the same fashion Alexandros gave his second son the surname of his brother. Of course at the time he was born Ioannis IV was still alive but a blinded monk in Andronikos custody and not getting out...
So why Lascarid and not Vatatzes? For the same reason you had a Lascaris instead of a Vatatzes dynasty back in Nikaia despite no actual Lascaris around since 1220. Is this also a political statement one Alexandros was more careful to avoid? That's a different question...
hmm that makes sense thx!
Considering that Ioannis hasn't had children yet (legitimate ones anyways) would we see Theodore's children (if he has any) take the throne? Not that Adrianne may be able to concieve at all.
I feel like this was resolved way to favorably for the Laskarids. Maybe some payment in exchange or something. Not that there was any hope of winning that "war" for the Imperials but just to not humiliate them. On the other hand theoretically the Laskarids in Greece are viceroys of the Empreror ..... and the Anjou.
Is this a positive reaction from the Emperor? Let's hope so as the Empire needs an army for sure. I wonder how this will fare against the Serbs or the Turks. Also avoiding a civil war would be crucial at this point.
Damn that Frederick. How much money has he spent to rebuild that fleet only to be sunken again or get captured. I seriously doubt he would be able to repay the loans he has taken as I doubt he got that amount only from taxes of a raided population.
I wonder if the Greek population in Asia Minor will recover from so much emigration. There are like 2-3 wave towards the islands and Sicily afterwards. On the other hand those safe in their new homes they might repopulate Asia Minor when and if the Empire recovers the territory. Till then the Turks of the area won't be able to farm and tax them.
Regarding young Laskaris' marriage, what is the view of the Pope and the Patriarch? Does a local monk have the authority to rule on such matters? Was under the impression that the Patriarch usually has the perogative to rule on it, and now that both churches are officially in a state of union, so does the pope technically.
Perhaps it does... perhaps it does not. At the moment its too early to tell. Say for example the empire or parts of it survive. In all likehood it's called Greek not Byzantine...
Reforms or not, Ioannis can actually pay for an army. And properly led regular Byzantine armies were traditionally very nasty customers.
Aydin was severely defeated in OTL as well. If anything the defeat may be slightly lighter TTL.
His agreement with Robert is he gets the entirety of the two eastern valli...
Laconia sans Monemvasia plus Argolis. Call it around 78,000 people...
but what was Asen's alternative? He had around 3,500 men. Theodore in front of him had ~4,000. Philanthropenos behind him about 3,000. And his enemy are fellow Greeks... with the Sicilian treasury behind him. If defeated what would stop mass defections to the other side?
Well he had the same reaction in OTL for what's worth...
The ships cost surprisingly little, about 2,300 ducats fully equipped in the 16th century. Finding and paying the men on the other hand is substantially more pricey. A single galley needs 213 men. Each man costs on average 2 ducats a month. A galley costs in a year more than twice its construction cost.
The numbers are in the thousands, at most the low tens of thousands over a period of 4 decades in a population numbering millions. So no overwhelming demographic impact in Anatolia.
This is actually covered by imperial law. I'm hardly certain a divorce before the fall of Constantinople would not be handled by a normal judge. That said the popes of this time are... how to put it politely? Amenable with the right incentives. The patriarch... depends on the emperor and his relationship to him. John XIII, the current one, is Anndronicus former "logothetes tou dromou"
Well, that's the Despot's goal. But I was thinking more to the aggrieved and perhaps vengeful son, on the personal level. What would Ioannis do if Frederick was at some point in the future to be at his mercy, in his custody, captured in battle... ? Would Ioannis even give quarter to the royal army if the opportunity arose of taking out Frederick in battle?
Part 42
Gytheio, April 1320
Despot Demetrios Palaiologos landed in the little town. He was hardly impressed by the sights. But still, following the loss of Monemvasia, this was the largest port of Laconia under imperial control. From Gytheio he would move with his entourage to Mystra to replace Andronikos Asen as epitropos of the Peloponnese. The basileus was anything but happy with Andronikos failure to carry his orders to capture Adrienne and loss of Arcadia. Thus he had sent his own son to take over the province. Resuming the war did not make much sense at the moment, Theodore and Adrienne were in Sicily after all. But the time would come. Till then Demetrios would prepare. Andronikos prudently as soon as he was relieved of command would move north to join Philanthropenos in Corinth instead of returning to Constantinople and the tender mercies of his uncle.
Demetrias, May 1320
Fifteen hundred Turkish horsemen and a thousand foot archers start unloading from the Venetian and Genoese merchantmen. The bid the previous year to challenge the despotate at sea might had failed catastrophically, damn the knights joining up with the Greeks, but Alfonso just like his father was not the kind of man to give up in the face of adversity. The war was going on on land. Philanthropenos, ever confident, had marched out of Corinth to attack Athens. It was time to teach him why Catalans were not the French and Turks he had defeated in the past.
Rhodes, June 1320
Half a dozen Sicilian galleys came to join the Hospitaller fleet as it moved to give battle with the fleet of Menteshe. The defeat of the joint Aydinid-Catalan fleet the previous year had not stopped Orhan bey, the recently crowned ruler of Menteshe, from gathering a fleet of eighty ships to invade Rhodes. Alexios Philanthropenos despite campaigning against the duchy of Athens had dispatched reinforcements as soon as the news had reached him. The joint fleet while outnumbered with thirty ships in total, would prove the stronger perhaps due to the larger number of war galleys. The Menteshe invasion of Rhodes was defeated.
Isthmus of Corinth, September 10th, 1320
Alexios Philantropenos had marched north at the head of over six thousand men into Attica back in late spring. He had advanced to besiege Athens. Then Alfonso reinforced by his Turkish mercenaries had marched south with slightly over eight thousand men. Philanthropenos had been forced to lift the siege and retreat. Alfonso had followed closely behind with constant skirmishing between the two sides. But now Alexios had finally stood to offer battle. And Alfonso was all too happy to oblige him. After all he had numbers on his side, Alexios appeared to have about five thousand men.
Saint Theodores, Corinth, September 10th, 1320
Albert von Schwarzburg shook hands with Andronikos Asen, as his men joined Asen's stradioti and marines in the little bay. The Lascarids had loyally stood by the Hospital since the battle of Amorgos. It was only right to return the favor, all the more so since the Catalans had joined the Turks at sea the previous year and both here and in Sicily were opposing the wishes of the pope. And thus Albert had brought 200 knights and sergeants, along a thousand infantry to the aid of Philanthropenos. But instead of joining him on the isthmus, Alexios had other plans...
Athens, September 17th, 1320
At first it had looked that Philanthropenos for once would be on the losing side. His infantry while slightly inferior in numbers to the enemy infantry had stood its ground thanks to its core of pikemen but had gradually given ground in the face of the Catalans superior cavalry, Alfonso had 3,500 jinetes and Turks against far fewer stradioti and Alexios had steadfastly refused to bring the five hundred heavy Pronoia cavalry he had in reserve to battle. Then the three thousand men, a third of them cavalry, under Asen and Von Schwarzburg and Asen had marched into Anfonso's rear. Alfonso had not discounted the possibility of Philanthropenos landing marines in his rear but had not expected the knights and that Philanthropenos would had dared to send away nearly half his cavalry. He still had turned most of his cavalry back from the ongoing battle, with commendable speed to meet the new threat. But this in turn had removed the pressure from Philantropenos men. And now his infantry pushed forth. Alfonso's Catalans were veterans themselves and armed with long spears, but lacked the armor and cohesion to win what in later centuries would be called the push of pike. They were forced back and in due time a gap appeared for Philanthropenos to throw his heavy cavalry in. Alfonso would manage to retreat with the better part of his cavalry into the Geraneia mountains. His infantry would not fare as well. But that was a week ago. And with Alfonso's defeated army pushed towards Boeotia Philanthropenos had not wasted any time to march back into Athens now that its garrison was much reduced from the defeat in Corinth...
Thessaloniki, October 1320
Some would say it was due to grief for the death of his daughter Anna. Given the era and the burdens he was under, co-ruling an empire in crisis this might or might not be true. What was certain was that co-emperor Michael IX Palaiologos died, presumably from heart problems, at the relatively early age of 43 in Thessaloniki. His death would be raising new problems for the empire. Normally it would had been expected that Michael would had succeeded his father Andronikos II to the throne and his elder son Andronikos would be his heir and successor. Now... now Andronikos had banished his elder grandson to Adrianople for his role in the elopement of Theodore Lascaris and Adrienne. And there were several sons and grandsons, most notably Michael's other son Manuel...
Despot Demetrios Palaiologos landed in the little town. He was hardly impressed by the sights. But still, following the loss of Monemvasia, this was the largest port of Laconia under imperial control. From Gytheio he would move with his entourage to Mystra to replace Andronikos Asen as epitropos of the Peloponnese. The basileus was anything but happy with Andronikos failure to carry his orders to capture Adrienne and loss of Arcadia. Thus he had sent his own son to take over the province. Resuming the war did not make much sense at the moment, Theodore and Adrienne were in Sicily after all. But the time would come. Till then Demetrios would prepare. Andronikos prudently as soon as he was relieved of command would move north to join Philanthropenos in Corinth instead of returning to Constantinople and the tender mercies of his uncle.
Demetrias, May 1320
Fifteen hundred Turkish horsemen and a thousand foot archers start unloading from the Venetian and Genoese merchantmen. The bid the previous year to challenge the despotate at sea might had failed catastrophically, damn the knights joining up with the Greeks, but Alfonso just like his father was not the kind of man to give up in the face of adversity. The war was going on on land. Philanthropenos, ever confident, had marched out of Corinth to attack Athens. It was time to teach him why Catalans were not the French and Turks he had defeated in the past.
Rhodes, June 1320
Half a dozen Sicilian galleys came to join the Hospitaller fleet as it moved to give battle with the fleet of Menteshe. The defeat of the joint Aydinid-Catalan fleet the previous year had not stopped Orhan bey, the recently crowned ruler of Menteshe, from gathering a fleet of eighty ships to invade Rhodes. Alexios Philanthropenos despite campaigning against the duchy of Athens had dispatched reinforcements as soon as the news had reached him. The joint fleet while outnumbered with thirty ships in total, would prove the stronger perhaps due to the larger number of war galleys. The Menteshe invasion of Rhodes was defeated.
Isthmus of Corinth, September 10th, 1320
Alexios Philantropenos had marched north at the head of over six thousand men into Attica back in late spring. He had advanced to besiege Athens. Then Alfonso reinforced by his Turkish mercenaries had marched south with slightly over eight thousand men. Philanthropenos had been forced to lift the siege and retreat. Alfonso had followed closely behind with constant skirmishing between the two sides. But now Alexios had finally stood to offer battle. And Alfonso was all too happy to oblige him. After all he had numbers on his side, Alexios appeared to have about five thousand men.
Saint Theodores, Corinth, September 10th, 1320
Albert von Schwarzburg shook hands with Andronikos Asen, as his men joined Asen's stradioti and marines in the little bay. The Lascarids had loyally stood by the Hospital since the battle of Amorgos. It was only right to return the favor, all the more so since the Catalans had joined the Turks at sea the previous year and both here and in Sicily were opposing the wishes of the pope. And thus Albert had brought 200 knights and sergeants, along a thousand infantry to the aid of Philanthropenos. But instead of joining him on the isthmus, Alexios had other plans...
Athens, September 17th, 1320
At first it had looked that Philanthropenos for once would be on the losing side. His infantry while slightly inferior in numbers to the enemy infantry had stood its ground thanks to its core of pikemen but had gradually given ground in the face of the Catalans superior cavalry, Alfonso had 3,500 jinetes and Turks against far fewer stradioti and Alexios had steadfastly refused to bring the five hundred heavy Pronoia cavalry he had in reserve to battle. Then the three thousand men, a third of them cavalry, under Asen and Von Schwarzburg and Asen had marched into Anfonso's rear. Alfonso had not discounted the possibility of Philanthropenos landing marines in his rear but had not expected the knights and that Philanthropenos would had dared to send away nearly half his cavalry. He still had turned most of his cavalry back from the ongoing battle, with commendable speed to meet the new threat. But this in turn had removed the pressure from Philantropenos men. And now his infantry pushed forth. Alfonso's Catalans were veterans themselves and armed with long spears, but lacked the armor and cohesion to win what in later centuries would be called the push of pike. They were forced back and in due time a gap appeared for Philanthropenos to throw his heavy cavalry in. Alfonso would manage to retreat with the better part of his cavalry into the Geraneia mountains. His infantry would not fare as well. But that was a week ago. And with Alfonso's defeated army pushed towards Boeotia Philanthropenos had not wasted any time to march back into Athens now that its garrison was much reduced from the defeat in Corinth...
Thessaloniki, October 1320
Some would say it was due to grief for the death of his daughter Anna. Given the era and the burdens he was under, co-ruling an empire in crisis this might or might not be true. What was certain was that co-emperor Michael IX Palaiologos died, presumably from heart problems, at the relatively early age of 43 in Thessaloniki. His death would be raising new problems for the empire. Normally it would had been expected that Michael would had succeeded his father Andronikos II to the throne and his elder son Andronikos would be his heir and successor. Now... now Andronikos had banished his elder grandson to Adrianople for his role in the elopement of Theodore Lascaris and Adrienne. And there were several sons and grandsons, most notably Michael's other son Manuel...
While I don't know the Menteshe Beyilik military strength and economical capacity, I'd suppose that the after two consecutive Naval defeats that, at very least, the Bey would be forced to spent some time recovering from the loses in ships and sailors. Also, would appear that another civil war/succession crisis may be looming over the Empire.
He certainly had been recruiting Muslim corsairs to his cause but yeah the bey for now have to held back from further attacks. Two naval defeats aren’t that easy to shake off.
Also ngl hoping andronikos the third get to be emperor soon and kick his Shitlord granddad out