The eagle's left head

[Lascaris]

Karytaina, July 18th, 1305

Alexios Philantropenos, walked thoughtfully through the wreckage of the battlefield. He had won a hard fought victory, the Achaean knights were more heavily armed than his stratiotai and unlike their cousins the other side of the Adriatic were not complete innocents to light cavalry tactics like the ones common in the Balkans and Anatolia. They had still charged into his infantry, correctly surmising half of them were local militia and volunteers. They had not anticipated the nearly one thousand Sicilian crossbowmen waiting for them and their unarmored horses, crossbows while used were not as widespread here in the east. And they had not anticipated the militia even stiffened by Sicilian regulars would be able to stop their charge cold. Truth to tell neither had he before the battle. Out of necessity he had armed them with the two handed "coutell" of the Almogovars, and had his kentarchs, relentlessly drill them for the past few months to march and stand in formation. He hadn't hoped in so short a time they'd be able to reach anything near the proficiency of the Almogovars. At best he had hoped they'd hold back the knights long enough for his stratiotai to take advantage. Instead much to his pleasant surprise they had stopped the charge cold. The charge had been disrupted by his crossbowmen it was true but what had happened here was even more remarkable than Castrovillari. He knew of course, well drilled heavy infantry could stop a cavalry charge. But this here was something else that had to be thought over. If green, not properly armed infantrymen could hold back knights what would happen if you properly armed and drilled them? He'd have to discuss it with Alexandros when back to Messina.

St George castle, Cephalonia, August 2nd, 1305

John I Orsini looked at the double headed eagle standards, rising under the walls of his castle. His nameshake had shown up with a fleet on the coast of the island preceded by news of the defeat of Philip of Savoy and the entire Achaean levy at Karytaina two weeks ago. He had of course pledged his loyalty to Philip. This did not mean he did not understand Philip was a scroundel. He had bribed him to support him already to support him against Margaret. So had his mother in law to stop Achaean participation in a second invasion of Epirus an act that certainly hadn't much helped to persuade Charles II to change his mind over the fate of Achaea. But a scroundel that could be bought over wasn't necessarily worse than the heavy hand of the Vatatzes and as seen in Sicily a heavy hand it was. Achaea's barons had certainly thought so when they had conveniently decided Isabel Villearduin was their true princess and Charles II could not dispossess her. But that was before Karytaina and Vatatzes showing up with a fleet under his walls. He could of course try to withstand siege but at the moment it did not look such a good idea. And thus the count palatine of Cephalonia discovered that after all Ioannis Vatatzes was the legitimate prince of Achaea...

Karytaina, August 15th, 1305

The besieged castle came to terms. The castellan had agreed to surrender on terms if no aid reached him. And following the defeat of Philip none had. Philanthropenos and Vatatzes had scrupulously held to the terms allowing the garrison to leave with its arms, they cared more about the castle than the garrison. By now the Despotate held all of Messenia and part of Arcadia. By now many of the barons having to deal with revolt and the advancing Sicilian army probably would not had minded changing sides as Orsini had done a few weeks earlier. But this meant Vatatzes accepting them. And with his army victorious and a very convenient pretext for Western audiences, the barons technically were all in rebellion against the crown he had little reason to be accommodating with the barons themselves. Their underlings were likely a different question...

Palermo, January 1306

It was another good year economically for the Trinacrian crown. Since the treaty of Caltabellotta, Frederick had restored all municipal liberties, granted new privileges to barons who had done well in the war, guaranteed land tenures to about every single baron who hadn't been openly in revolt against the crown, turned a blind eye to their excesses and granted new tenures. Meanwhile he had standardized the tariff code, set excise taxes to foreign trade to a uniform 3% and granted a large number of toll franchises and toll exceptions. Coupled with investment pouring from his brother's kingdom the kingdom's economy was recovering from the war years. The king's revenues had reached 85,000 Sicilian onzas, two thirds that of Andronicus empire. Frederick had poured his new found wealth to the church but had also start getting ideas. Messengers from the Catalan company had come seeking aid, following the assassination of Roger de Flor and war with the Byzantine emperor. Frederick had not been the only prince to receive calls for aid from Thrace, so had his brother, the pope, Charles of Valois even young Vatatzes in Achaea. Frederick had refrained from actually sending aid but he had not failed to feel flattered. Which was perhaps a bad thing with a young king who increasingly felt being just called the king of Trinactria was an insult to his honor and start to believe he was the chosen of god...

Akova, Peloponesse, January 1306

The castle of Akova had been named by the Franks Mategriffon. Like its nameshake in Messina, named so by Richard the Lionheart during the Third Crusade the name meant death of the Greeks, a name the conquering Crusaders a century before probably found apt, the baronies of Akova and Karytaina to its south had been set up to keep the rebellious Greeks of Skorta between them down. Karytaina now was in Greek hands, Skorta had immediately joined up with their Sicilian cousins and Akova had turned to Achaea's first line of defense. But at least it was still the middle of winter with snow all over the place. The barony would have time till spring and the next campaign season to prepare. Only it had not as Philanthropenos led his army in the middle of winter after the castle...

Syracuse, April 1306

Alexandros Vatatzes went over the first reports of the new year from his son and his brother in law. There was not really much to complain about. The castle of Akova caught with low supplies by Alexios had been forced to surrender earlier in March. The army and fleet had turned west to capture Elis. The organization of the land already taken was going well, by now Ioannis controlled about a quarter of the peninsula with a population of roughly 50,000 people with taxes assessed to about 25,000 ducats and about a thousand pronoias, half of them for cavalry the other half for infantry, established. Not enough to sustain the campaign on its own of course but welcome, last year's campaign had cost him about 200,000 ducats, over two thirds his revenue from Sicily and Calabria. And Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes was many things but just like the father he had never known a spendthrift he was not. The money being spend in the Peloponnese were hopefully money well spent but they still were money not being spent to build things here in Sicily...

 

[X Oristos]

Is the castle of Veligosti/Leontari under the control of Mystra or simply destroyed earlier on?

Out of necessity he had armed them with the two handed "coutell" of the Almogovars, and had his kentarchs, relentlessly drill them for the past few months to march and stand in formation

I thought that it was basically a long knife or a falchion. But if it is two-handed and it armed hastily trained militia, then it cannot be e.g. a kriegsmesser that would need long training. Did Philanthropenos create a new polearm due to necessity ?

Their underlings were likely a different question...

If I remember correctly - and I may be wrong- after Andronikos Asen conquest of Arcadia, part of the mid-level frankish elite stayed and served Mystra. I would assume that these would be knights and sergeants.

The army and fleet had turned west to capture Elis. The organization of the land already taken was going well, by now Ioannis controlled about a quarter of the peninsula with a population of roughly 50,000 people with taxes assessed to about 25,000 ducats and about a thousand pronoias, half of them for cavalry the other half for infantry, established.

How many hyperpyra is a ducat ?

That's a good investment to consolidate his power. It adds 500 stratiotai and 100 Cephalonian knights to his existing strength. When Ioannis gets to control the whole principality, I would guess he can produce 700 cavalry pronoias. During the OTL War of the Vespers, Sicily didn't field more than 700 knights. When in 1324 Frederick tried to join forces with the Emperor, his expedition consisted of 500-600 knights, 1000 infantry and 50 galleys. In TTL Frederick should have less than 500 knights with Alexandros having at least the same number of Sicilian and Calabrian stratiotai. Basically this investement almost doubled the Despotate's army. Alexandros is now much stronger than Frederick.

It really seems odd that after losing the important baronies of Akova and Karytaina and the rich fiefs of Elis and Messenia, the rest of the barons have not surrendered. Surely they cannot hope to survive on their own. Even without their grievous losses at the Battle of Karytaina, the lost holdings represent perhaps 3/5 of their pre-war strength (when the princely demesne is added). If I had to guess, Guy de la Roche is involved. With the support of the Duke, the barons might believe they have a fighting chance.

 

[Lascaris]

Is the castle of Veligosti/Leontari under the control of Mystra or simply destroyed earlier on?


I thought that it was basically a long knife or a falchion. But if it is two-handed and it armed hastily trained militia, then it cannot be e.g. a kriegsmesser that would need long training. Did Philanthropenos create a new polearm due to necessity ?

It's described as a spear long enough to need to be handled with both hands and that for close combat it had to be broken in two as the entire length one was two unwieldy. So no Philanthropenos did not create a new polearm, the description is that of a pike down to the need to break it down being unwieldy and Almogavars despite being light infantry being surprisingly effective against cavalry, NOT among usual light infantry qualities. But Philanthropenos has accidentally invented something here. He armed his recruits Almogavar style and out of necessity packed them close, since they lacked the training to operate in more open order and fight with javelins like the original. Oups that's a pike phalanx made by someone with enough talent to recognize what he did and who logically had read the older Byzantine military works given his position and inclination...

If I remember correctly - and I may be wrong- after Andronikos Asen conquest of Arcadia, part of the mid-level frankish elite stayed and served Mystra. I would assume that these would be knights and sergeants.

And many by this point are Greek...

How many hyperpyra is a ducat ?

Going by 1.5 at the moment. The Venetian grosso was 18 to the ducat and Andronicus basilicon, an exact copy of the grosso even to the iconography used, 12 to the hyperpyron. The good thing with the ducat is that unlike hyperpyron it's value remains constant...

That's a good investment to consolidate his power. It adds 500 stratiotai and 100 Cephalonian knights to his existing strength. When Ioannis gets to control the whole principality, I would guess he can produce 700 cavalry pronoias. During the OTL War of the Vespers, Sicily didn't field more than 700 knights. When in 1324 Frederick tried to join forces with the Emperor, his expedition consisted of 500-600 knights, 1000 infantry and 50 galleys. In TTL Frederick should have less than 500 knights with Alexandros having at least the same number of Sicilian and Calabrian stratiotai. Basically this investement almost doubled the Despotate's army. Alexandros is now much stronger than Frederick.

Being a bit of a cynic I'm modelling the available numbers of pronoias after Ottoman timars, after all it was practically the same system, often with the very same people going from Byzantine to Ottoman service. What I'm not entirely certain is how many pronoias (and knighttly fiefs) you'd reasonably have in Sicily and South Italy. In the Peloponnese, like the early Ottomans I'm assuming there is a rough 44-56 split between taxes and timar sorry pronoia revenues. Using the same split at the 120-168,000 onzas Frederick was getting in the early 1300s in OTL would mean over 8,000 knights at a minimum. Clearly too high. So the split for Sicily clearly must have been much more heavily tilted towards royal revenues.

Now if Charles I had royal revenues of 220,000 onzas while having 8,000 knights and 23,000 infantry that gives us some interesting numbers:

220,000 Neapolitan onzas: 1,320,000 ducats (6 to the onza unlike 5.25 for Sicily)
8,000 knights: 768,000 ducats
23,000 infantry: 552,000 ducats

Total: 2,640,000 ducats split 50-50 between revenues and fiefs. That's pretty close to the Ottoman numbers which I like. If 30% of this was coming from Sicily (as per the 70-30 split decreed for the subventio generalis) tax, this means the total revenue of Sicily is 792,000 ducats or ~151.000 Sicilian onzas. Now THAT is an interesting number. It means up to 80% of all Sicilian revenue in the early 14th century went directly to the royal coffers. Which accidentaly explains why you don't have all that many knights. It also means the 168,000 upper figure in Backman is unlikely. Ok I probably need to bring Frederick's revenues down to about ~85,000 onzas and Alexandros from his Italian holdings to about 265,000 ducats.

It really seems odd that after losing the important baronies of Akova and Karytaina and the rich fiefs of Elis and Messenia, the rest of the barons have not surrendered. Surely they cannot hope to survive on their own. Even without their grievous losses at the Battle of Karytaina, the lost holdings represent perhaps 3/5 of their pre-war strength (when the princely demesne is added). If I had to guess, Guy de la Roche is involved. With the support of the Duke, the barons might believe they have a fighting chance.

As hinted... Vatatzes is not taking in surrenders at the moment. Why take in rebellious Frankish barons if it looks you cant grab the entire edifice lock stock and barrel?

 

[X Oristos]

The whole analysis of revenues is a damn good reason why this timeline deserves a Turtledove. This kind of research and analysis is extremely rare in this site. Kudos!

It's described as a spear long enough to need to be handled with both hands and that for close combat it had to be broken in two as the entire length one was two unwieldy. So no Philanthropenos did not create a new polearm, the description is that of a pike down to the need to break it down being unwieldy and Almogavars despite being light infantry being surprisingly effective against cavalry, NOT among usual light infantry qualities.

Oh I had no idea. Appreciate the info!

But Philanthropenos has accidentally invented something here. He armed his recruits Almogavar style and out of necessity packed them close, since they lacked the training to operate in more open order and fight with javelins like the original. Oups that's a pike phalanx made by someone with enough talent to recognize what he did and who logically had read the older Byzantine military works given his position and inclination...

And the Peloponnesians, especially those of the highlands have more in common socially with the Swiss rather than the Flemish. Hardy, mountain stock. The 14th century flemish towns and cities were still dominated by feudal elites, they couldn't have gone completely the way of the phalanx (with the social implications if entails). In contrast, Morea is facing a social revolution with some proto-nationalistic elements.

As you mentioned, the Belisarius of the Paleologan Era was educated with classic byzantine treatises such as Strategikon of Maurice and Tactica of Leo and Ouranos. Texts that give more emphasis on discipline, combined arms and logistics compared to the early 14th century practice.

Alexios is a veteran and still young, only 35 years old. Experienced but not too old to be set in his ways.

Congratulations sir: You got a 14th century Maurits van Oranje

 

[Quinkana]

It's described as a spear long enough to need to be handled with both hands and that for close combat it had to be broken in two as the entire length one was two unwieldy. So no Philanthropenos did not create a new polearm, the description is that of a pike down to the need to break it down being unwieldy and Almogavars despite being light infantry being surprisingly effective against cavalry, NOT among usual light infantry qualities. But Philanthropenos has accidentally invented something here. He armed his recruits Almogavar style and out of necessity packed them close, since they lacked the training to operate in more open order and fight with javelins like the original. Oups that's a pike phalanx made by someone with enough talent to recognize what he did and who logically had read the older Byzantine military works given his position and inclination...

considering what I've searched up a coutell's a knife? But they were documented with spears and javelins too and I could defo see accidentally creating a pike phalanx with proper drill, especially when crossbows were also used to further degrade the cavalry charge. I could defo see the despotate basically creating pike phalanxes with crossbowmen at first, then switching the crossbowmen for gunmen when guns become more and more common. Hell, I could see the Despotate being an early innovator with gunpowder weapons and stuff, considering Florence gets guns around 1327 I could see the despotate getting guns around that time, especially during the times when the barons attempt to raid into the lands of the Vatatzes and the peasants and gentry get guns for self defence, and eventually catch the attention of the rulers of the despotate.

As hinted... Vatatzes is not taking in surrenders at the moment. Why take in rebellious Frankish barons if it looks you cant grab the entire edifice lock stock and barrel?

tbf I could defo see Vatatzes just giving the lands of Achaea to his supporters directly considering he's probably going to wipe the slate clean, but tbf I could see a few just being a turncoat and killing everyone's not a good policy because they'd just resist to the end, which may not be in the interests of the vatatzes.

Alexios is a veteran and still young, only 35 years old. Experienced but not too old to be set in his ways.

Congratulations sir: You got a 14th century Maurits van Oranje

tbf we'd get treatises about drill a century before guns get to the point where they'd be effective against armoured opponents, which means pike and shot prob be using crossbowmen first instead of gunmen. That is something that is quite interesting and idk the implications about it all. I think we'll still have guns and gunpowder spread across Europe though, so maybe we get the Despotate being the first state to utilise pike and shot in a manner similar to (as you suggested) the dutch system with a mass of arquebusiers/musketeers/crossbowmen that retreated into the pike formations when the enemy comes near.

 

[Xenophonte]

a 14th century Maurits van Oranje

Well, IMHO, would be more like a 14th century Gonzalo F. de Córdoba...

 

[X Oristos]

Well, IMHO, would be more like a 14th century Gonzalo F. de Córdoba...

Yeah, this is an even better analogy!

 

[Avrorrange]

considering what I've searched up a coutell's a knife? But they were documented with spears and javelins too and I could defo see accidentally creating a pike phalanx with proper drill, especially when crossbows were also used to further degrade the cavalry charge. I could defo see the despotate basically creating pike phalanxes with crossbowmen at first, then switching the crossbowmen for gunmen when guns become more and more common. Hell, I could see the Despotate being an early innovator with gunpowder weapons and stuff, considering Florence gets guns around 1327 I could see the despotate getting guns around that time, especially during the times when the barons attempt to raid into the lands of the Vatatzes and the peasants and gentry get guns for self defence, and eventually catch the attention of the rulers of the despotate.

tbf I could defo see Vatatzes just giving the lands of Achaea to his supporters directly considering he's probably going to wipe the slate clean, but tbf I could see a few just being a turncoat and killing everyone's not a good policy because they'd just resist to the end, which may not be in the interests of the vatatzes.

tbf we'd get treatises about drill a century before guns get to the point where they'd be effective against armoured opponents, which means pike and shot prob be using crossbowmen first instead of gunmen. That is something that is quite interesting and idk the implications about it all. I think we'll still have guns and gunpowder spread across Europe though, so maybe we get the Despotate being the first state to utilise pike and shot in a manner similar to (as you suggested) the dutch system with a mass of arquebusiers/musketeers/crossbowmen that retreated into the pike formations when the enemy comes near.

Prior to firearms I think it would just be the Byzantine Phoulkon except with the infantrymen dropping their shields and spears in favour of actual pikes.Something they could potentially afford to do if they switched to munition grade plate armour as the technology and mass production capabilities mature.

 

[galileo-034]

Hell, I could see the Despotate being an early innovator with gunpowder weapons and stuff, considering Florence gets guns around 1327 I could see the despotate getting guns around that time, especially during the times when the barons attempt to raid into the lands of the Vatatzes and the peasants and gentry get guns for self defence, and eventually catch the attention of the rulers of the despotate.

At this time ? We are talking medieval guns, not the kind of firearms some guerilla could deploy in the late 17th century. There is a reason we see pikes still a common occurence on the battlefields of Europe into the early 17th century and the Thirty Years Wars.
Guns, canons were an expansive endeavour, both in terms of crafting and logistics. It was an oddity on the battlefield until the late stages of the Hundred Years War in France, and that had been made only possible by the overhaul and centralization of the French taxation system through the war so funding could be consistent.
Also, I remember the Byzantines could not afford a certain Hungarian gunsmith who went to the Turks and helped them bring down the Theodosian walls.
And there is also the matter of doctrine.

If the Despotate ever has gunpowder weapons in the 14th century, it will most likely be for siege warfare.

 

[Quinkana]

Prior to firearms I think it would just be the Byzantine Phoulkon except with the infantrymen dropping their shields and spears in favour of actual pikes.Something they could potentially afford to do if they switched to munition grade plate armour as the technology and mass production capabilities mature.

Tbf I don't think it would be similar to the phoulkon at all. One main difference I could see is employing drill on the crossbowmen too, and as said the pikemen would probably mainly only use pikes (no one is charging in with spathas) but they probably would have a sword as a sidearm. I defo see the Despotate adopting the cuirass and the such and be worn by everyone too.

At this time ? We are talking medieval guns, not the kind of firearms some guerilla could deploy in the late 17th century. There is a reason we see pikes still a common occurence on the battlefields of Europe into the early 17th century and the Thirty Years Wars.
Guns, canons were an expansive endeavour, both in terms of crafting and logistics. It was an oddity on the battlefield until the late stages of the Hundred Years War in France, and that had been made only possible by the overhaul and centralization of the French taxation system through the war so funding could be consistent.
Also, I remember the Byzantines could not afford a certain Hungarian gunsmith who went to the Turks and helped them bring down the Theodosian walls.
And there is also the matter of doctrine.

If the Despotate ever has gunpowder weapons in the 14th century, it will most likely be for siege warfare.

Guns themselves become war ready at around 1500 but I could see cannons be used first before guns, but tericos are already present in the early 16th century and I don't see any reason why pike and shot formations don't form around that time period.

Also the despotate isn't the same entity as the palailogian ERE, and they should have the coinage and need to adapt to new weapons tech.

Ps I do wonder how despotate weapons would develop. I think we'd get stuff like parameion swords, German swords like Messers, and even almogavar knives (I've seen almogavar's secondary weapons look like cutlasses so maybe they'd look like that?) and I could see the Despotate make bigger two handed swords similar to the kriegsmesser before shrinking the sword to something similar to the length of a saber as time goes on. Pikes probably would basically lengthen as time goes by similar to pike evolution in the rest of Europe.

 

[Avrorrange]

Tbf I don't think it would be similar to the phoulkon at all. One main difference I could see is employing drill on the crossbowmen too, and as said the pikemen would probably mainly only use pikes (no one is charging in with spathas) but they probably would have a sword as a sidearm. I defo see the Despotate adopting the cuirass and the such and be worn by everyone too.

Guns themselves become war ready at around 1500 but I could see cannons be used first before guns, but tericos are already present in the early 16th century and I don't see any reason why pike and shot formations don't form around that time period.

Also the despotate isn't the same entity as the palailogian ERE, and they should have the coinage and need to adapt to new weapons tech.

Ps I do wonder how despotate weapons would develop. I think we'd get stuff like parameion swords, German swords like Messers, and even almogavar knives (I've seen almogavar's secondary weapons look like cutlasses so maybe they'd look like that?) and I could see the Despotate make bigger two handed swords similar to the kriegsmesser before shrinking the sword to something similar to the length of a saber as time goes on. Pikes probably would basically lengthen as time goes by similar to pike evolution in the rest of Europe.

The Phoulkon was basically just a bunch of infantrymen armed with shields and spears forming the front ranks and a crazy amount of missile units on the back rolls shooting over the heads of their colleagues. Whether they actually drop the spear and charge in with spathas is situational. If you drop the shields and spears and make the troops use pikes instead, the old Phoulkon formation would still work.

 

[galileo-034]

I'm confused, are we talking 14th century Despotate or early 16th century?
Pike and shots became only available in the later stages of the 15th century on the back of technical and political evolutions that made it possible; and even then, it was in a support role for the pike formations. 14th century anywhere in Europe, no.
If anything can provide a blueprint for how things might evolve for the Despotate and trained militias, I'd look at how evolved the Swiss infantry tactics and organization in the 14th and 15th century.
Guns and artillery became a relevant feature on the battlefield, outside of sieges, only by the mid 15th century (battle of Castillon).

 

[Avrorrange]

I'm confused, are we talking 14th century Despotate or early 16th century?
Pike and shots became only available in the later stages of the 15th century on the back of technical and political evolutions that made it possible; and even then, it was in a support role for the pike formations. 14th century anywhere in Europe, no.
If anything can provide a blueprint for how things might evolve for the Despotate and trained militias, I'd look at how evolved the Swiss infantry tactics and organization in the 14th and 15th century.
Guns and artillery became a relevant feature on the battlefield, outside of sieges, only by the mid 15th century (battle of Castillon).

Technically speaking pike and crossbow/bow formations were starting to be used by the Swiss in the 14th century. The pike and shot was an evolution of such formations.

 

[galileo-034]

Technically speaking pike and crossbow/bow formations were starting to be used by the Swiss in the 14th century. The pike and shot was an evolution of such formations.

Not saying otherwise, only that the use of guns in these formations, in support role, could not come before late 15th century.

That said, I could see some proto Hussite tactics emerging as well within the militas of the Despotate.

 

[Avrorrange]

Not saying otherwise, only that the use of guns in these formations could not come before late 15th century.

That said, I could see some proto Hussite tactics emerging as well within the militas of the Despotate.

@Quinkana was starting earlier that they would start with crossbow and pike formation first and then evolve to using guns instead when the technology eventually evolves.

 

[Quinkana]

@Quinkana was starting earlier that they would start with crossbow and pike formation first and then evolve to using guns instead when the technology eventually evolves.

Yep, I think it mirrors otl in that from 1400 - 1500 we see the arquebus and musket replace the crossbow as time passed. We also probably would see swordsmen or some sort of short pole arm that could hack into armoured opponents type heavy infantry be employed in such formations.

The Phoulkon was basically just a bunch of infantrymen armed with shields and spears forming the front ranks and a crazy amount of missile units on the back rolls shooting over the heads of their colleagues. Whether they actually drop the spear and charge in with spathas is situational. If you drop the shields and spears and make the troops use pikes instead, the old Phoulkon formation would still work.

I think the main innovation is the introduction of drill for crossbowmen and pikemen would make combined arms formations much more dangerous than other contemporary armies, and that we prob would see crossbowmen wings to ensure that they could get to the cavalry that would be attempting to shoot arrows at them while drill ensures that the crossbowmen wouldn't hide in the pikemen until necessary.

 

[X Oristos]

I don't know how many timars were in early ottoman Morea, but when Morea was reclaimed in 1715 there were 1,400-1442 timars parceled out. (source : A historical and economic geography of ottoman Greece, The southwestern Morea in the 18th century)

Also, what percentage of pronoias would be at the Evrotas valley under Mystras control?

 

[Lascaris]

I don't know how many timars were in early ottoman Morea, but when Morea was reclaimed in 1715 there were 1,400-1442 timars parceled out. (source : A historical and economic geography of ottoman Greece, The southwestern Morea in the 18th century)

Also, what percentage of pronoias would be at the Evrotas valley under Mystras control?

Double the figure or more for the 14th century, by the 18th the percentage of timars within Ottoman state finances was much smaller than in the 15th.

 

[X Oristos]

I was reading today about the veneration in Hermus valley of St John the Merciful or as we know him John Vatatzes. Here is an actual hymn dedicated to him:

Quick to the prayer of those who runtowards you,
highest of the lords and nurturer of the poor,
John of blessed memory, you drew to the faith
the multitude of barbarians. Amazingly, you undertook
to cure the illnesses of those approaching you with faith.
For this reason, then, those who run to you
obtain healing abundantly.

By the providence of God, who reigns over all,
You, celebrated by everybody, wereanointed with his oil;
John, most powerful of lords, O highest lord,
having received the grace of healing, you are the solace of those who are ill.

Who could open his lips
and move the tongue worthily
for the praise of this pious lord
or describe the sea of his virtues
and of his mercy?
Nevertheless, daring by the desire of the heart
we laud you, blessed John Doukas,
because you loved the Lord with all your soul,
and bestowed your clemency upon your subjects
and were revealed to be a great disciple of
the Lord: you are the solace of the ill.

So yeah ... Somehow I feel that the refugees that found their way to Tenedos, Imbros and Lesvos might want to be ruled by the son and grandson of the aforementioned saint.

 

[Lascaris]

Thasos, April 1306

The island had turned to a pirate haven, since Andronicus had dismantled the imperial navy and many among the Greek crews had turned to piracy instead. But with Chios taken over by the despotate complaints to Ioannis and his father abounded and Chios with her very lucrative revenues could not be alienated. And thus Ioannis had shown up to Thasos with twenty galleys, part of the fleet sent the previous year had returned to Sicily, and 500 soldiers. Between destruction and submission to the despotate the choice was not all that difficult to make...

Rhodes, June 1306

Foulques de Villaret, grand master of the Hospitaller order with 35 knights, 6 men at arms and 500 soldiers set sail from Limassol for the island of Rhodes. Despite the miniscule size of the force both on land and sea, where the Hospitallers had a mere two galleys and four smaller ships joined by a handful of Genoese ships their invasion would prove much more successful than it had any right being. Despite failing to capture Rhodes town itself the knights would seize the castle of Feraklos in September and then Filerimos in November where they would massacre the garrison of 300 Turkish mercenaries.

Kos, July 1306

When Ioannis Doukas Vatatzes, had seized the island two years ago it had been almost entirely deserted due to Turkish raids. Ioannis had settled refugees from the opposite coast of Anatolia, made some repairs to the castle and installed a small garrison to hold the island. Now two years later the island was home to about three thousand people and its population was growing again. It was questionable whether De Villaret was aware of all the details but he had nevertheless dispatched 2 knights and 50 foot soldiers to seize the island claiming it belonged to one Vignolo de' Vignoli. The garrison initially taken by surprise would retreat into the castle. Then realizing how miniscule was the opposition it would chase the Hospitallers off the island.

Messina, August 1306

A dozen Jewish families disembarked from the merchant galley from Marseilles. Back in the spring Philip IV of France had banned Jews from France, clearing the Jewish quarter of Paris and confiscating the goods of the local Jews in the process. Cynics might claim the kings sudden bout of intolerance might have something to do with his debts. But no matter the reason the Jews had to leave and while Alexander was not doing anything in their favor he wasn't doing anything against them either. Thus the despotate, its economy flourishing, not under the house of Anjou and not consumed by religious fervor like the rest of Sicily looked like a good place to settle to some of the exiles.

Andravida, October 1306

Nicholas de Saint Omer led the Achaean levy once more against the Greeks. Since the fall of Akova early in the year things had not been going well for the principality. Philanthropenos had turned west into Elis, took the castle of Beauvoir by storm, treason from within had apparently helped him seize it then marched north against Glarenza and Andravida. As Ioannis, joined up by John I Orsini besieged Glarenza and the principality's mint from land and sea, Philanthropenos had invested Andravida. And as if that wasn't enough the Greeks in the mountains of northern Arcadia were in all out revolt raiding all the way to Kalavryta. Nicholas was anything but happy to risk battle with Philanthopenos again. His army was much diminished from the previous year between losses and defections. Guy II De la Roche the duke of Athens was less helpful than he could, the levies from his Peloponnesian fiefs had joined Nicholas army but these from the duchy proper had not, technically Athens was outside the claims given by Charles II as his daughter's dowry and Guy II was not yet willing to fully join the war against Vatatzes. But it was not as if he had much choice. Losing Andravida and Glarenza would be too heavy a blow for the principality and Vatatzes was not willing to deal. And even if he was willing to deal, Saint Omer was not going to join on the same side with Orsini if he had any choice...

Corinth, May 1307

Philip of Savoy proclaimed Guy II De Roche bailli of the Principality of Achaea. Then he boarded the Venetian ship waiting for him in the port and left for greener pastures. He might have failed to hold on the principality, Glarenza and Andravida had fallen last year after the outnumbered Achaeans had been defeated yet again by Philanthropenos, but he had made money. Lots of money including cash from Guy to make him bailli, thus giving him de facto control of what remained of the principality. He wasn't certain what Guy thought he would accomplish. Unless he was much wrong Vatatzes was not giving up any time soon. In two years his armies had conquered over half the principality and this year they had already moved against Kalavryta...