The Dogger Bank War - how a North Sea battle changed the course of the 20th century

Did Austria-Hungary sit out the naval treaty? It would be a bit too big and active in battleship construction to completely ignore for the other signatories.

Personally i think A-H in a no WW1 or wins WW1 scenario is among the first candidates to abandon the battleship - there's no colonial empire, little sea to care about and other navy models (submarines) are so much more profitable in wartime for it.

Oops, missed that. I edited the last update to reflect this.

Why would the UK ever agree to partiality with the German Navy?

The UK is perfectly fine economically in this timeline, and German just won continental dominance.

The Royal Navy has to maintain its naval advantage in this scenario.

Though not explicitly mentioned in the text, one may assume that US construction speed will outstrip British construction speed and a naval treaty prevents that from happening. Besides that, given the level of Russophobia in Britain ITTL, Russia is still the main threat as far as the British are concerned. A revanchist Russia could come after them too and Germany makes for a good ally in such an event.
 
Though not explicitly mentioned in the text, one may assume that US construction speed will outstrip British construction speed and a naval treaty prevents that from happening. Besides that, given the level of Russophobia in Britain ITTL, Russia is still the main threat as far as the British are concerned. A revanchist Russia could come after them too and Germany makes for a good ally in such an event.

I didn't say anything about the US. The UK accepting partiality with the US is fine as they are not a likely enemy.
Germany however is just across the Channel.
Especially as the lowlands are indefensible without a strong France, and could be easily taken to be used as a jumping off point to the UK itself.

And a Russia coming after the British? How? They can try to attack Afghanistan again to try and get at India, but that's about it.

The political elite, including people like Churchill, Fisher and others would be well aware that Russia is yesterday's enemy. And they wouldn't be quiet about spreading that viewpoint.
 
I don't think 'Parity is fine' is an accurate idea of the Imperial British Mindset at this point in time.

Remember that the UK's standard was, for a long time 'Top Two Powers together, that's how large our navy should be'. And when they could no longer afford that (Germany) they went to 'largest power +40% (I think it was 40, it was 40 or 60.) Them accepting parity is a complete rejection of the principles that has kept the UK top dog for over a hundred (wrote a thousand there, oops) years.

And if anything, Isolationism makes the UK even less likely to accept parity. After all, if you've got no allies, what keeps you safe is your own capability. EG: The Royal Navy.
 
I assume that the Gaozu-class would have a lot of German naval design aesthetics given the level of German help and general linage of the prior Chinese battleships.

So would they look something like this?
throwback.png

edit:

pocket_battleship_by_markpoe_db63cyb-fullview.jpg
 
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I assume that the Gaozu-class would have a lot of German naval design aesthetics given the level of German help and general linage of the prior Chinese battleships.

So would they look something like this?
throwback.png
What program is that from?
 
While I theoretically agree that UK would "never" accept parity of the german navy, I can see that under certain conditions UK would accept theoretical parity, if actual parity is out of the question.

For example if the treaty stipulates that the signatory parties are allowed to "maintain" current number of ships and tonnage and are allowed to "replace" 25% of the (current) fleet in each 5 year period. then Set the number allowed well below the current "british" fleet (but just above the German fleet), Germany would "in theory" be allowed to have the same number of ships as Britain - but in reality it would be a long way before they could actually do it.

In addition I will assume that Britain will be allowed to buy more cruiser types - as it needs them for colonial duty (BBS are just not fit for colonial duty)

In addition what if Dominion numbers are not counted in - for example dominions are each allowed 2-4 additional BB types (CDN, OZ, Kiwisatan and RSA equal 8-16 additional ships - include india add 2-4)

Given all this UK COULD allow "parity" with Germany - just to cater to the feelings of the current continental top dog - throw him a bone ;)
 
There's several other problems with the treaty that in reality would make it impossible to come to an agreement.

For example USA wouldnt be very happy with Japan getting 0.8, OTL they pulled off quite a feat of espionage to ensure the Japanese get a share the USA is comfortable with (ignoring whether or not Japan can afford it).

There's also Italy, having been together with A-H in a war does nothing regarding its irredentist claims at the Adriatic coast, there wil be hostility for quite some time, now with the A-H fleet being the same size yet Italy having colonies to attend to this presents a real problem for it.

Russia - Ottomans too is problematic, the Ottomans would keep nearly all their navy in the Black Sea while Russia has 4 seas to tend to, all quite far away from each other, with the Baltic coast being the most important though they're both not exactly in a position to worry about battleships.
 
The story continues.


Part 2: The Defeated Powers & Developments in Asia.

Among the victorious powers the war only proved a catalyst that sped up the more gradual democratization of previous years, with minor turmoil and no actual violence. The people of France, Russia and the other defeated powers had a significantly different post-war experience: a loss of faith in the existing political system, economic crisis and the rise of political extremism on both sides of the spectrum, ultimately resulting in the end of the existing regimes.

In Russia, the democracy born in the aftermath of the Dogger Bank War was discredited by the defeat in the Great War. Moreover, with three quarters of Russia’s industrial base in Poland, their economy was in shambles too. Elections for the Duma would have taken place in 1914, but they’d been postponed because of the war and took place in July 1915 after the Treaty of Charlottenburg had been signed (the peace treaty between Russia and the Central Powers). In the July 1915 elections for the Duma, Lenin’s communists and Russian nationalist groups advanced and enjoyed electoral success while the parties closer to the centre of the political spectrum were pushed back. The Bolsheviks and nationalist groups combined won one third of the popular vote. The democratic parties banded together and formed a loose coalition that was barely workable given all the different interest involved, with the single unifying factor being an interest in the survival of democracy. During the final two years of his second term, President Pavel Milyukov frequently used his veto power and his power to rule by decree in emergency situations to defend the Russian Republic. A smattering of candidates ran during the 1917 Presidential elections and Milyukov won his third term. Duma elections took place six times between 1917 and 1922 and each time the extreme left and the extreme right advanced further. President Milyukov won his fourth and final term in 1922.

In the first years after the war the ultra-right and reactionary parties were too divided among themselves to be a threat, often arguing among themselves and accusing the other party of being insufficiently nationalist. That changed when they were unified by a charismatic figure called Pyotr Morchenko, a veteran from the war. Morchenko was the product of the burgeoning middle class, born in Minsk in 1885 as the son of a policeman and an elementary school teacher. His mother read to him from books about the great, enigmatic and controversial figures of Russia’s past, from Ivan the Terrible to Catherine the Great and everything in between, and as a boy he was enthralled about these tales of great victories, intrigue and scheming. He followed in his mother’s rather than his father’s footsteps by becoming a teacher and, according to interviews done by an earlier biographer, his students were hanging on his every word as soon as it was time for history class. He volunteered for the army when the war began, was decorated for valour and was honourably discharged in 1915 with the rank of Lieutenant. Shocked by Russia’s defeat, Morchenko came to believe the Russian army had been sabotaged by disloyal elements that had incited revolution: liberals, socialists, freemasons, atheists and Jews. He founded the Russian National Solidarity Party (“Rossiyskaya Natsionalnaya Partiya Solidarnosti”, RNPS). Its ideology was composed of pan-Slavic nationalism, belief in the superiority of the Slavic race, monarchism, Russian Orthodox Christianity, anti-parliamentarism, anti-socialism, anti-liberalism, anti-feminism and antisemitism.

Morchenko was an impressive speaker and during the 1910s and 20s he attracted Russian nationalists and reactionaries, forming and consolidating a mass movement. In 1922, the social democratic RSDLP candidate Pavel Axelrod, a Russian Jew, won the 1922 Presidential election. This galvanized the extreme right and catalysed the RNPS’s near total absorption of this part of the political spectrum. Nonetheless, however, the RNSP only won 3.2% of the vote in the elections for the 1923 Duma elections. After the “World Depression” erupted in 1925, the RNPS won 21.7% of the vote and became the second largest political party in the Duma (the communists, now split between the rivalling Stalin-Bukharin and Trotskyist factions, won 15% of the vote). In the 1927 Presidential elections the RNPS joined forces with remaining independent rightists of various colours to support Grand Duke Nicholas Nikolaevich (first cousin once removed of Tsar Nicholas II and by far the most popular remaining Romanov because of his military record). The campaign for the Grand Duke used vicious, odious antisemitic propaganda to appeal to the strong antisemitism present in Russian society. Grand Duke Nicholas defeated the so-called “Judean corrupter” and immediately announced new elections for the Duma. Using their gold shirt militia to intimidate opponents, an unbridled propaganda campaign benefiting from control of state media, appealing to enormous dissatisfaction and using major electoral fraud, the RNPS won 50% of the vote. Party leader Morchenko became the country’s chief or “Vozhd” while Grand Duke Nicholas became Tsar Nicholas III. One war had given birth to Russian democracy and a second war had now killed it.

In France, the Third Republic limped on for more than a decade, suffering from instability the entire time. The loss of the Briey-Longwy area to Germany, one of Europe’s leading steel producing regions, produced an economic crisis in France long before the “World Depression.” The communists blamed the country’s predicament on its previous militarist course and expansionist, imperialist ambitions at the expense of the proletariat. The proletariat was supposedly egged on against the proletarians of other countries rather than against the true enemy, the capitalists and the bourgeoisie. This position only enjoyed support among the most impoverished parts of the working class. The royalist, Catholic and anti-parliamentary “Action Française” finally became the largest party in 1926 and seized control with tacit support from the military. Their leader Charles Maurras became Prime Minister while the Orléanist claimant to the throne (Jean, Duke of Guise) became King John III of France. Outside rhetoric, however, the regime realized full well that they’d need much more allies if they ever wanted to undo their second defeat in less than fifty years. But where should they look?

China coveted territorial expansion at the expense of France’s ally Russia. The Hongxian Emperor and the new ruling Zhonghua Dynasty had started many initiatives to modernize the country, hiring Western experts. When he died in 1916 after eleven years of rule, his son Prince Yuan Keding succeeded him and adopted the era name Juexing (referring to the “reawakening” of the nation). German officers for example (as the German officers corps was considered the best and most professional in Europe) were hired to staff the new Tianjin Military Academy set up to train officers for the New Army, formerly called the Beiyang Army. The New Army was an elite force within the Imperial Chinese Army, numbering 60.000 men in six divisions in 1905, that were equipped and trained up to Western standards and formed the new dynasty’s powerbase. In the medium term, defined as the next decade, the goal was to expand the New Army to 36 divisions and in the longer term modernize the entire armed forces (concretely, the new target set in 1915 was to double the number of divisions up to New Army standards to 72 before 1930). China adopted the German Gewehr 98 as their standard bolt-action rifle and also bought other German weapons like MG08 machine guns and Krupp artillery guns, though quickly started to license produce them themselves as the quantities they needed them in rose. Krupp set up a major complex near Beijing that included a steel mill to produce the steel the Chinese used to make these weapons in great quantities. The Krupp complex included several weapons and ammunitions factories.

The navy, which had been neglected after much of it had been destroyed in the Sino-Japanese War, also saw renewed attention and investment. With help from German steel producer Krupp, the Mawei Arsenal near Fuzhou was rebuilt (it had been destroyed in the Sino-French War of 1883-1885) and Krupp produced the armour plates for new Chinese ships. Between 1910 and 1915, China commissioned ten light cruisers based on the design of the German Karlsruhe-class as well as a number of auxiliary vessels like destroyers, gunboats, tenders, minelayers, minesweepers etcetera.

In 1913, China laid down its first pair of dreadnoughts, the Gao-class, which was a near exact copy of the German König-class: 25.800 tonnes, a top speed of 21 knots, a range of 8.000 nautical miles (15.000 km) at 12 knots, secondary armament composed of fourteen 15 cm (5.9 inch) guns, ten 88 mm (3.5 inch) guns and five torpedo tubes, and a main armament of ten 30.5 cm (12 inch) guns in five twin turrets in two super firing pairs fore and aft with the fifth turret mounted amidships. The two ships were named Gao and Wen, after two important Han Dynasty Emperors. China was confronted by the commissioning of the superior Ise-class battleships by the Imperial Japanese Navy and construction commencing on the succeeding Nagato-class. At this point China couldn’t keep up with Japan’s pace and so opted for a “fleet in being” strategy and therefore decided to at least keep building some ships for a respectable navy. Facilities to build any guns larger than 350 mm (13.8 inches) didn’t exist yet, so for the Jing-class a German-Chinese design team opted for a larger amount of guns per ship, more engine power and cutting down on the armour to conserve weight and increase speed. Though classified as battleships, the Jing-class were essentially super battlecruisers with the relatively thin armour they had. Jing and Wu, also named after two important Han Dynasty Emperors, had fourteen 350 mm (13.8 inch) guns in seven twin turrets (just like HMS Agincourt). Its belt armour was 225 mm (8.9 inches) thick. With a mass of 32.000 tonnes and an installed power of 125.000 shp powering three shafts, the ships would have a top speed of 27 knots. They were built between 1917 and 1920.

Further naval expansion was determined by the tonnage awarded by the London Naval Treaty. Competition between the naval powers led to more and larger ships being built, with designs with 16 inch (406 mm) guns coming off the slipways and designs with even greater firepower being planned. Even Britain and Germany felt the financial constraints so took an initiative to stop unmitigated naval construction. Japan signed on knowing it could not keep up with American construction speed. The United States, France, Italy, Russia, the Ottomans and China followed suit. The 1925 London Naval Treaty banned ships with a standard displacement larger than 45.000 metric tonnes and a larger main calibre gun than 16 inches. No provisions were made for aircraft carriers as they were largely in an experimental stage in the 20s. The three largest navies – the Royal Navy, the Imperial German Navy and the US Navy – were awarded 600.000 metric tonnes of battleships and battlecruisers. A 10:10:10:8:3.5:3.5:3.5:3.5:3.5:3.5 ratio determined how many tonnes Britain, Germany, the US, Japan, Austria, France, Italy, Russia, the Ottoman Empire and China would be allowed to have. Heavy cruisers were limited at 15.000 tonnes and light cruisers at half that, but no limits were set on what weapons they could carry. The treaty would remain in effect for ten years before the signatories would have to decide whether to renew it or not.

For China this translated to 210.000 tonnes worth of battleships and battlecruisers (their imperial rival Japan was allowed 480.000 tonnes). The four existing battleships amounted to 115.600 tonnes, leaving another 94.400 tonnes to be filled. The latest pair of battleships were the Gaozu-class: the two ships, Gaozu and Taizong, were named after the first two Emperors of the Tang Dynasty, a Chinese golden age. The pair of battleships had a standard displacement of 43.500 tonnes and a main battery of eight 406 mm (16 inch) guns organized in the classical four twin turrets favoured by German designers. The Depression that erupted in 1925 led China to economize on battleships, as it always prioritized its army. Rather than selling or scrapping the older Gao-class to build newer ships, they were modernized as that was cheaper: the centre turret was removed to accommodate a hangar and catapult to launch seaplanes, the remaining guns were bored out to 330 mm (13 inches) and the engines were upgraded to improve speed. To compensate for being light on battleships and battlecruisers, the Chinese navy could choose between submarines and aircraft carriers. They built two carriers, but chose to focus on submarines as they were much cheaper to build and suited China’s ambition of the day to project power regionally (as opposed to Japan, which wanted to project influence into the Pacific and Southeast Asia).

Besides submarines, the Chinese also opted to build heavy cruisers with unusually heavy armament called “pocket battleships” or “cruiser killers” which were not subjected to tonnage restrictions in the London Naval Treaty. They built four Nanjing-class heavy cruisers, which weighed 11.500 tonnes (standard load) and had 75 mm (3 inches) of belt armour, a main armament of six 28 cm (11 inch) guns in two triple turrets and a top speed of 28 knots. The Beijing class, numbering four ships, weighed 14.300 tonnes and had six 33 cm (13 inch) guns in two triple turrets with the same armour and a top speed of 26 knots. They could overpower other cruisers and outrun most enemy battleships they were likely to come across. China now had a respectable surface fleet of six battleships, two aircraft carriers, eight heavy cruisers, twenty light cruisers and various auxiliary vessels.

China modernized in other regards as well. Krupp’s steel mill near Beijing also produced the railways for the new state owned National Railway Company, which was a merger of several provincial railway companies. In 1905, China had a few thousand kilometres of railroads and by 1915 that had increased to 15.000 kilometres. This almost tripled to 42.000 km by 1930, due to a construction frenzy, and by the time the Second Great War erupted in 1940 the Chinese railway network had a length of 60.000 km. In the same time, telegraph lines and phone lines, paved roads, bridges, power plants and dams were built too. The number of elementary schools and, to a lesser extent secondary and vocational schools, exploded too as school attendance was made compulsory up to the age of 12 in 1917, teaching children to read and write and educating them in the areas of arithmetic, national history, geography, handicrafts and physical education. Secondary schools expanded upon this curriculum with more depth and the subjects of mathematics, physics, chemistry, biology, shop class and the option of learning one to three foreign languages (German, English, Japanese, French and Russian were offered). Universities began producing scientists, physicists, chemists, engineers, doctors, economists, lawyers and other experts the country needed. Besides the education system, the legal system was also reformed: China adopted the German penal code and France’s civic code. It kept a modified version of the Qing constitution, which was in turn based on Japan’s Meiji constitution. Politically, China therefore remained authoritarian as the entire cabinet was appointed by the Emperor and responsible to him, making the democratically elected National Assembly an advisory organ.

The resurgence of China (now called the “Hongxian Restoration”) after almost a century of weakness alarmed Japan as a strong China could curb Japanese ambitions to dominate Asia. Besides that, the pro-German Dutch had commissioned four battleships of their own, which they stationed in the Dutch East Indies (24.600 tonne vessels with a main battery of eight 356 mm/14 inch guns). Given that Germany supported China against Russia, Japan now mended fences with Russia and its French ally. Russia and Japan signed a mutual defence agreement in 1922, the Treaty of Sapporo, in which both signatories said they’d come to each other’s support in the event of aggression by a third party. For now the combined might of Japan and Russia would be enough to keep the rising Chinese giant at bay. Meanwhile another giant across the Pacific was about to experience serious turmoil.

Is 1913 a misprint for the building of the Gao class battleships? It seems beyond Chinese capacity at the time. The Konig class battleships design would be considered a state secret and not something they would release to a foreign power.
 
The Konig class battleships design would be considered a state secret and not something they would release to a foreign power.
Not necessarily, it is possible for countries to export battleships that were only a bit behind the best they themselves got (or getting). Keep in mind in OTL the Reshadieh was a contemporary and based on the King George V class and laid down at around the same time.

So perhaps that pair were mostly built in German yards and might be lacking in some of the soft variables that separates a lot of the battleships of the top powers and secondary powers...
 
The Italians are going to demand and receive a larger fleet than Austria and probably France. They have a long coastline and a fair number of colonies whereas Austria is first and foremost a land power.
Britain will almost certainly want a bigger fleet that Germany.

Russia will be allowed a fairly big fleet as she has three seas to defend.
 
Russia got her arse spanked twice in as many decades, I'm not sure if she's in a position to demand much, much less getting it.
There is a difference between allowed to have and actually able to build and maintain said allowance ;)

You throw Russia a prestige bone of parity with the dominant powers, but in reality you flipping well know there is no way this side of anything that they can actually build and maintain said fleet (Given doing so also means building up dockyards and anchorages / ports, training and feeding crews etc etc etc. It's not just the cost of building and maintaining the ships after all).

Big navy = big money.

The only reason the UK could successfully do it in the 19th Century is because the WHOLE economy was aimed at it. Everything was somehow tied into the building and maintaining of the fleet, on some level. Fantastic documentary that, I'll have to see if I can dig it out.
 
You throw Russia a prestige bone of parity with the dominant powers,
Well the question is why would the dominant powers bother in the first place? They're unstable and sliding into despotism and butthurt revanchism. Throwing them a bone just further stroke that unwarranted ego, not to mention it'll need a fair bit of political capital to implement that to begin with, since the Ottomans will be like "Dude. We're like on the winning side of the last war, where's our respect?"

Although given how everyone seems to be pissed at the treaty in some fashion just shows the realism of it all, the sheer amount of compromise that's going into it.
 
In addition what if Dominion numbers are not counted in - for example dominions are each allowed 2-4 additional BB types (CDN, OZ, Kiwisatan and RSA equal 8-16 additional ships - include india add 2-4)

Given all this UK COULD allow "parity" with Germany - just to cater to the feelings of the current continental top dog - throw him a bone

That's a good point, the UK could accept parity if commonwealth forces are not counted, and the UK can subsidize commonwealth navies with funds and personal. So there totally not a part of the Royal Navy we swear.

However why would the UK feel the need to throw a bone to their greatest threat?

This treaty is still advantage Germany, without Germany having to give something up I can't see the UK accepting it.

Another interesting point about this timeline is that the Anglo-Japanese alliance will still be effect, as the primary reason it was nullified was US pressure as a part of the Washington Naval Treaty.

Without the IOTL post-WWI US influence to force this, it's likely the alliance will stand.
 
Chapter IX: Revolutionary America. Part 1: Preamble: The Rise of the Socialists.
Communist or Fascist America confirmed?

You're about to find out. Secondly, I see the London Naval Treaty generated a lot of feedback and I tried to incorporate all of it in an edit of the last update. Now moving on to what's been happening in the USA.


Chapter IX: Revolutionary America, 1928-1937.

Part 1: Preamble: The Rise of the Socialists.

The United States of America, a federal presidential constitutional republic born from a revolution against British colonial rule and surviving a four year civil war over slavery, was going to experience a third major upheaval. Though isolationist and not involved in the recent European wars, America would not escape their consequences. After the “national revolution” that led to its independence, the United States were headed toward a “social revolution.”

For much of its history, the US had been a two party system (there were more political parties, but most of the time they had no influence on the national stage). In the year 1900, no-one could predict that a third party would rise once again and, this time, making a lasting impact since the party that did so only gained a few percent of the vote in the first decade of its existence. Its candidate ran in the Presidential elections of 1900 (0.6% of the popular vote), 1904 (3.0%) and 1908 (2.8%) with limited success.

The Socialist Party was confronted by a looming split with the international trade union “Industrial Workers of the World.” In 1911 IWW leader Bill Haywood was elected to the SPA’s National Executive Committee and accused it of abandoning the class struggle. Before he could perhaps break away from the more moderate faction of the party, he was killed in a mugging in New York days before he would square off in a debate against fellow party member of the social democratic wing. Moreover, the party’s Presidential candidate had a personal meeting with American Federation of Labor leader Samuel Gompers to mend fences, issuing a statement that “the Socialist movement and the trade unions strive to achieve the same goals through different means and wouldn’t allow capitalists to divide them.”

Keeping together the social democrats, the agrarian utopians and the outright Marxists and strategically sending their representatives to campaign where their brand of socialism would have the most appeal, led the Socialists to appeal to a diverse electorate. The 1912 US Presidential elections produced a minor electoral breakthrough. In this election there were four major candidates rather than the usual two: Democratic candidate Woodrow Wilson, Progressive candidate Theodore Roosevelt, Republican candidate William Howard Taft and Socialist candidate Eugene V. Debs. Debs won 7% of the popular vote, more than doubling his number of votes from to well over 1 million compared to roughly 420.000 in 1908.

The 1916 Progressive National Convention was held in conjunction with the Republican National Convention in the hopes of reunifying the two parties with Roosevelt as the presidential nominee of both. The Progressive Party collapsed after Roosevelt refused the Progressive nomination and insisted his supporters vote for Charles Evans Hughes, the moderately progressive Republican nominee. Hughes got the nomination and went to face off against Wilson, the winner of 1912.

Seeing the disarrayed state of the Progressive Party as an opportunity, Eugene Debs and other prominent socialists campaigned heavily in the states the Progressives had previously won in 1912 even before the Progressive and Republican national conventions. They were inspired by the success of the Social Democrats in Germany, who successfully managed to change their country into a real democracy. Debs almost exhausted himself as he tried to speak at as many places as possible since he was the best speaker of the party: though disdainful of organized religion, he was very charismatic and called on a Christian vocabulary when needed and adopted the oratorical style of evangelism.

The Socialists put a heavy emphasis on taking Roosevelt’s trust busting agenda further, including the nationalization of key industries that were deemed of national interest (like coal mining and coal-fired power plants, as these provided much of the country’s electricity). Besides nationalizations, Socialist positions were centred on the 40-hour workweek, a minimum wage, women’s suffrage and a welfare system with benefits for unemployment, sickness, work-related accidents, disability, widows and orphans. This would be funded through taxes on the “predatory rich, big business and finance capital.” The leftist segment of the Progressive Party was absorbed by the Socialists and effective Socialist propaganda ensured they got most of the former Progressive vote.

The Socialists doubled to 14%, which amounted to 2.6 million popular votes and won the states of Pennsylvania, Michigan, Minnesota, South Dakota and Washington State. Particularly the first two were heavily industrialized, with steel industry, coal mining and an emerging automobile industry, resulting in a large proletariat susceptible to the socialist campaign (this reaffirmed Marxist ideology, which was centred on the industrial proletariat). The five states won by Debs amounted to 77 electoral votes. The Republicans got fourteen states, 184 electoral votes and 41.3% of the popular vote. Democratic candidate Woodrow Wilson won a second term by winning 29 states, 270 electoral votes and 44.4% of the popular vote.

There had been fairly successful third parties before, but all of them had come and gone and only the Republicans and Democrats had persisted. Captains of industry, bankers and many in the Southern states hoped this would be the case once again. They were haunted by the spectre of nationalization, workers’ self-management and racial desegregation after this socialist success. Contrary to expectations, the Socialist Party managed to stick around.

In 1917, the National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party convened the Second National Congress to make policy on the crucial topic of race. The party did have some “scientific racists” who argued that African Americans and mulattoes constituted a “lower race” but they didn’t constitute a majority in the party. A majority of delegates at this policy making party congress voted to reject biological racism. The party stated that the conclusions of such racial biologists were foregone given that they were all white men born into bourgeois capitalist milieus, giving them motive to justify exploitation of black workers. When addressing the characteristics of supposed inferiority, the Socialists called them “subjective” and pointed out the failure of racial scientist to make inferiority quantifiable. In the amended party program it was finally concluded that “there’s no reason a black man, when given the opportunities of a white man, couldn’t do just as well.” Secondly, the Socialists voted to adopt a statement from the 1912 Tennessee party platform as a policy line for the entire party: it stated that white supremacist ideology was a tool of the capitalist class to divide and rule the working class, making white supremacists persona non grata within the party. Thirdly, this National Congress adopted a 1909 Virginia party resolution to focus more attention on encouraging solidarity between black and white workers and to invite non-white workers to join the party. Furthermore, the Socialists vowed to continue the struggle for women’s suffrage and reaffirmed that they supported workers regardless of skin colour, race or sex.

The Second National Congress of the Socialist Party of America was held just before the 1918 midterm elections. As a result, virtually all African Americans with the right to vote voted Socialist (in 1920, they numbered 10.5 million people, or 9.9% of the population on a total of 106 million). Given the predominance of Anglo-Saxon white Protestants in politics, economics, cultural life and general society it was unsurprising that, besides blacks, the socialists also attracted almost all of the Asian American, Irish, Italian American and Hispanic votes. In the 1918 US House of Representatives elections, the Socialists won 22.1% of the vote and gained 96 seats. The Republicans won 36.8% of the popular vote, enough for 160 seats in the House of Representatives while the Democrats got 40.5% of the vote, which translated to 176 seats in the House. Long story short, not one party had a majority in the House of Representatives. The incumbent President, the Democratic Woodrow Wilson, now had to seek the alliance of the Socialists or the Republicans to get a majority in the House and was presented with a conundrum: the Republicans would surely demand massive concessions for their support, which Wilson was unwilling to concede, while gaining Socialist support would cost him his loyal voters in the “Solid South” as the Socialists opposed segregation. The Republicans sought the help of the Socialists to make Wilson a lame duck President.

Ultimately, the Socialists sped up the passing of the Nineteenth Amendment (which granted women the right to vote) and in doing so gained the sympathy of female voters. When the 1920 Presidential elections loomed on the horizon, the Republicans were hoping to defeat the Democrats by pointing out the ineffectiveness of their President. The Socialist march forward in the more industrialized northeast, however, continued unabated and at the expense of the Republicans. Eugene Debs ran for President as the Socialist candidate once again and, as with the previous elections, his share of the popular vote and in the electoral college mounted. He won Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Indiana (Debs’ home state), Wisconsin, Minnesota, Illinois, South Dakota, Washington and California. With 29% of the popular vote, carrying eleven states and getting 189 electoral votes, the Socialists became the second party of the country. Republican candidate Warren G. Harding won 24 states, 193 electoral votes and 35.9% of the popular vote. Democratic candidate James M. Cox won thirteen states, 149 electoral votes and 35.1% of the popular vote. The 1924 Presidential elections saw a similar result with Calvin Coolidge becoming President (he had succeeded Harding upon the latter’s death in 1923). Less than a year into office, Coolidge was confronted by the World Depression (called that because the entire world suffered from it).

The Depression had its origins on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean in continental Europe. The compromise between the Social Democratic, Liberal and Catholic majority in the Reichstag on one hand and Emperor Wilhelm II and the Junkers on the other, which laid the groundwork for a constitutional monarchy, was flawed. The three parties of the so-called “Grand Democratic Coalition” of 1916 had allowed the Kaiser control of the military budget, which stayed high as Wilhelm II wanted to keep up battleship construction and maintain his large, professional army. Meanwhile, a welfare state was built under SPD leadership that was so generous that it was incomparable to anything in the Western world. Unable to lower defence spending and running into a refusal of royal assent when trying to raise taxes on the wealthiest, which included the Prussian Junkers and other landed magnates, the funding for this welfare state that would take care of people “from the cradle to the grave” was lacking. While they lulled themselves into a false sense of security by telling themselves the funding would be found, an overspending bubble grew. As overspending continued, it became increasingly more difficult to get more loans as the faith of creditors that Germany would be able to repay them declined because funding was in fact not found.

The bubble burst and the Frankfurt Stock Exchange crashed on Wednesday November 11th 1925, also known as Black Wednesday. This resulted in a major economic crisis in Germany. The German economy was easily the largest in Europe and, after its Great War victory, Germany had proceeded to establish bilateral trade agreements and customs unions with most European countries. This embryonic economic integration centred on the motor of the European economy sped up the spread of the Depression. Stock markets in other European countries plummeted, culminating in the crash of the London Stock Exchange six days later on Tuesday November 17th. The City of London was the financial and business centre of Great Britain and the British Empire, which covered a quarter of the world, and was also considered the finance capital of the world. The United States could not escape this economic crisis: the New York Stock Exchange crashed too on Friday November 20th.

US President Calvin Coolidge was a proponent of small government and laissez-faire economics. He asked business and labour leaders to avoid wage cuts and work stoppages, conveying his belief that this would be just another brief recession. Coolidge also convinced railroads and public utilities to increase spending on construction and maintenance, and the Federal Reserve announced that it would cut interest rates. Coolidge opposed congressional proposals to provide federal relief to the unemployed, as he believed that such programs were the responsibility of state and local governments as well as philanthropic organizations.

Contrary to President Coolidge’s belief that this would be a brief recession, however, the crisis persisted and numerous banks went bankrupt, leading to countless people losing their life savings and being reduced to abject poverty, complementing the growing army of unemployed. In December 1927, little over two years after the crisis had erupted, the unemployment rate reached 15% and, unsurprisingly, the crime rate soared. State and local governments as well as charities couldn’t keep up relief to the unemployed. The Coolidge Administration nonetheless continued to adhere to non-interventionism and budget discipline. Long story short, Coolidge did little and that led to enormous resentment among the working class, the lower middle class and small farmers as they got the worst of the crisis.

Socialist propaganda was very effective in painting Coolidge as the “President of the rich” and they made gains during the midterm elections in 1926 and for the first time polls indicated the Socialists would win the Presidential elections. Eugene V Debs, 71 years old at the time, announced he’d be running for President for one final time. This time the Socialists unleashed a propaganda war never seen before, even when compared to their vigorous campaigns during previous elections: they said the current Depression showed that the capitalist system was bankrupt and would never provide a high standard of living for all, instead moving from one economic crisis to another with periods of growth in between that led to the accumulation of capital in the hands of the happy few. After the “national revolution” of 1776, now it was time for “social revolution.” Millions of people who were unemployed or otherwise struggling to get by heard the call. By the time the 1928 Presidential elections took place, unemployed peaked at 20%.

Given the Democrats' support of segregation, they naturally carried all thirteen Southern states and even made an inroad into the north by winning Missouri, getting 167 electoral votes and winning 36.9% of the popular vote. The Republicans were reduced to the less densely populated, largely rural states west of the Mississippi River. They carried nineteen states, obtained 104 electoral votes and 17.9% of the popular vote. Socialist success expanded to New York, Connecticut, New Jersey and Rhode Island. In total they carried fifteen states, got 260 electoral votes and won 45.2% of the popular vote. Eugene Debs became the first Socialist President of the United States of America. He was the oldest man ever elected to the office of President.

In his inaugural address, Debs was relatively moderate and stated his administration “[I will] take steps to ensure that the broadest shoulders will carry the heaviest loads, relieving those who’ve suffered the worst. Part of the American Dream are opportunity and equality. Now opportunity favours the lucky few, but equality for all will provide chances to the masses now still wallowing in misery and poverty and suffering from oppression and exploitation. The economic system will be changed to one wherein the fortunes of the working class are not dependent on the one thing they have to offer: their labour.” Collaborating with the Republican minority in Congress gave the Socialists a majority. The new administration passed the “Unemployment Benefits and Social Security Act” in 1929, which determined the following: the Social Security Bureau would pay newly unemployed 85% of their previous wage for the first six months of their unemployment and $70 a month after that ($70 in 1929 amounts to roughly $1.000 in 2019 dollars). To pay for it, the Debs Administration adopted “squeeze the rich” taxes as well as high profit taxes, net asset taxes and corporate income taxes. Furthermore, President Debs formed the Committee of Public Works, which oversaw the construction of mines, power plants, oil refineries, dams, bridges, hospitals, schools, railroads and the first highways while taking the lead in asphalting major existing country roads. Long story short, the Committee of Public Works (CPW) generated jobs.

The job generating policies, which had cut unemployment in half by the time of 1932 Presidential elections, increased the popularity of the administration. This showed in the midterm elections in 1930, in which the Socialists advanced further, winning even more in the north and west at the expense of the Republicans. It’s therefore unsurprising that the Socialist candidate won in 1932. True to his word that he would only run one more time and because of his advanced age (he’d be 77 by the time of the election), Debs didn’t run again. Instead Vice President Foster was the Socialist candidate. He won and his Presidency would see the Second Civil War.
 
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