The Decade of Disaster: What if the Franco-Prussian War Escalated? (relaunched)

Part 1- The Treaty of Prague and Resumption of War
Part 1: The Treaty of Prague and Resumption of War

The Balkans aren't worth the life of a single Pomeranian grenadier!’- Otto Von Bismarck, 1866.

Chapter One: The Treaty of Prague and Resumption of War

The War with Austria was deceptively decisive. Engineered by Otto Von Bismarck, this war was intended to drive out Austrian influence in Germany, to make sure that Prussia is not incorporated into some Greater German State. If German unity was to be inevitable, it must unite under Prussia, and not Austria; this war would pave the way for that, whilst making a ‘Kleindeutschland’, where Prussia- and more broadly Prussian Junkers- could dominate, possible. And at first it seemed as if the gamble worked. Although most of the German Confederation lined up against Prussia, Bismarck’s skilful diplomacy kept foreign powers out of the struggle. Prussia’s efficient and disciplined troops crushed the Austrians, already weakened by the 1859, decisively at Sadowa. But it was after that success, only 3 weeks into the war, that ruptures began to emerge.

The fruits of victory were showered too fast onto Prussia. The victory at Konnigratz opened the door to the occupation of Vienna, and after all they’d only been at war three weeks. But Bismarck already agitated for a ceasefire. The terms of this ceasefire would see Venetia ceded to Italy and Austria kicked out of German affairs entirely, but not a foot of territory would be taken from the Hapsburgs. This was due to Bismarck’s calculation that such a territorial annexation would be unnecessary- after all, it had little direct influence on German territorial security and would only serve to make co-operation with Austria impossible, driving them into the arms of the French. The military and monarchical authorities both questioned this; why should Prussia respond to complete victory with such a tepid peace? Moltke was strongly against it and urged the King to continue his advance, to seize a sizeable buffer of territory and to ensure Austria would not be in a position to resist further Prussian advances.. Bismarck implored, pleaded and supplicated; breaking down into tears and smashing objects in the room, Bismarck insisted that the King would be responsible for a horrible and bloody escalation of the war if he was to continue to advance. In what many consider to be the turning points of Prussia’s fortunate, Wilhelm I did not listen. A usually compliant Wilhelm I was convinced by the recommendations of his advisors and decided to take a stand against Bismarck. “Any peace with the Austrians must constitute a victor’s peace, not this strange political concoction. It is insulting to Prussian honour to accept otherwise.”. Thus, Moltke won out and Prussia pushed for an annexationist war against Austria and decided to continue onto Vienna, much to the incredulity of the French. Bismarck, traumatised and distraught that Wilhelm I had destroyed his intricate plans, was forced to resign. The war continued.

The war lasted little over a month longer, but began to set in motion a serious and unwise escalation in international tensions. Wilhelm I successfully occupied Vienna without much resistance, as the Austrian army, battered from defeats, could not. But aside from the military concerns, the spectre of Prussian troops overrunning Vienna was deeply unwise. It was seen on the international stage as an unnecessary escalation and provoked outcry in Austria, and was seen as a permanent stain on the honour of the Austrian state. Bismarck remarked in discuss that ‘Moltke has thrown away all of my work to ensure a stable international order in this war in the course of a single aftermath. This occupation would not be forgotten by a fuming Kaiser Francis Joseph.

The peace treaty was likewise harsh, both to German states that had so fatefully sided with the Austrians and to oppose Prussian expansion, which had the effect Saxony and Hanover were annexed into the Kingdom of Prussia, along with Hesse-Kassel, Hesse-Darmstadt, Nassau, Saxe-Meiningen, Frankfurt, Reuss-Greiz, and Holstein. This was to send the clear message that autonomy was only to be accepted if German states were to be compliant with Prussian demands. States that backed Prussia were forced into the “North German Confederation”, which was heavily controlled by the much enlarged Prussia. The South was left broadly alone, but was assumed to be in the sphere of influence. Prussia also annexed the “Saxon Corridor” from Austria- a strip of territory running across Bohemia which included the town of Karslbad and Austrian Silesia. These are annexed into Prussia as the province of "New Silesia"- harking back to the days of Fredrick the Great, and was rationalised as providing a launching post from which the Prussian state could threaten Vienna if necessary. Venetia and some of Istria are lost to Italy.

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Central Europe, 1867. The New North German state now dominated the German world, and had annexed "New Silesia", brining the borders close to Prague and Vienna.

This Treaty caused international outcry and was seen as shockingly harsh. This railroading of tradition and vast annexations suddenly meant that the “lesser Global power” was a threat to national security for the Great Powers, especially France. In Britain, the expansion of power of Prussia began to alert politicians to concerns about its expansion. In France, the reaction was militantly hostile. France was promised a part of the Rhineland which she never received and was infuriated at this vast expansion of Prussian power; although the French army was too weak to intervene in 1866, a series of reforms initiated in 1867 onwards began to stabilise and modernise the army. Napoleon III was furious about the betrayal of the promises and was concerned about any further power of the Prussian state; he saw a failure to intervene in 1866 as a mistake that he was not willing to repeat. A rapprochement with Prussia was quite out of the question; Napoleon III now bitterly distrusted the Prussians, and as his domestic support began to look increasingly unstable in the aftermath of the growth of liberal opposition and the subsequent concessions and the lasting aftershocks for his authority for the Mexican debacle Napoleon III was increasingly convinced that giving into Prussian pressure would be the death knell for his empire and a victory against them could save it. Only Russia seemed to take Prussia’s side; although there were Pan-Slavic objections to this strong German power, their co-operation over Poland had convinced the Tsar that they were a better partner that the Hapsburgs, who had betrayed them in the course of the Crimean War. Moreover, the Tsar was more preoccupied with the Balkans that Central Europe, and he knew a weakened Austria would give him a free hand in the Balkans. Prussia and Russia continued to work constructively, with Prussia increasingly promising vast rewards in the Balkans

Franz Joseph originally wished to avoid any more bitter and destructive wars with Prussia, believing them to be unwinnable. He was forced to sign the compromise of 1867 under domestic pressure, turning his empire into a dual monarchy and granting what were once unthinkable concessions on his own autonomy to the Hungarians. The large indemnity payment demanded by the Prussians also produced crippling financial and political pressure on the new system; with four governments collapsing within two years. But as the possibility with war with France grew, Franz Joseph began to reconsider. First, it was looking like under the current political reality, it was only a matter of tiem before the state itself would implode under the strain and all would be lost. Secondly, the French looked like they had a good shot at winning- and if any prestige was to be won back, along with the wealthy territories and role were to be regained, attempting to align would not be a bad bet. Thirdly was the result of increasing political pressure. In the febrile political atmosphere, politicians were gaining ground on a stance of taking a hard line against Prussian encroachment and winning back lost Austrian prestige after the shame and humiliation of the occupation of Vienna. This led to increasing calls for the emperor to stand up for Austrian interests and take a harder stance against Prussian influence in Southern Germany. The territorial loses are too hard to bear; they will be rectified; The large indemnity payment is also causing economic suffering, fuelling worries about a revolutionary collapse of the empire; the common enemy, Prussia, was needed to bring Austria together.

The result of this mutual hostility was a mutual defence pact, with the aim of preventing further German encroachment in Southern Germany. By 1869 the French and Austrians have agreed a mutual defence pact, clearly pointing the empires towards war, but with a more clear aim of containing the expansion of Prussia into South Germany.. The French are dead set on containing Prussia; the domestic troubles convincing Napoleon III that he needs a foreign enemy. The situation in Austria is more complex. The Hungarians lobby against war, but German liberals, who are concerned about the triumph of an illiberal Prussia, and aggravated nationalist minority who want to row back the 1867 compromise and rectify national hour after the humiliation of 1867. It’s a hard decision for Franz Joseph, but the pro-war lobby wins out, or at least in the limited way of convincing the emperor to sign the pact.

The Spark for the war comes from growing crisis about the role of Southern Germany in the new North German state. The background to the crisis was the Spanish Crisis, where a Prussia Hohenzollern was nearly crowned King of Spain, before backing down in the face of French pressure. Tensions were still simmering because Wilhelm I had not given a personal guarantee that he'd never endorse a Hohenzollern candidacy again, but the crisis humiliated Prussia. National opinion with Prussia was outraged. As Moltke commented wryly: "How could a nation that could defeat the Austrian Empire in 6 weeks back down to a Napoleon doppelganger's every little demand?". Wilhelm I was growing increasingly frustrated with the Franco-Austrian demands. At the same time of growing outrage and jingoistic anger in France, a delicate set of international negotiations were occurring at the Mainz conference between the enlarged Northern Germany and the Southern Germany about deepening co-operation, or even unification. France made it very clear during 1866 that annexations of these states would lead to war, and thus they were not incorporated into the North German Confederation. The conference, before the Spanish crisis, appeared to be coming to a resolution in which Southern Germany would be more tightly economically integrated, mutual defence would be agreed but unification would not be achieved. But Wilhelm I, needing a victory after the Spanish humiliation, re-opened the issue. A communique sent on the 12th September 1870 to Bavaria and the other Southern German states offered some autonomy (greater than the Northern members) if they'd agreed to broad economic and foreign policy alignment, going far further than the previous set of assumptions at that conference- effectively de facto unification. This outraged France, who was operating on the assumption that such an agreement would not bring Prussian troops to the border. This diplomatic outrage provoked fury in France and was too much for Wilhelm I. France stated that they were willing to guarantee the independence of the South German states, with Austria adding that "The Austrian government, which has always shared a spiritual connection with fellow Southern German states, stands wholeheartedly in defence of Catholic Germany in response to Northern Prussian aggression". As a result of the assurances from France and Austria the Southern German states all declined the proposal except Baden, whose rulers was close to Prussian interests, and agreed to Prussian deployment. Negotations at Mainz collapsed on the 29th September 1870. The concept of Prussian troops being deployed in Southern Germany crossed a French red line. As Prussian troops began to arrive in Baden France issued an ultimatum that they must immediately withdraw or face war. As war drew closer Wilhelm I took a defiant stance, and addressed his cabinet thus:

"Gentlemen, I will be cowed by the Bonaparte family no longer. For all of my childhood, the French rampaged through our homeland, took our resources and starved us dry. But Prussian honour and ingenuity won the day at the miraculous victories at Leipzig and Waterloo. It was because the German people united together against common aggression, and I believe that spirit still exists. The German people will rise to this challenge. We will not accept Bonaparte's dictat."

The British government attempted to organise a mediation at London but such a proposal was declined by all powers. France declared the deployment in Baden as an attack upon her people and declared war on the 4th October 1870. Austria followed on the 7th October after growing domestic pressure, signalling that it considered the deployment in Baden an attempting to intimidate the south into acquiescing to Prussian unification. For the third time in six years, the German world was at war. This time, it would be far more contracted, bloody and tragic than the lightning victories of 1864 and 1866.

-----POD and author's note---

The Point of Divergence is in 1866, where Moltke wins out in the cabinet room fight between Moltke and Bismarck about whether the war should be continued and Prussia should annex Austrian territory and march on Vienna. This creates a climate of national outrage as described which drives Austria to align itself more closely with France, which combined with the focal point of the crisis being South Germany, a point of contention between Austria and Germany, draws them into the war.

This is a re-write with details of the crisis changed of my Nov 2019-July 2020 timeline, which I will enclose. I hope my writing and AH skills have somewhat improved since then!(1) WI: WW1 happened in the 1860s/1870s over German unification? | alternatehistory.com
 
It's a bit scary, because this could have happened. A different choice, another end to that discussion...

Looks like 1870 Europe is going to burn. And maybe the whole world, too? Perhaps a Great War that will start 44 years earlier, in this timeline.

Watching with interest!
 

John Farson

Banned
An interesting POD. Ruthless and cynical bastard though he was, Bismarck knew not to bite off more than one could chew.

Now he's been sidelined, and Prussia looks to be blundering into a conflict that promises to be far bloodier than the OTL one, like how a Prussian-led German Empire staggered into WWI but over four decades early.
 
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Very interesting start. I wonder how other nations would stand in regards to the opposing sides. I can see Italy siding with Prussia while Denmark could be persuaded to make a move for Schleswig if France is successful enough on land.
 
Meanwhile, the United States is probably watching from the sidelines and willing to accept those fleeing the fighting in all countries--they did just get over the Civil War, after all, and they are rebuilding from that...
 
I would imagine russia stays out and keeps exporting foodstuff to everyone; Britain probably holds official neutrality but in private favors the Franco-Austrian Coalition, maybe to the point of interference if Prussia has too much fun in france
 
If Russia does not intervene on Prussia's behalf would they be tempted to take on the Ottomans while Europe is distracted? It would be nearly a decade early and I don't know if they have sufficiently recovered from the Crimean War yet though.
 
Hi all! I'm truly flattered by the interest this has generated and thank you for your kind comments!

I'm seeing a lot of questions about who intervenes on whose side. I do plan to re-write the TL so I don't promise to stick to these and I won't reveal all the details as they will be elucidated in more detail. For Russia, the plan is not for immediate intervention on behalf of the Prussians, because whilst its true that they were more broadly aligned with Austria such an alliance was not ironclad. However, preventing a Franco-Austrian victory becomes a priority, because generally in Russia at this time saw Austria as far greater threat to its interests in teh Balkans and were still distrustful after the perceived betrayal in Crimea. As for France, the Russian leadership was deeply distrustful of Napoleon III especially after the Crimean War in which Napoleon III had snatched the title of protector of Christians in the Ottoman Empire from them and had inflicted a defeat upon them. So as the war begins to turn against Prussia through the war, the pressure of intervention to prevent a Franco-Austrian victory begins to mount.

For Britain, it's more complicated. Britain was deeply distrustful (on both sides of the isle) of Prussian expansionism and Gladstone was particularly cynical of realpolitik, and as Prime Minister Gladstone attempted to re-orientate British foreign policy towards 'concert of Europe' collective action and was deeply hesitant to use military force on the continent. Although the British remained distrustful of Napoleon III and would likely to be perturbed by a complete victory, a Russo-Prussian alliance would combine the duel threats of a free hand for Russia in the balkans if Austrian resistance collapsed and Prussian domination of the continent. Here is the political kicker though- Gladstone himself was deeply sceptical of 'Russophobic' arguments, relaunching his political career in 1876 to protest against Disraeli's moves to intervene to save the Ottoman Empire in the aftermath of the Bulgarian revolt. So although public pressure mounts to take a stand, the Prime Minister himself, Gladstone, is not likely to be swayed by these arguments and would likely attempt to arbitrate. This comes up in a few updates of my old TL where such attempts at mediation are unsuccessful and I hope to bring this element back.

For Italy, immediate intervention on behalf of the Prussian side is unlikely, because they'd already achieved control of Venetia and Istria and were focused on consolidating their new Italian acquisitions, which given the departure of the French garrison due to the war in Rome was quite the task. However, if the war tipped obviously against Austria, Italy will intervene to seize territory further into Austria, for example Trieste.
 
Huh; i would've figured they were a fan of his considering he seemed to match in lockstep with them prior, and a fanboy is better than a hostile france no matter his name
By 1870 the relationship had soured significantly and had been on a downhill trend since the disagreements in the aftermath of the Crimean War. The English were distrustful of Napoleonic invasions in Italy and schemes in Mexico, although war was not on the cards the alliance had evaporated by 1870.
But you're right that relations wre far better than that with Prussia. "Better the devil you know" is an oversimplified way of putting Britain's attitude at the time in the OTL and in this ATL- they distrusted Napoleon III but didn't see him as an existential threat.
 
Austrian mobilisation is likely to be slow, so the opening Franco_prussian battles may well already have been fought. If the Prussians win these, FJ will probably have second thoughts and stay out. If the second thoughts come too late, France is in a position to secure a more moderate peace y throwing Austria to the wolves.
 
Part 2- Reactions to the Outbreak of War
Part 2- Reactions to the Outbreak War

'The Prussian menace knows no bounds or restraint. It only knows how to devour its fellow states and wage endless war, payed in the price of the blood of endless streams of our brethen'- Kaiser Franz Joseph of Austria

Reactions to the outbreak of the continental war were varied. In France, the outbreak was met by much popular jingoism and celebration. Although dissenting socialist voices denounced the war, the vast majority of political opinion saw Prussian behaviour as an unprovoked insult to the national honour and security of France and the war as a defensive one against Prussian expansionism, which played into long standing Napoleonic era hostility to Prussia and the German world. This provided a rare moment of national unity in the face of a despised enemy, Prussia and its tyrant King. This couldn't have come too soon for Napoleon III, whose authority was reeling from embarrassing failure in Mexico and growing liberal demands for concessions against his rule, and the outbreak of war provided a brief respite from the growing domestic hostility helped to bolster his authority temporarily.

In Prussia the outbreak of war was likewise met with national fervour and jingo. Before this point the domestic authority of the Prussian authorities presiding over their new, expanded state was strained; Germans from states like Hanover and Saxony, independent for centuries, often resisted the newly imposed Prussian domination on the state. Wilhelm I's authority was also weakened from a perceived back down over the Spanish crisis and this provided him with an opportunity to show he was tough against French aggression. National hostility against the French, running deep due to the long memory of the horrors of Napoleonic domination, helped bring a sense of national unity to the fledging German state. The continued perceived perfidy of Austria likewise helped to bolster this unity; whilst some catholic Germans were sympathetic, the vast majority saw this as an appalling betrayal of the German cause and sleeping with the energy. This was so much the case that shortly after the outbreak of war the Pan-German Organisation was set up to promote the total unification of Germany, including Austria lands, with impromptu chapters being set up all across the country, from Berlin to Bonn, with fiery speeches being given denouncing Austrian perfidy and French aggression attracting huge crowds. Few questioned how this state could feasibly defeat France and Austria at the same time; whilst a few dissenting voices did question this course of action, they were broadly drowned out under a wave of national patriotism and jingoism. The North German State thus came together in support of the war, although the increasingly protracted and bloody nature of the war would lead many to question that conviction.

The reaction within Austria was far more mixed than it was elsewhere. Politicians in Vienna, who had been stoking the war, reacted with joy and vowed to take back what had been taken from them; the Kaiser stressed the catholic and defensive aspects, with pledges to 'protect Southern Germany from the insatiable, violent and brutal aggression of the Prussian state... not to act would be to jeopardise not only the security of Austria but the security of the catholic faith in Germany'. The nature of Prussian intervention in the South, which was broadly seen as aggressive, combined with the growing desire for retribution for the humilliation of Austria through the march on Vienna and the seizure of territory. But key contingents of society were unhappy with the outbreak of war. Hungarians were particularly concerned, with many Hungarian politicians openly expressing their doubts about the policy, because they worried a victory would bolster the authority of the Kaiser and thus enable him to roll back the duel monarchical settlement and the rights they had just won. However, many were. Also unhappy were a growing contingent of pan-nationalists, who believed Austria's future lay within a united German state; and as the conditions of war harshened support for this movement would markedly increase. This movement was bolstered by perceived collusion with France against what was seen to be the 'German' interest. Many within Austria, including a nervous Franz Joseph, also had doubts about Austria's ability to win the war given the rout in 1866, although a new line of fortifications had been constructed on the border which gave an initial to degree of confidence.

Both Russia and the United Kingdom did not immediately intervene. In Britain, public opinion was broadly split on the matter; some hardliners denounced French intervention. Others, including the Leader of the Opposition Benjamin Disraeli, stressed its historical importance and urged the government to take a stand and a clear foreign policy against growing Prussian annexations or, in the case of a French swift victory without British influence, a radically altered state of Europe.. In a speech, Disraeli attacked Gladstone's neutral foreign policy, by stressing that this war was far more significant than the Crimean war and constituted 'A German Revolution, greater political event than the French revolution' and that a failure to take action to preserve the balance of power by taking a strong line against Prussian aggression would lead to 'The balance of power being entirely destroyed'. Gladstone stood firm. Whilst he understood 'the need for continued vigilance and review of our foreign policy', Gladstone remarked: 'The decision to send our sons to die on a foreign field is not one that can be taken lightly by any Christian … I have seen nothing in this tragic situation that justifies the shedding of more blood and the expansion of hostilities to include the United Kingdom'. At the moment, the public pressure to intervene was not overwhelming, but would become more so as the stakes of the war were raised. In Russia, politicians watched the solution carefully. The Tsar adopted an approach named 'flexible neutrality', but clearly favoured Prussia. There were concerns about what seemed at the time to be an imminent Franco-Austrian victory, because of the perceived power of French infantries. A loss would be devastating, leading to a restrenghtened- and hostile- Austria on Russia's borders and an ascendant France, who likewise had waged war against Russia in the Crimean War. The Forward Party advocated immediate intervention as a perfect opportunity to redeem Russia's prestige and regain a free hand in the Balkans by attacking Austria, but others urged caution. Nevertheless, the Tsar swiftly stepped up war preparations and maintained cordial dialogue with Prussia, but waited to see the fortunes of war before making a determination on whether they should intervene.

Other than perhaps Disraeli's speech, few politicians grasped the gravity of the situation on the continent. The previous wars with had engulfed the German world in 1864 and 1866 had been over swiftly and decisively, but few grasped how different, bloody and protracted this situation would be. As the days wore on, jingoism would often give me to hostility, disillusionment and resentment, and regimes themselves would topple.
 
Fascinating. I have to wonder though, if there will really be time to intervene, given the very mobie nature of war at the moment (especially when both sides are competent warmakers)
 
Fascinating. I have to wonder though, if there will really be time to intervene, given the very mobie nature of war at the moment (especially when both sides are competent warmakers)
I am going to eloborate on the military side in the next installement, but the plan is to have Prussia attempt to knock Austria out of the war before they can fully mobilise to avoid a war on two fronts. but this in turn does not succeed due to a stronger than expected resistance and a need to counter French encroachment, leading to a stalemate just outside Vienna. This drags the war on significantly longer than the OYL
 
The biggest issue with the Franco Prussian war escalating is that at the time it was within the realm of possibility that the Prussians could beat the French and then turn around and beat the Austrians by themselves
 
If Russia does not intervene on Prussia's behalf would they be tempted to take on the Ottomans while Europe is distracted? It would be nearly a decade early and I don't know if they have sufficiently recovered from the Crimean War yet though.
They could try but one might ask I @Osman Aga if the ottoman wouldn’t be in a better position in 1870 than 1877 as I remember the ottoman had a series of crisis before 1877 that weakened them .
 
Part 3- The Moltke Plan
Part 3- The Moltke Plan:

The crumbling edifice of the Hapsburg empire will be smashed by the battalions of the Prussian state- General Moltke

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Helmuth Von Moltke, Chief of the German General Staff 1871-2.

Upon the outbreak of war, it was broadly expected that the bulk of the Prussian/North German force would be sent the support the deployment in Baden and beat back French invasion attempts into the Rhineland. The reasons for this were simply; France was simply the most formidable enemy, in terms of manpower and ability to withstand a protracted war, compared to a much weaken Austria who did not threaten the industrial heartland of the Prussian state. But it was the predictability of this course of action that began to raise doubts in the innovative mind of General Moltke.

Moltke considered a few factors that dissuaded him from this course of action. Firstly, it would give Austria time to pose increasing levels of threat. The likelihood of Prussia quickly knocking France out the war had receded with the military reforms in the aftermath of the debacle. This would leave Austria time to mobilise fully and man the layer of defences constructed on the new border, making it very easy to break through. Prussia could thus see a protracted two front war, with its advantage witling down overtime. The second factor that dissuaded Moltke was reports of a mobilisation gap. A report commissioned in 1867 told Moltke that Austria remained significantly disadvantaged in the mobilisation race and would be able to mobilise its defences far slower than Prussia could attack them, whereas the gap with France was not as significant. This left open the possibility that a concentrated early effort could swiftly knock out Austria. Prussia thus had a very good chance of avoiding a two front war by adopting a riskier course of action and attacking Austria first. The risk of a two front war, in which Prussia would gradually be ground down, was also motivating Moltke's calculations- and he was not convinced Prussia could knock France quickly out of the war like they had a decent chance of doing so with Austria.

A bold plan was hatched in 1868, code-named the Moltke plan, to exploit Austria's slow mobilisation. The aim of the plan was to send the bulk of the Prussian forces in a swift offensive to swiftly capture Prague and then threaten Vienna to knock Austria out the war, whilst a smaller contingent being sent to defend against French attacks in Baden and the Rhineland. The hope of the plan was that Austria would be swiftly overwhelmed and forced to sue for peace, whilst France engaged in futile and difficult attacks draining their resources, and once Austria was defeated the full might of the Prussian force would be turned on France and it would be swiftly forced to back down.

This plan was by no means uncontroversial in the General Staff. Many, including the Kaiser, questioned whether the smaller garrison would be enough to hold off French aggression and whether this was a gamble so far. But Moltke's gambles had paid dividends in the wild successes of 1866 and his prestige and influence had risen drastically after his successful overrulling of Bismarck in 1866. Thus, instead of adopting a safer strategy, the Prussian high command decided to gamble upon the outbreak of war on a risky plan to avoid a protracted two front conflict. It was to be a gamble with profound consequences for this war and the political fate of Moltke, and one that would play a pivotal role in the tragic course of the war to follow.
 
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