Winter Games (7)
  • The Class of 1825: Ten Years Later

    Lawrence Agar-Ellis turned 10 on February 15 in London. His family has already known tragedy—his father died last year, not long after being named Baron Dover and given a position in Grey’s government. Technically, this makes him Lord Dover, but he doesn’t insist on the title—his friends would laugh at him if he did.
    “You won’t hear from me again until I have quashed this damned mutiny or died in the attempt.” — Col. Agar-Ellis


    Thomas Wiliam Eustace turned 10 on March 24 in Malta. He serves aboard the old 74-gun HMS Warspite, a capable and promising midshipman.
    “Is Corsica giving birth to another catastrophe?” — Captain Eustace


    A girl called “Meadowlark” turned 10 years old October 4 on Hurricane Plantation near Coffeesburg, but she’s the only one there who knows it. Hurricane is run by a man named Joseph Emory Davis, who has some interesting ideas. He’s trying to turn his 300 or so slaves into a functioning community—not just appointing some of them as overseers in the field, but letting them run their own court system and their own commissary. There are one or two that he’d let negotiate cotton sales[1] if he didn’t have his much-younger brother, Jefferson, on hand to do that for him. (He was planning to give Jeff some land nearby to start a plantation of his own[2], but Jeff refused, saying that he didn’t wish to be tied down anywhere when, based on his correspondence with certain friends, “greater opportunities will soon appear.”)

    Anyway, Davis thinks his methods will make his slaves more productive in the long run, and so far the results are proving him right. It hasn’t crossed his mind that at some point they might start to wonder what they need him or his brother for.

    The good news for “Meadowlark” is that this system actually has a use for literate slaves, so nobody’s angry that she can read. She’s been assigned to the big house. She’s a half-white and rather pretty girl bright enough to learn the finer points of housework, so the Davis brothers treat her with some favor, and she’s still just barely too young for them to have any sexual interest in her. If she had no memory of freedom or the name “Dawn Gilpin,” she would probably be happy.
    “Today we rejoice in our victory, but tomorrow we resume our vigilance. Serpents breed.” — Dawn Gilpin March
    [1] He did actually do this IOTL.
    [2] As he did IOTL
     
    Quids Pro Quo? (1)
  • March 6, 1836
    Baltimore

    The sound that woke Edgar Allen Poe up was the sweetest sound he’d ever heard.

    It was the sound of two babies crying.

    And then came the sound of dear Virginia waking and nursing them, which was even better. She sounded like she was getting her strength back.

    He looked down at his desk. Last night, after his wife and the newborns had gone to sleep, he’d done what he always did when his emotions were too much for him—written a poem. This one was called “Breath.”

    Some of what he’d been trying to capture was in the structure of the poem itself. Each stanza was one line longer than the last, drawing out the sentences in a way that would make it hard to read aloud. But each stanza ended with four syllables. I hear your breath. Another breath. A rasping breath. A shallow breath. Your precious breath. For one more breath. And the final line, written when things were starting to look up—Beloved wife. In the wastebasket were a few pages of crossed-out lines, which Poe had rejected once he realized that the two words that could not be in the poem—because they were at the heart of the fear and hope that the poem expressed—were the words that rhymed with breath and wife.[1]

    And there was another piece of paper, which had the names of the two babies and the day and hour of their birth. The midwife had already left. Luckily, it sounded like Henry was awake.

    Edgar found him and handed him the paper. “Once you’re dressed, will you take this to church for their records?”[2]

    Henry looked at the paper. “Dolores Rachel Poe? Deirdre Niobe Poe? Edgar, those names… even for you…”

    “They were born weeping.”

    “Not to make light of it, but I’m given to understand that’s common.”

    “I feared she was dying. She was in terrible pain.” Which neither I nor the midwife could do anything about. Because we can have no opiates nor liquor of any kind in this house. Because of you, dear brother. Edgar struggled to keep his expression neutral. And in truth, because of me. The same blood flows through both our veins—may not the same weakness?

    “Well, I’ll take care of it this morning.”

    “Thank you.”

    Back in the bedroom, Edgar fed Virginia hasty pudding, a spoonful at a time, while she held Dolores and Deirdre in place and let them suckle. The boiled milk in the pudding had to be doing her some good as she gave milk of her own.

    This was a new world to him. His poems had always been his children—or so he’d thought. Now, he was looking at two actual, flesh-and-blood children. It wasn’t just that they were already more precious to him than any poem of his had ever been, though they were. He’d written every line of “Breath,” and knew why every word was where he had put it. But those babies… he could see they were hungry because they were nursing with great enthusiasm, and he could imagine that they were having trouble getting used to the bright, cold immensity of the world outside Virginia’s womb. Beyond that, the thoughts in those little heads were a mystery to him.

    This much I know—they’re hungry. And as they grow, so shall their needs. Can I support a wife and two babies on the strength of my poetry?

    No. I must needs find some more steady form of employment. Journalism perhaps. I’ve tried other things, but all my skill is in words.



    [1] Credit where credit is due—this is a writing tip I learned from Orson Scott Card, who learned it from a teacher of his named Francois Camoin.
    [2] At this point, births are still mostly registered by churches rather than the government.
     
    Quids Pro Quo? (2)
  • Let me know if I made any mistakes in this one. I'm literally not a rocket scientist.


    May 11, 1836
    Bolivar Heights, Virginia

    Harpers Ferry lay on the blunt peninsula between the Shenandoah and the Potomac. The town of Bolivar was immediately adjacent, on the Shenandoah. The long, wooded ridge west of the two towns was Bolivar Heights.

    Joseph Henry and John H. Hall stood on the summit of Bolivar Heights, looking west across the valley to the next ridge. Henry was trying to aim at something on the near slope of that ridge.

    The target was, literally, the broad side of a barn—an unused barn on abandoned farmland—but it was a full kilometer away, give or take a few meters. He was sure the rocket could hit the thing, provided he aimed it right.

    Henry had been interested in science since he was sixteen. After Bloody May he’d decided to go into rocketry, hoping to create a weapon that could let the United States hold off its former ruler. Ten years after that, he’d met Walter Hunt, who was a regular fountain of ideas. Between the two of them, they’d developed the weapon he was showing off today—a round-headed cylinder of black iron, 58 centimeters long, with three curved nozzles at the end, resting on an iron tripod.[1] Demonstrating the Henry-Hunt rocket to John Hancock Hall, superintendent of the Harpers Ferry Armory, was the culmination of his life’s work, and he really didn’t want to make a botch of it.

    Just to make a proper controlled experiment of this, he’d already fired two of the latest model of Congreve rockets at the barn. They’d flown maybe a little further, maybe a little straighter, than the rockets the British had used in the last war, but neither of them had come anywhere near the target.

    But then, Henry wasn’t here to prove that Congreves were unreliable at any range. Everyone already knew that. He was here to prove that his and Walter’s weapon was reliable. And even if it flew perfectly straight, at this range one degree of error in aiming would put it more than 17 meters off target—an equation he’d grown all too familiar with back in Albany. The barn was not that big. And just to keep things interesting, there was a light wind coming from the southwest.

    Well, you’re as certain as you’re going to be. Might as well fire it off. Henry took out his tinderbox and the lighting rod.

    Hall raised his hand. “Allow me,” he said, and took a small, sealed metal box out of this pocket. The word ALLUMETTES was stamped on the lid. He took out a small wooden stick, coated with something at one end, then carefully sealed the box. Then he took out a small file and quickly scraped the coated end of the stick against the rough part. It lit with a tiny, brilliant flame and a sudden smell of sulfur. Henry had heard of these new French matches, but never seen one used yet.

    Hall lit the fuse. They both stepped back.

    The rocket took off, its exhaust forming a brief screwlike pattern in the air as it spun in flight. It exploded within a few meters of the right distance, a little higher than he’d intended. The fireball just barely scorched the upper corner of the south side of the barn.

    Henry shut his eyes. Failure. “I aimed too high,” he said. “And I think I overcompensated for the wind.”

    “Don’t trouble yourself over it,” said Hall. “You’ve shown that if nothing else, this weapon is superior to the Congreve. And it’s your own patent—yours and Mr. Hunt’s, I should say?”

    “Yes.”

    “I imagine a larger rocket would do more damage.”

    “We are working on larger models,” said Henry, “but the 10-kilo model can be easily carried by a man on foot and fired from anywhere—even places where field artillery would be impractical. And while a larger rocket would expand the area of effect, it would only do so only by the cube root of the weight of explosive.

    “The bad news is that as of now, there is one factory in Albany producing these rockets. The worse news is that the very first time we deploy these rockets against the British, some pieces of them will survive and end up in their hands. Those pieces will be enough to allow the enemy to duplicate this weapon. I doubt it will be more than a year before rockets like this are being used against our men. And Britain has more factories capable of this sort of fine work than we do.”

    “So in the event of war, the Henry-Hunt rocket will give us a temporary advantage—and the more of them we have, the greater the advantage.”

    Henry nodded.

    “Unless of course there are so many of these rockets around that the British get hold of one before the war even begins.”

    Henry bit his lip. “I hadn’t thought of that.”

    Hall took another look through his spyglass. “Looks… not too bad.”

    Henry looked through his own. Half the side of the barn was peppered with holes from canister and smoldering spots where bits of powder had landed on it.

    “Any man standing there would be dead or dying,” said Hall. “But of course, if all we wanted was to slay men, we have firearms for that. The War Department and the Navy want a weapon that destroys ships.”

    “No need to tell me about that,” said Henry. “I’m from New York State. Auckland has the St. Lawrence doing patrols again on Lake Ontario. That can’t be a good sign.”

    Hall nodded. HMS St. Lawrence was a ship that had been cheated by history. It was a first-rate with 112 guns, it had been built in ten months, and in 1815 it had arrived at Sackett’s Harbor one day too late to participate in the battle. Then in 1817, the Navy had launched the 87-gun USS Great Chazy River, which—combined with the Natchez’ 87 guns—meant that the St. Lawrence itself was outgunned. Since then, all these ships had been laid up, too expensive to operate in peacetime… until this year.

    “That’s one reason we’re trying to build a larger rocket,” Henry continued.

    Hall nodded. “Mr. Henry, let me honest. You’ve walked into a rather… fraught situation here. Last year, a young fellow named Samuel Colt showed his plans for a new revolver to Goov—you know Goov Brown?”[2]

    “Only by correspondence. A man of some enthusiasm.”

    “You could say that. And he’s Secretary Benton’s right-hand man. Since then, Sam Colt’s taken over half the factory. It’s become something of a sore point—he thinks we should be making more revolvers, I think we should be making more rifles, and right now nobody thinks we’re making enough of either. We can’t possibly divide our facilities a third way.”

    “Is there any possibility of expansion?”

    “I wish there were. So does Sam. And so does Goov—if he had his way, Harpers Ferry and Bolivar together would be bigger than Pittsburgh. The Staircase[3] has power to spare, but Congress doesn’t have money to spare. We’re able to operate because there’s a market for rifles and revolvers even in peacetime, but…”

    “But these rockets are weapons of war. Not much use to a deerhunter.”

    Hall nodded. “If you can find a civilian application for them, God grant you success.” He sighed. “It’s not hopeless. Goov says the Dutch are arming clients in Africa and rebels in the Philippines, and the Army’s making some money selling them muskets. Perhaps next year we’ll be able to afford a workshop for you.” He looked at the target again through his spyglass. “Scorched, but that’s all. I hoped it might catch fire, but…”

    “I’m not sure I aimed properly.”

    “Even if you had, a ship-of-the-line’s hull is much stronger than any barn.” Hall looked thoughtful for a moment. “Tell me something—is there a reason the head must be filled with gunpowder?”


    [1] This weapon is almost identical to a Hale rocket. If you’re wondering what William Hale is up to ITTL, at the moment he, Michael Faraday, and Charles Wheatstone are in Hannover, taking part in the cutting-edge research in electromagnetics and electrical applications.
    [2] Gouverneur How Brown, oldest son of Gen. Jacob Jennings Brown, who IOTL drowned in an ice-skating accident in December of 1816 at age 12.
    [3] The Shenandoah rapids near Harpers Ferry and Bolivar. Hall uses the water power to drive some of his machines.
     
    Quids Pro Quo? (3)
  • October 4, 1836
    New Orleans

    Hamilton Fish supposed it was one of the advantages of such a tiny nation—and one where everything of any importance happened within a single city— that a new president could be inaugurated so soon after the election. This Andre Roman was now standing on the first balcony over the entrance to the Hôtel de l République, preparing to speak. Fish and the rest of the ambassadors were in the lobby behind, where they could hear but not be seen.

    A little over three years had passed since he’d replaced Edward Douglass White, Sr., as U.S. ambassador to Louisiana. He still couldn’t help thinking of this snuffbox-sized “republic” as a farce—three members of the Cabinet, including the Minister of War, were British officials. Yet Louisianans themselves didn’t see it that way. As far as they were concerned, this election was real and consequential, and the Radicals had won.

    On the subject of radicals, Fish was standing between Charles Jeanne and Francesco Saverio Labriola, who were, respectively, the French and Italian ambassadors to Louisiana. Both of them, he knew, were grimly amused at the Radical Party calling itself “Radical.” They finally came up with a position on slavery — “let us make the slaves more comfortable” was how Jeanne had put it yesterday. The ambassadors of Tehuantepec and Gran Colombia were nearby. Meetings like this were a chance for allies to exchange information, assuming any of them had been given any.

    Across the lobby, Fish spotted UK ambassador to Louisiana George H. Rose and the ambassador from Hanover, whose name he couldn’t recall. The Spanish and Dutch ambassadors were in opposite corners, studiously ignoring each other.

    Although Fish had only learned Parisian French, he was more or less able to follow Roman’s speech. The surprising thing was how little he said about slavery. He made passing mention of his plans to step up enforcement of the Black Codes, promising that “we remember the horrors brought to light not ten minutes’ walk from this place[1], and we vow never to permit such things again.”

    About half the speech was about the problems in agriculture. Fish had grown up in New York City, and was no expert on this subject, but it sounded as though the Louisianans had reached the limits of how much land they could grow cotton and sugar on, and were now trying to figure out how to make the most of the land they had, which apparently would mean leaving some of the land fallow or growing other things on it to restore its fertility. Our planters have the same problem, don’t they? Unless they can expand further… He’d thought of the Radicals as the urban party, so it surprised him to hear so much talk of rural concerns. But then, while New Orleans was a very respectable city by North American standards, it wasn’t big enough to win an election all by itself, so the Radicals couldn’t just be the party of the city.[2]

    A few people back home had noticed the Radical victory. Some of them were Dead Roses who’d written to him, asking if the new government would be any more inclined to reconciliation with the U.S. (He’d had to tell them no.) Then there was his fellow New Yorker William H. Seward, party whip for the Populists in the House of Representatives. Fish wondered if he was looking for ideas. And by all accounts, the Berrien-Daggett[3] and Morton-Rankin[4] tickets were campaigning vigorously across the country, reaching out to people from all walks of life in much the same way the Radicals had done here.

    No one expected the Radicals to win, but it happened. And last year in London, the Whigs did so badly that Grey had to step aside for Brougham. And the Quids nearly won the House two years ago. Does Sergeant understand the seriousness of the situation?


    In the summer of 1836, with Britain’s economy still mired in the Hiemal Period, there were two great celebrations in London that changed not only British culture, but the culture of much of the world. The first of these was the June 30 celebration decreed by Parliament at the request of Queen Charlotte, to note the completion of the emancipation process and the final end of slavery in the British Empire. This was the first Emancipation Day, which the queen described as “a day of rejoicing in freedom, and praise to God for leading our nation on the path of wisdom and compassion.” Although the Jamaican assemblyman Robert Osborn, in London at the time, famously dismissed the festivities as “an extravaganza of white self-congratulation,” Emancipation Day became a major national holiday throughout the British West Indies, and (back in London) a day that would soon be co-opted by Chartists[5] and other radicals for the purpose of advocating other great reforms.
    The second was the August 8 wedding of Leopold Prince of Wales to Princess Julia of Denmark. In the same way that the weddings of Napoleon II and Achille I cemented the white and gold wedding dress in the culture of France, Italy and the United States, the traditional British wedding dress—red or burgundy (madder red for preference) with white trim—has its origins in the August wedding of Prince Leopold and Princess Julia. Ironically enough, the dress was based on the national colors of Denmark…
    P.G. Sherman, A Cultural History of Early Charlottean Britain



    August 1, 1836
    The Thames

    The breeze over the river had finally picked up, blowing the smoke from the engine away from the steamboat. The greatest city in the world was up ahead. Christian wished he could take some pleasure in the sight. (The smell was another matter. With London the greatest city in the world, this stretch of the Thames was perforce the greatest sewer. No one could be expected to take pleasure in that.)

    “Magnificent, isn’t it?” said Julia Louisa in Danish.

    Christian shook his head. He accepted that Britain was stronger, but to stand around admiring that strength was too much.

    “What’s wrong with you, Kris? I’m eighteen years old and I’m about to get married and spend the rest of my life in a foreign country, and you’re the one who’s upset.”

    “I don’t want to talk about it.”

    “Kris, please. We’ve had this whole trip. The wedding is a week from today. Please tell me you’re not still angry.”

    “Juli, think. Would it really be better—“

    “In English, please.” She switched to the other language more easily than he ever could.

    “Why?”

    “The servants are listening. If you’re going to raise your voice, the least you could do is let them know it’s…”

    “Would - it - better - if - I - don’t - care?” He was fairly sure he had butchered his English there, but… well, that was the point. He didn’t like English. Juli looked like she was fighting the urge to correct him.

    Let me try that again. “If I say — ‘Denmark is weak. Other countries do what they like with us. Og hvad så? I don’t care. I am still a prince. I will be king one day. There are still people I command. My life is good.’ If I say this… would it be better?”

    “Well, Father…” She shook her head, as if thinking better of finishing that sentence. “It does not help to be unhappy over what you can’t change. Denmark is weak. Next to Britain, next to France, we will always be weak. This marriage makes us safer.”

    “Easy for you. You’re a woman. You’re…” She gave him That Look while he searched his memory for the right English word. “People allow you to be weak. They don’t… judge you if you’re weak.”

    “They judge all women for being weak.”

    This isn’t fair, he thought. How am I supposed to win this argument if we hold it in a language I barely know?

    “Maybe not all women,” Julie continued. “No one thinks Charlotte is weak. But, Kris, Prussia took more from us than Britain ever did—”

    “Jeg ved! Slesvig, Holsten… I know.” He couldn’t exactly forget. They were still known to the world as Prince Christian and Princess Julia of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Beck, even though Prussia had taken all four of those places in the last war, still held them and showed no sign of willingness to return them. In contrast, Britain had only stolen ships—ships that would be obsolete by now anyway.

    “It didn’t stop you from going to school there.”

    “Yes. I study there. I make friends there. But always thinking a little, ‘remember what they took from you, remember what they took from you.’”

    “I’m sorry to hear that.”

    “I go to school in Prussia. But I come back to Denmark. You… you said yourself—this is marriage. This is your whole life. Princess Consort of the United Kingdom. Queen one day.” He dropped back into Danish. “I’ll behave myself for the wedding. I won’t say a word against Prince Leopold, or Britain, or the alliance. But I will never stop looking for a chance to regain what we lost.”


    [1] The crowd is in what IOTL would be Jackson Square. The LaLaurie mansion is less than half a mile away.
    [2] Fish doesn’t know this, but Roman spent his formative years on a sugarcane plantation.
    [3] David Daggett, a Connecticut lawyer and politician who has joined the Tertium Quids out of a desire to screw over black people as thoroughly as possible, and who John M. Berrien chose as his running mate in the hopes of getting more northern support.
    [4] Marcus Morton, a former Massachusetts governor, running on a Populist/Liberation unity ticket with John Rankin.
    [5] As IOTL, the People’s Charter hasn’t been written yet, but again as IOTL, Radicals are not satisfied with the reforms that have taken place—some of which, like the Poor Law, are making things worse.
     
    Last edited:
    Quids Pro Quo? (4)
  • Thank you for the answer. Fascinating to see how this strange state is developing as its own nation and how it affects its neighbors in the States.

    How do the Free states regard it these days? Or New Spain for that matter?

    Is there a drive to further assert independence from the British Empire or is there a pervasive feeling that what they have got is the best they can get for the foreseeable future?

    Do they have an official policy regarding slaves that escape from the USA and end up in the Republic; or vice versa?
    Abolitionists in the Free states are really unimpressed with British abolitionists for not trying to abolish slavery in Louisiana. Their attitude is, "Stop pretending that's an independent nation and just tell them what to do." New Spain is fairly cordial toward Louisiana, and since they're not formally independent themselves they have no room to talk about Louisiana's situation, but they aren't so cordial as to return runaway slaves. Hacking their way into the Selva Conchate to catch people who don't want to be caught is not something they'd do even for a friend. One or two slaves from Louisiana have stowed away on boats and managed to go undiscovered until they reach the free states and help from abolitionists, but for the most part, Louisiana and the U.S. return each others' runaway slaves. That's why escapees from Louisiana usually don't go due north, but west and northwest into the toughest forest north of the tropics.

    There are Louisianans who seek to assert independence from Britain, but more in the sense of cultural independence. There's still that sense of being caught between the Yankee devil and the master of the deep blue sea.

    And now…


    September 26, 1836
    Westminster

    Spain’s ambassador to the Court of St. James was Francisco Javier de Istúriz y Montero. Palmerston suspected the man could easily perform the duties of a higher office, and knew it, but he was a little too liberal in his politics to be trusted by the king of Spain.

    “The fighting at sea has been inconclusive,” said the ambassador. “In January we won a victory in Iligan Bay, but we could not follow it up because we were too busy putting paid to the garays[1] that came to prey on wounded ships from both sides. And that has been the story of the war—our navies must form such large convoys for fear of each other that neither side can fight piracy… which according to the Dutch was the point of the war in the first place.

    “When we last heard from Luzon, we held the city of Manila itself, the peninsula of Bataan to the west, and the whole Bicol Peninsula here in the southeast. The rest of the island was… contested. On Mindanao, the Dutch had taken Zamboanga—here in the west—and Sultan Iskander of Maguindanao[2], here, had betrayed us and allied with the Dutch.” Odds were, the ambassador was trying to cultivate a reputation for honesty here, since everything he was saying could be confirmed by the Foreign Office.

    “Did the sultan offer any reason for this betrayal?”

    “He said it was ‘in solidarity with the faithful of Morocco.’ I doubt he cares very much about the faithful on the other side of the world. More likely Amsterdam offered him a better deal.”

    Or a more convincing threat, thought Palmerston. It seemed likely to him that the Dutch were going to win this war, simply because they were slightly less strapped for cash than the Spaniards. Their only problem had been a shortage of manpower, and they’d solved that by recruiting mercenaries from West Africa.[3] And this Iskander would not want his sultanate to go the way of Sulu if Spain could not offer protection.

    “I realize, Minister, that it is a matter of some indifference to you who controls Mindanao. But consider that if, God forbid, this so-called ‘Republic of Luzon’ were to make good its independence, it might become a haven for pirates. French commerce, your own opium trade—they’d have their choice of targets. It might even become a French ally… or at least another welcome port for them.”

    Palmerston gave a little nod that was carefully calibrated to convey understanding of the point without any implicit promise. The great goal of British policy in Europe was to allow no one power, and especially not France, to dominate the continent. By rights, that should also have been the goal of Spain and the Netherlands, both of which (unlike Britain) had to fear invasion and occupation by France, having suffered it in the last war. And yet they were at war with each other over territory neither of them fully controlled.

    No matter. We can still repair the situation… just so long as nothing else goes wrong.


    A popular witticism among historians, applied to the Russian invasion of eastern Thrace in 1836, is that it represented “a failure of intelligence in both senses of the term.” It was, but not the way most people think. The Tsar had spies among the Greek and Slavic population of Bosnia-Rumelia, which kept him appraised of both military activity and the general mood of the population—or at least the Orthodox parts of it. They knew that Sultan Husein had seized the country by sneak attack and could appeal to no authority beyond his own loyal soldiers. They knew he had built modern fortifications outside Constantinople, to prevent anyone from doing to him what he had done to the Ottomans. They also knew that as of early 1836, he had not once left the city since capturing it. It must have seemed a reasonable inference that, holding such a strong position in a potentially rebellious country, he dared not set foot outside it lest some ambitious subordinate take control of it behind his back.

    Thus, with a single blow—the amphibious landing of an army of 30,000 under the command of General Valerian Madatov on the eastern coast of Thrace—Russia could bisect the peninsula on which Constantinople stood and cut Husein off from the rest of Bosnia-Rumelia. Even if Serbia was too preoccupied by civil war to invade, Greece surely would, and Greeks and Slavs throughout the little empire would rise against it. Russia would support these rebels with arms and soldiers.

    Britain would oppose this, of course, as would France and Italy. Any prolonged war would surely drag them in, eager to prevent Russia from becoming a naval force in the Mediterranean. That was why the plan was to invade in September. Over the course of the next few months, the Lodos winds would complicate efforts to sail large ships up the narrow, bending throat of the Dardanelles. France and Italy had many ships that could furl their sails and steam through, but the Tsar did not believe the British would allow them to take point in such an important naval mission. This would delay any naval intervention in the Black Sea until spring.

    And by then, it would be too late. The “Gradascevician Empire” would have gone the way of its glorious predecessor, its authority collapsed and incapable of being restored. The only way for authority to emerge again would be in a form pleasing to the Tsar, who explained his ideas for such a form in conversations with his foreign minister. Bulgaria would be a kingdom under some Russian prince (perhaps Madatov himself), providing Russia with a landward link to the expanded and grateful nations of Serbia and Greece. Constantinople and the peninsula of Gallipoli would be Russian-ruled exclaves, giving them access to the Mediterranean. As for the Powers, what could they do in the face of this fait accompli but shake their fists eastward in impotent fury?

    That was the plan. And while there was an intelligence failure involved, it was not a failure of either information or military acumen; it was a structural failure. The information gathered by the Tsar’s spies passed through the Foreign Office in Moscow, where it was brought to the attention of the Tsar, who in turn shared it with the army. Given that there were few railroads and no telegraphs in this part of the world, this meant that the army would be acting on information that was months out of date. Even as Madatov was preparing to land at Karaburun, the Tsar was receiving the news that would throw all his plans into derangement.

    Sultan Husein was not in Constantinople. He had left the city in early August with his family, his harem, and the bulk of his army, and was currently in the mountain town of Dereköy. Although his loyalists still held the capital, the truth was that the Queen of Cities was under the occupation of a far more merciless enemy than Madatov—cholera. Husein was able to quickly rally his forces and pin Madatov against the Constantinople defenses.

    Despite this, Madatov succeeded in his planned mission of occupying a stretch of the peninsula from Karaburun to Büyükçekmece[4] on the Sea of Marmara. But he could not take the city, and now he was surrounded by Husein’s forces on both sides. His own health was failing, although it is unclear whether this was the result of cholera or a pre-existing illness. By spring, the Russian field force would need a new commander,[5] and (in the manner of most pre-modern armies) would be losing more soldiers to disease than to enemy fire.

    To make matters worse, those same Lodos winds got an early start this year. The landing was planned for September 27, but poor wind conditions delayed it for a day, allowing Bosnia-Rumelia’s Black Sea fleet (such as it was) to escape and launch irregular attacks on the ships Russia sent to supply their forces.

    Meanwhile, this unprovoked attack on what was technically an independent state was having the expected effect in the diplomatic world. Egypt was first, of course, but France, Italy, and the United Kingdom had all independently declared war on Russia before the year was out. What was intended as a lightning-fast decapitation was already on its way to becoming the largest European conflict since the Second Thirty Years’ War…

    Robert W. Derek, Great Blunders of World History

    [1] Locally-built Filipino warships, often used by pirates.
    [2] A small sultanate on the west coast of Mindanao.
    [3] The Dutch did this IOTL as well.
    [4] Turkish names should be considered as transliterated from TTL’s romanization system, which I haven’t invented. The same goes for names in Pinyin.
    [5] IOTL, Madatov died of lung disease in 1829.
     
    Quids Pro Quo? (5)
  • I finally finished Locksmith's War. I'm giving it one last read-through before I send it to the publisher.
    Happy Halloween!



    The history of third-party movements in the U.S. offers far more cautionary tales than success stories. The pattern is always the same—Major Party A’s positions are more popular than those of Major Party B, but Minor Party A1 is similar enough to Party A (if a bit more radical) that some people who might otherwise vote for Party A choose instead to vote for Party A1. Party B achieves a plurality, leaving Party A, Party A1, and a majority of voters unhappy. And so, we are invariably told, the Moral of the Story is that the disaffected must either endure the lesser of two evils, or risk suffering the greater of them.

    But we can read these warnings another way. If two political factions are allied (either within a single party or as separate parties) and the stronger faction takes advantage of the problem outlined above to insist on always getting its own way at the expense of the weaker faction, unable or unwilling to make concessions on any issue, that weaker faction may conclude that there is no further reason to continue the partnership—that they might just as well be defeated by the opposition as by their own allies.

    One early example would be the alliance between the DRP and Populist House delegations in 1835 and early ’36. Speaker of the House Daniel Webster allowed Populist members to chair five committees—Post Office and Post Roads, Expenditures in the War Department, Indian Affairs, Militia and (crucially) Manufactures. He allowed Populists to put forward bills that allowed free use of the National Road for one year and directed the Bank to offer relief to farmers and shopkeepers facing bankruptcy. But of course, neither Webster nor Adams could make any promises about the Senate. The wily senior senator from Kentucky used his position as Senate majority leader to ensure that none of these bills would ever make it to Sergeant’s desk.

    In the halls of Congress he knew so well, Clay won every battle, but in the process he lost the war. Solomon Southwick (now running the Populist Party since Joseph Ritner was preoccupied with his duties as governor of Pennsylvania) lamented in a letter to Ritner that “Like the lion in the old fable of the hunting party, the Dead Roses have divided our gains into equal portions only to take both portions for themselves,” and that “When first our party was organized, we chose to wait to offer candidates for the presidency until we knew whether the DRP could be persuaded to assist the suffering and destitute. I do not think we need wait until 1840 for an answer to that question. Nor is it clear that a Tertium Quid in the Oval Office would be markedly worse than a Dead Rose for anyone who is not a slave.”

    However, as Southwick began the work that would consume the remainder of his life[1], he recalled the other reason why he and Ritner had considered holding off on offering a candidate for the presidency in 1836—the Populists (still a very new party) had only one willing candidate who had sufficient experience to credibly be considered a potential president. (The Reform Party in the South was in a worse position, having no candidate at all.) The Populists’ man was Marcus Morton, a former governor of Massachusetts who had become disillusioned with the DRP. Morton was more than willing to run, but he needed a running mate.

    In late 1835, Southwick wrote to William Lloyd Garrison, proposing a political alliance between the Populist and Liberation Parties for the next election: “Our two parties represent the only remaining consistent political opposition to slavery in the United States. Would it not be better for us to join forces?” He offered to allow the Liberation Party to choose a running mate for the Populist candidate.

    Of course, there was a difference between the two parties. To the Populists, abolition was one bright star in a constellation of good ideas that guided their journey. To the Liberationists, it was the sun—everything else faded into invisibility in its presence.

    That Christmas, the letters flew back and forth among the intellectual leaders of the Liberation Party. The young attorney Wendell Phillips[2] considered the alliance an excellent idea, not to gain any political advantage but so that the Liberationist candidate could speak to the Populists and “kindle a flame in their hearts, raising them from lukewarm Laodiceans to fiery zealots.” A slightly older Liberationist attorney, Salmon P. Chase, cautioned that “should the Tertium Quids prevail (a prospect which, since ’34, we must no longer consider unthinkable) the cause of freedom would be hindered rather than helped, and the emancipation of the bondmen delayed for many years. It is not in our power to prevent this, but we should by no means help to bring it about.”

    What settled the issue was a chain of events beginning with Benjamin Tappan’s announcement, on February 5, 1836, that he would not seek a second term as vice president. Although in public, both Sergeant and Tappan insisted that they had nothing but warm regards for each other and that Tappan simply wished to return to private practice, in private Benjamin confided the truth to his younger brothers, Arthur and Lewis Tappan: the president had never forgiven him for his blunder in disclosing the names of Canal Commission members to the public, and had allowed him to serve out his term and resign only to spare him the ignominy of a public removal from the ticket. This stated reason, of course, had little to do with slavery, and we can only speculate as to whether it predisposed the younger Tappans to be more hostile to the Sergeant administration and the DRP in general. But they were both far more vocal abolitionists than their older brother, and important men within the Liberation Party.

    Sergeant’s unlucky streak continued. He needed a replacement for Tappan on the DRP ticket, but none of his Cabinet officials wished to change their powerful positions for a position that would have almost no power unless the president died. He chose Maryland Senator Joseph Kent, an old champion of the canal industry. Two weeks later, Kent went to sleep in his bed, and never woke up again.[3] Out of a sense of duty to the party, Nathaniel Claiborne resigned his seat in Congress to accept the position.

    To the Liberationists, this was the last straw. Four years ago the president himself had been a slaveholder, but abolitionists believed they had pulled the DRP a fair distance in their direction with the anti-slavery Sergeant in the presidency. Now, it seemed all their work had been undone. If the brother of Arthur and Lewis Tappan could be replaced by a Virginia planter and slaveholder, what difference was there between the Democratic-Republicans and the Tertium Quids?

    Caucusing in late March, the Liberation Party agreed to Southwick’s plan. Their chosen candidate was John Rankin, a minister and teacher who had never held elective office, but who (unlike most of the Liberationists) was at least old enough to be eligible for the job. This of course entirely defeated the Populists’ other purpose of finding a running mate comparable in qualifications to Morton, but by now they were committed…


    The results from Virginia were the first indicators of what had happened. In a state that had once almost defined the American political establishment, and one where the Populists’ alliance with the Liberation Party conferred no advantage at all, the results for the presidential election were as follows:


    Berrien 26,395
    Morton 2,915
    Sergeant 24,667


    In the House elections, the DRP won six seats, the Reform Party won two, and the Quids won the rest.

    In Maryland, the results were recounted several times:


    Berrien 22,761
    Morton 2,644
    Sergeant 22,672


    As in ’34, the congressional delegation was split 5-3 between the Quids and the DRP. Delaware gave its presidential vote and its congressional seat to the Quids.

    Thanks to the railroads, news from the north came almost as quickly to D.C. To no one’s surprise, despite substantial losses to Morton Sergeant still carried every state from Pennsylvania and New Jersey up to Maine, giving him 129 of the 146 electoral votes he needed. It was even less surprising when the Carolinas went for Berrien.

    The votes in Michigan and Ohio were decided by the two-year-old court decision State of Ohio v. Michigan Territory, which ceded the Miami Strip from Ohio to Michigan. Although it was Supreme Court justices appointed by previous presidents who made the decision, Sergeant received the credit. That, as every Michigander schoolchild knows, is why the state capital[4] is named after him—and why he received the newest state’s three electoral votes.

    But in addition to receiving the credit, Sergeant also received the blame. Anger towards the government, in addition to the rising popularity of the Populists among small farmers facing ruin or the threat of ruin, cost him enough votes in Ohio to turn the state and its twenty-one electoral votes over to Berrien.

    With Georgia, Alabama, Kentucky, and Tennessee, Berrien pulled ahead of Sergeant, 133 to 132. But neither had a majority yet, and there were five states to go—Indiana, Illinois, Mississippi, Missouri and Arkansaw. Berrien, of course, won Mississippi and Arkansaw. Morton won his only victory in Missouri, a state where the bankruptcy and ruin of the Hiemal Period was particularly severe, and the fury of the people fell on Nicholas Biddle, the Second Bank, and the political establishment in general, to the point where the incumbent president came in third place. Missouri also saw both its House members—a Dead Rose and a Quid—replaced by a Populist and a Reformist:


    Berrien 6,019
    Morton 6,098
    Sergeant 5,907


    Meanwhile, in Indiana, Sergeant barely won, despite the growing strength of the Populists:

    Berrien 25,092
    Morton 23,006
    Sergeant 25,680


    Berrien now had 142 votes to Sergeant’s 141, but he was four short of a majority.

    It all came down to Illinois and its five electoral votes. Illinois, where the Populists had grown almost as strong as in Missouri and constituted a major party in their own right. And, after many, many recounts—recounts that stretched on into January—this was the final result:


    Berrien 11,440
    Morton 10,807
    Sergeant 11,399


    DS election 1836.png


    Berrien’s margin of victory there was even narrower than his margin in Maryland. If twenty-one voters had moved from Berrien’s column to Sergeant’s, the extraordinarily unlucky seventh president of the United States would have won a second term, and who knows how different a place the world would be?

    That isn’t even the most interesting possibility. Illinois was a free state, but not, alas, one with a great deal of sympathy toward the abolitionist cause. It’s quite likely that the alliance with the Liberation Party hurt the Populists more than it helped them. If Morton had settled for whoever the Populists could put forward as a running mate instead of Rankin, it probably would have had little effect on the outcome elsewhere—but he might well have won Illinois (and perhaps also Indiana), thereby depriving Berrien and Sergeant of a majority.

    The election would then have gone into the House of Representatives, where each state delegation counted as one vote. The outgoing 24th Congress would have made this decision, which would have given Berrien eleven votes (Alabama, Arkansaw, Delaware, Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia) and Sergeant eleven votes (Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont). Missouri (with one Dead Rose representative and one Quid representative) and New Jersey (three Dead Roses, two Quids, one Populist) would have been split, and unable to come to a decision. Worse, they might have come to opposite decisions, leaving Berrien and Sergeant still tied. And while all this was happening, if the Secotan Incident occurred on schedule, there would have been a powerful impetus to put together some sort of government—but whose?

    Things would have become even less predictable if the decision dragged into March, when the new Congress was to be sworn in. Both the Dead Roses and the Quids had lost support—in the 25th Congress, the Quids now had ninety-five delegates and the Dead Roses had ninety-one. The Populists now had thirty-eight delegates, the new Reform Party had sixteen, and the Liberationists still had Stevens and Sumner (as well as the fiery but voteless John Brown). In this scenario, Berrien would have been down to ten delegation votes and Sergeant to eight. At that point, everything would have depended on what the third-party congressmen chose to do. (Whatever else happened, there would have been an Acting President—Nathaniel Herbert Claiborne, who would have been easily confirmed by the outgoing Senate. We can only speculate as to how he would have responded to the events of 1837 while waiting to see who he would be ceding the office to.)

    But in the history we know, Berrien won, if only by a little. Thanks to twenty-one votes by twenty-one voters, twenty-one years almost to the day after John Randolph of Roanoke had stormed out of Gadsby’s Tavern in protest, the United States of America inaugurated its first and last Tertium Quid president.

    -Andrea Fessler, Ten Elections that Changed America


    [1] Solomon Southwick died in November of 1839 IOTL, but in October 1836 ITTL.
    [2] IOTL his plan for freeing the slaves (according to his contribution to the foreword to Frederick Douglass’ book) was for New England to secede from the Union, then “proclaim our welcome to the slave so loudly, that the tones shall reach every hut within the Carolinas, and make the damaged-hearted bondman leap up on the thought of old Massachusetts.” Practicality was not his thing.
    [3] He died in 1837 IOTL.
    [4] OTL Jackson, Michigan.
     
    Last edited:
    Winter Storm (1)
  • I decided I couldn't justify making two updates about the Secotan incident, so this one's going to be a long one. (Content note: racial/ethnic slurs, some of which you might never have heard before.)

    “…We were at the Pinckneys’ when word got out that Mayor Pringle[1] had ordered the militia to arm itself and report to the docks and forts, and that all women, children and Negroes were to remain in their homes until further notice. Stephen[2] went home to collect his musket.
    “Mother[3], Julia[4] and I remained at the Pinckneys’ through dinner. No one had much appetite for food. We kept hoping to hear some rumor of what was happening but nothing came. The Pinckneys assured us their Negroes were loyal and would never turn on us. Why they thought they needed to say this I don’t know.
    “Stephen returned just after sunset to escort us home. He said that a ship from Virgina with valuable cargo had failed to arrive in port today and everyone was afraid it was pirates. How long has it been since there were pirates in South Carolina? I know he would never lie to me but I wonder if someone lied to him.
    “Stephen and the others are patroling the streets tonight. The city sounds very quiet. If anything it sounds a little too quiet. God, please don’t let anything happen to him. Our family has suffered enough. We can’t lose him too.”

    From the journal of Elizabeth Miller, February 9, 1837.


    In parts of America that the postwar canal boom had left behind, and that the nascent railroad grid had yet to reach—specifically the Atlantic coast between Norfolk and Savannah—when a large number of slaves needed to be transported at once, it was common to do so by ship. Men and women confined in the hold were easier to keep track of, and had fewer opportunities to escape, than almost anywhere else.

    But the ships of the coastwise slave trade were not the putrescent Middle Passage abominations whose stench carried for kilometers over open ocean. Their voyages were of a few days at a time, with many opportunities to bring provisions and fresh water on board and the bilge regularly cleaned. Thus, instead of being the lepers of the sea, shunned and useless for all other purposes, they could carry other cargo as well—and even passengers.

    The Secotan, a 40-meter, 245-ton brig out of Wilmington, North Carolina, with a crew of ten, was a fairly typical example of such a ship. On February 6, it disembarked from Hampton Roads on what was meant to have been a routine and leisurely three-day journey to Charleston. On board were five passengers, including 25-year-old Captain Timothy Meaher’s[5] newlywed bride[6]. In the rear hold were medicines, dyes, expensive soaps, and 6,000 liters of bottled Shenandoah wine. In the forward hold were 127 men, women, and children.

    But another way in which coastwise slave ships differed from Middle Passage ships is that they were not purpose-built to hold humans captive for the length of an ocean voyage. At some point well before dawn on February 9, a young man named Henry Brown (later Henry Secotan Brown)[7] found a way to unfasten the grate in the ceiling of the forward hold. His fellow prisoners boosted him up onto the deck, quickly followed by as many of the strongest of them as possible.

    Two crewmembers armed with knives tried to stop them, but were soon outnumbered. One slave and one crewmember were killed in the resulting fight. Another crewmember fired off the flare rocket which, after Savannah, all ships carrying slaves as cargo were required to be equipped with. Captain Meaher awoke from sleep and emerged on deck just in time for Brown to personally knock the musket out of his hand. The other passengers and crew, unprepared for this incident, panicked and climbed into the rigging.

    Having taken command of the Secotan, Brown ordered Meaher to steer a course for Florida. He did not, of course, trust Meaher, and did not turn east until well after Meaher told him to. This was a wise decision, as Meaher had been trying to steer him directly into the well-guarded harbor of Savannah.

    Just before sunset on February 9, the Secotan dropped anchor off the coast, and several escapees took a boat to the nearest land. The local Saltwater Geechee advised them—with some difficulty, as they spoke radically different dialects—that they were in the Sea Islands of Georgia, but that another night’s sailing would take them to the coast of Florida, provided that they stayed far over the horizon to avoid detection.

    What Brown suspected, but did not know, was that he was already being pursued. The fact that a brig with an expensive cargo had failed to arrive in port on the appointed day was enough to draw the attention of Captain Henry K. Hoff of the U.S. Revenue Cutter John Langdon. When he received word from another vessel whose lookout had spotted the Secotan’s rocket, he reasoned that the ship would most likely be making for Florida and began pursuit.

    Though it was fighting the Gulf Stream, the Secotan was a fast ship, but the Langdon was faster. Around dawn on February 10, Brown began his approach to the Florida coast, only to find the Langdon several kilometers to stern and on a path to intercept the Secotan before it reached shore. Worse, the Langdon was accompanied by another Crowninshield-class[8] cutter, the USRC Alexander McDougall out of Brunswick. Both cutters were equipped with four six-pounder guns, which added up to eight more guns than the Secotan had.

    Precisely where this happened no one knows—Americans would later claim that it was in international waters, while the British would claim that it was within three miles of the Florida coast. But by this time, the American cutters were themselves being followed by their British counterparts, HMRC Oystercatcher and HMRC Night Heron—and these were accompanied by the 24-gun post ship HMS Swamp Cougar.[9]

    The Oystercatcher, in the lead, signaled for the Americans to break off the pursuit and return to U.S. waters. When the Americans refused, the Oystercatcher fired a warning shot (or so it was later claimed to be intended as) which clipped the Langdon’s mizzenmast near the base, causing it to break in two. Outnumbered and outgunned near a hostile coast, in command of a vessel never meant to engage the navy of a rival power, Captain Thomas O. Larkin of the McDougall made the only responsible choice—he turned and fled, evading both the approaching squadron and HMS Hong Shark[10] near Amelia Island to return to the safety of Brunswick. Captain Hoff surrendered, allowing his ship to be taken to port in St. Augustine along with the Secotan.

    Charles Cerniglia, 1837


    February 14, 1837
    St. Augustine Naval Dockyard
    St. Augustine, Florida

    “Judah Benjamin, attorney at law. I hope I find you well?”

    “As well as could be ex–”

    Timothy Meaher interrupted Henry Hoff. “Judah Benjamin?” He put entirely too much emphasis on the first syllable. Then he turned to Hoff. “Can you believe it? They’ve given us a damned Shylock for a lawyer.”

    Hoff scowled at Meaher. “Be civil.”

    “No, I quite sympathize,” said Benjamin. “They’ve given me a transplanted croppy[11] for a client. Let us both agree to bear our misfortunes without further complaint.”

    “Yes, please,” said Hoff. Meaher scowled. They were standing on the forecastle of the Secotan, gulls making their music around them. They wouldn’t be overheard here unless they raised their voices.

    “To be clear, Mr. Meaher,” said Benjamin, “you are the captain of this vessel, but not the owner?”

    “That’s right. The ship is the property of the Johnson and Eperson Company[12] of Richmond.”

    “And are either of you at all familiar with Vice-Admiralty Courts?”

    “No.”

    “Not in the least.”

    “I suppose that’s to be expected,” said Benjamin. “Well, let me tell you what I shall endeavour to achieve, and what you may reasonably expect.

    “Captain Hoff, let me dispose of your case first. It seems the point of dispute is whether the incident took place in territorial or international waters. If the former, you disobeyed a legitimate order—if the latter, Her Majesty’s Revenue Service had no business giving such an order. But no evidence exists to prove the matter either way. Do I have that right?”

    “There’s no physical evidence.” He gestured toward the Langdon, where Benjamin could see the crew jury-rigging the mizzenmast back together with nails and extra spars. “But the captain and crew of the McDougall can testify to our location as well.”

    “This is sounding more and more like a matter for our respective foreign ministries.” Not so long ago, Benjamin had thought of himself entirely as an American who just happened to be living in a British colony. He still sometimes thought of returning, but Florida was very pleasant in its strange and sultry way and he had many friends in Sepharad and St. Augustine. “I can’t say how long it will take to sort this out, but I would anticipate it ending with you and your ship free to sail back to your home port.

    “For your case, Captain Meaher, the court itself is in Trafalgar, and there we shall go, along with any who are needed as witnesses. The passengers aboard the Secotan are of course innocent, and the Royal Navy will repatriate them at no expense, as soon as is practicable. I will present a case to the authorities here in St. Augustine that, in the interest of efficiency, they should be returned to Charleston aboard the Secotan itself, along with yourself, the crew, and the contents of the aft hold. In this I will certainly fail, but—”

    “And what about the forward hold?” snapped Meaher. “What of the slaves?”

    Hoff rolled his eyes. “Have you forgotten where we are?”

    “Quite right, Captain Hoff. This is Florida. However they came here, they have set foot on our soil and breathed our air. Some of them will most likely be tried on piracy charges, but none of them will ever be slaves again. That much is settled.

    “As for the Secotan, ships taken in international waters while engaged in the slave trade are lawful prizes, but to my knowledge this law has never been applied under such circumstances.[13] I can easily make a case that it should not be. Before emancipation—but after the outlawing of the slave trade—ships would transport slaves in some number from, say, Martinique to Louisiana without being seized. But on a practical note…” Benjamin sighed.

    “The Navy’s fight against the slave trade is most expensive. To ameliorate these expenses, they sell the ships they capture. But as you can imagine, no one buys a former slave ship who can afford anything better, so this earns them very little profit. Your Secotan is the finest prize they’ve taken… perhaps ever. If they found some pretext to retain it for sale, I would be disappointed, but not surprised. Especially since well-nigh every British man of means has suffered some degree of loss from the repudiation of American state bonds. In their minds, your whole nation owes them recompense. Such thoughts affect men’s judgment.

    “Which brings us to the contents of the aft hold—the wine and medicine and such. The owners of that cargo could not have known it would be shipped on the same vessel as a hold full of slaves. I can make an excellent case that for the Navy to claim this cargo as a prize would unjustly penalize those owners.” And unless the Stablers and the Virginia Frescobaldis choose to reimburse me after the fact, I will be working pro bono publico on behalf of some of the richest men in this hemisphere. So much for the Jewish reputation for tight-fistedness.

    “Now as to you and your crew… am I right in thinking that your conduct in this matter did not contravene your own country’s laws against the slave trade?”

    “Nothing illegal about what we did,” said Meaher. “The law says we can’t import new slaves, not that we can’t ship ‘em from one state to another.”

    “Then we have no legal hold on you. Like your passengers, you and your crew should be repatriated. It’s simply a matter of getting your testimony for the coming trial.”

    “What trial?”

    “The trial for piracy, as I said. This Henry Brown and his… compatriots did commandeer a vessel on the high seas, after all. We can scarcely ignore such a thing, especially since blood was shed—theirs and yours. It will most likely be a different attorney who prosecutes the case.

    “And here in particular, you ought not to get your hopes up. The case of Sangokunle et al.—”

    “The what?”

    “I believe he means that Portuguee slaver,” said Hoff. “The one that ran aground here back in—when was it?”

    “The Paixão de Cristo, yes. It was nine years ago. The court found the Africans were justified in their deeds.”

    “What?”

    “Of course, those men were freshly captured, not born into slavery. I can argue on your behalf that to reclaim the freedom one was born into is a different thing than to seek the freedom one has never possessed. But the same court will be trying this case, and they’ll most likely come to the same conclusion.”

    Meaher looked aghast. “Are you serious?”

    “Very much so.”

    “You mean they’ll let ‘em all go?”

    “Most likely.”

    “Is every man in Florida stark mad?”

    “It sometimes seems that way.”

    “But—but—those—those niggers killed a white man! One of ‘em stabbed Jake with his own knife! That boy Henry knocked the gun out of my hand! They could’ve killed us all just like that! One minute I was sound asleep and the next…” He seemed almost in tears.

    “A day and a half,” he said. “Almost a day and a half we spent waiting to see what they’d do to us. Scared if we made the wrong move they’d murder us. Scared if we stayed meek as lambs they’d murder us anyway. Lying awake all night listening to ‘em on deck—they had us outnumbered almost ten to one, and my… and…” He choked.

    “My wife was on board,” he said. “We were just married. Charleston was going to be our honeymoon. You have any idea what they might’ve done to her?”

    “Captain Meaher, are you trying to argue the defense’s case for them?” Benjamin rubbed his temples. The time had come to speak brutal truths. “Because yes, certainly, they might have slaughtered you all like the crew of the Paixão de Cristo. They might have cut you into joints and thrown you to the sharks—or eaten you themselves, for that matter. According to this report, you personally tried to trick them into sailing to Savannah. Is it not so?” Meaher nodded. “After that, many a white man would have killed you as a warning to others. And yes, I have a very clear idea what that mob of young bucks might have done to your new bride. A hundred times. While you watched. Helpless.

    “But they. Did. None. Of. These. Things.[14]

    “I don’t know why, but they didn’t. I tell you frankly, it astounds me that Negroes should ever have proven capable of such forbearance. But all of you emerged unharmed by anything save prolonged fear. There were many witnesses to this. I’ve heard women say—and I trust their judgment above any man’s in this matter—that when your wife disembarked, her hair and clothing showed no hint that any sort of violence had been done to her person.” He shook his head. “They didn’t even drink the wine.”

    “He told ‘em not to.” Meaher was looking at the deck, his fingers clutching the railing.

    “Beg pardon?”

    “That Henry—the nigger who knocked the gun out of my hand. He said, ‘Nobody drink none of that till we’re in Florida.’ He didn’t want everybody trying to sail drunk.”

    “Did he? Well, I suppose he must have possessed some measure of foresight. And the others must have possessed a measure of restraint, if they obeyed. Though I daresay they were disappointed to find themselves here, and still forbidden to drink it.

    “In any event, as much as I shall endeavour to expedite matters, the law does nothing quickly. I suggest you make yourselves at home. There are worse places to spend a honeymoon than St. Augustine, Captain Meaher.”

    * * *​

    Back in his office, long after he’d left the Secotan, Benjamin was already trying to compose his legal case: “The seizure of the Secotan was the act of men desperate to achieve their freedom. But here we are all free men. There is no desperation here. Now that the captives are free, we may return this ship and her cargo to its owners without fear, and it is right that we do so…” But he was finding it slow going. The exchange still haunted him. Not so much what Meaher had said, as what he himself had said in response.

    Slavery was an evil. Everyone knew it. People in places that depended on it tried to pretend otherwise, but no one was really fooled. The question was what would happen when it ended. The fear (a fear Benjamin himself had long shared) was that the former slaves would either seek revenge or simply run riot, having been ruled in every aspect of their lives for so long that they could not rule themselves. For everyone who pointed to the Paixão de Cristo or the Savannah Fire and said this is why we must be done with slavery, there were others who said this is why we must not lose control of the Negroes. Right and wrong had given way, as they generally did, to what had seemed to be the necessities of survival.

    That was why, when Queen Charlotte had taken the throne and made emancipation a priority, the cry had gone out from all over the West Indies, Have pity on us! It may be an evil, but we hold a wolf by the ears and dare not let go for fear of our lives! And from London had come the response: Your lives be damned, wretched colonials—you WILL let go!

    And so it was. And now, the West Indies were… well, they were a mess. The market for sugar had gone up again, but they weren’t producing nearly as much as they had been.

    A mess, but not a horror. Not Haiti writ large. Not an anarchic charnel house with white blood flowing through the streets of Kingston and Georgetown. Just a mess, and with time and patience, messes could be cleaned up—especially when doing so would be profitable. And Florida, of course, was full of freedmen, some of them armed—there was a battalion of Colonial Marines up at Fort Colborne, perhaps forty miles north of here. They made as good neighbors as any.

    And now, even here, with Negroes who had not been given their freedom as a royal gift nor a reward for conscription, but who had taken it by force—even in the moment of their triumph… “They. Did. None. Of. These. Things.” He’d said it himself. Of course, they’d had their reasons—it would have been unwise to commit needless atrocities against white men if you were planning to seek sanctuary from other white men—but Benjamin was a lawyer. There was no one he found more trustworthy than a man with an ulterior motive to do the right thing.

    Benjamin glanced at the shelf to his right, at the autographed copy of Byron’s last book of poetry. He remembered their many conversations over the course of the journey to Spain. George, you madman, you were right, he thought. You were wiser than I. Or braver—a man who would never let a dragon rest in its lair because he and his were safe from its talons. A man who would never use necessity as an excuse. And in this case, it does not serve as an excuse. Not anymore.

    Your Most Bothersome Majesty, you were right, if only by accident. You and Lord Grey and His Cleverness Lord Brougham. Raffles, MacCarthy… you were all quite right, and I fear I’m rather late to the realization.

    Better late than never, I suppose.



    [1] James R. Pringle, currently mayor of Charleston
    [2] Elizabeth’s older brother, 17-year-old Stephen D. Miller Jr.
    [3] Elizabeth’s stepmother, 30-year-old Susan Matilda Harriet Chisolm.
    [4] Elizabeth’s half sister, 8-year-old Julia Mary Miller. (This is what’s left of the family. Cholera did a number on them this winter. Also, they’re well placed socially but not in great shape financially, which is why they eat at friends’ homes whenever they can.)
    [5] IOTL the man who arranged the last slave transport from Africa to the U.S. in 1860.
    [6] This is roughly analogous to OTL’s Creole incident. In that case, the captain’s wife, daughter and niece were all on board.
    [7] Known as Henry Box Brown IOTL, because—I swear this is true—he escaped by tucking himself into a crate and having it mailed to abolitionists in Philadelphia.
    [8] These are essentially Morris-Taney-class cutters.
    [9] I.e. Florida panther. (All these ships were built at Trafalgar and christened by people who knew the really cool names were reserved for bigger ships.)
    [10] Local name for the bull shark, Carcharhinus leucas.
    [11] A derogatory term for an Irish person.
    [12] The owners of the Creole IOTL.
    [13] In the Creole case, the ship was not seized but was allowed to return. But then, Britain and the U.S. were on much better terms in the 1840s IOTL.
    [14] Again like the Creole incident.
     
    Last edited:
    Winter Storm (2)
  • Posting this one a day early so people will have a chance to read it before Thanksgiving.
    Also, as a Christmas present and to move the story forward a little, there'll be five posts in December.


    On the surface, it appeared that the Secotan incident had briefly restored the old unity of 1816. Virtually every newspaper in the United States ran an editorial denouncing the incident and either outright demanding war or calling for Berrien to make what the Philadelphia Tribune called “an assurance of national strength.” The New York City News stated that “every captain of every American-flagged vessel awaits some signal that Congress and the incoming President are taking action for the security of our merchant marine.” The Charleston Courier proclaimed that “British Florida is the greatest pirate haven in history, and it is imperative that we stamp it out.”

    In the halls of Congress, elected officials of four out of five parties demanded more ships, a larger Army, and (in the words of Populist leader William Seward) “a demonstration that our people and our commerce are not to be trifled with.” John C. Calhoun, who headed the largest delegation in the House of Representatives, was quick to denounce Florida and its “lawless and dangerous infestation of runagates, who for a second time have inflicted terror on white men and women and sheltered from justice beneath the Union Jack.” Even the Liberation Party, in a rare show of political expediency, was silent.

    But underneath, one could see the division between free and slave states that had grown since then. In the slave states, the worst aspect of the incident was that slaves had rebelled, killed one white and terrorized others—including, unforgivably, a white woman. (That none of the other whites had been physically harmed was seen as incidental, or dismissed as some sort of oversight on the part of the rebels.) And, thanks to the British, they now had the freedom they sought and were unlikely ever to be punished.

    In the free states, the Secotan itself was less of a concern than the Langdon and the McDougall, the two American revenue cutters that the British had fired upon and captured or forced to withdraw. The New York City News dismissed British claims that USRC Langdon defied an order in territorial waters: “It is well known that our arrogant English cousins consider every corner of Neptune’s kingdom to be their ‘territorial waters’.”

    Among abolitionists, whose primary interest was not the seizure of American vessels but the slave revolt that had begun the chain of events, the question was how best to respond to it. On the one hand, as Embree noted:


    In the year after the burning of Savannah, fear of a second such holocaust did more to diminish the empire of the lash than all the appeals to common humanity ever made. The slavemaster may deny the virtue and intellect of the Negro; he may delude himself that his rule is founded in Christian love and charity; but he is not so lost to reason as to sit and say ‘This is fine’ as his house burns down about his ears. And now we see that, just as innocent homes and honest businesses may be destroyed in the cataclysm of a slave revolt, so may innocent travel and honest commerce be endangered by mere proximity to the hateful traffic in men’s lives.

    William Lloyd Garrison’s remarks pointed in almost the opposite direction:

    The liberation of the Secotan was the most bloodless slave revolt yet seen in the annals of history, and offers a rare glimpse of hope for the future. For on the joyous day when the last chain is loosed from the last black limb, when the lie that men and women may be property is struck from the laws of the last state—what then? It is neither humane to suppose that generations of Negroes who know no more of Africa than their white neighbors should be banished thence forthwith, nor practicable to transport so many to those climes at once. No, here they are and here their descendants shall remain.
    And we may see the beginnings of this future even now. In every northern city of any size, there lives a community of Negroes. And though they are often met with suspicion and hostility from their white neighbors, yet they persist, living quiet lives of dignity and independent labor. Thus we see that what Mr. Austin of Astoria calls the “Negro problem” is in truth a slave problem; for there have been revolts of slaves, but never yet a revolt of freedmen.

    But in the meantime, America’s new president-elect was expressing very different sentiments…
    Charles Cerniglia, 1837





    March 6, 1837
    Oval Office
    Executive Mansion
    Washington, DC

    Berrien had only been sworn in two days ago, and had only learned two months ago that it would be he and not John Sergeant in this office. Most of his would-be Cabinet officers were gathering in this city and preparing to testify before the Senate on why they should be confirmed. It would be good to have a Secretary of State right now. Not to mention a Secretary of War.

    The British ambassador to U.S. was 60-year-old David Montagu Erskine, 2nd Baron Erskine. Berrien remembered that Erskine had served in this position before, that he’d tried to resolve an earlier confrontation at sea between the two nations[1], and that he’d spent some time in bad odor with the government as a result. Erskine didn’t seem at all conciliatory now.

    “With all due respect,” Erskine was saying, “when your captain disobeyed the order to withdraw, he challenged the might of Britannia in our territorial waters. Most who do that suffer a good deal worse than a broken mizzenmast for their pains.”

    “The U.S. Revenue Cutter Service denies that the Langdon ever ventured into British waters until it was forced to surrender,” said Berrien. “Has your government any proof to the contrary?”

    “Only the testimony of honorable men. And the simple fact that those who controlled the ship were known to be seeking out the safety of Floridian territory.” Erskine sighed. “Mr. President, forgive my bluntness. I have made a point of learning your curriculum vitae. You fought most gallantly at Levy’s Field in the last war. You were a militia commander and state governor, and served capably in both offices. But you have never served in any sort of national office until two days ago, and you have never had dealings in peacetime with other nations until today. You lack experience, sir.”

    “I can’t deny it, but I have my advisers.”

    “May I venture a guess? One of these advisers told you that it is clever to begin negotiations by demanding the moon and stars, because it makes you appear strong and ensures that when a compromise is reached it will be one more to your liking. Under other circumstances, that might have been good advice, but not here.

    “Had you simply requested that the Langdon and her crew be released, we would most likely have done so. Had you requested the release of the Secotan and her inanimate cargo, that request might also have been met—Lord Brougham is a reasonable man, and Her Majesty is nothing if not gracious. But to demand—demand—not only these things, but an apology from Her Majesty’s Revenue Service? Return of the lost slaves or compensation for their value—and for every slave who has found freedom in Florida in the past twenty years? If you understand the need for the appearance of strength, understand we have that need as well. We cannot answer such cheek with anything but cold refusal.”

    “It is just,” said Berrien. “Those slaves are only free because your laws declare them so.”

    “And why were they ever slaves in the first place? Because your laws declared them so. They have moved beyond the reach of your laws. Ergo, they are no longer slaves.”

    “That is not what you said when you freed your own slaves. Brougham, and Grey before him, understood the justice of compensation.”

    “The slaveowners were British citizens. You are not. You made that choice some sixty years ago and have shown no sign of regret. Do not expect the same consideration that we show to our own people.

    “I will say it again—approach Her Majesty’s government with reasonable requests in the spirit of humility, and you may have confidence in the outcome. We are your neighbors. We desire good relations.”

    “I can’t do that.”

    “So be it. Then I must leave you with this warning—the last time your nation and mine fought, we considered it a mere distraction from the war we were waging against the most terrible conqueror since Tamerlane. You now have our undivided attention. If you’ve any mischief in mind, think better of it.”

    This would have been much more effective if Berrien hadn’t known it for a lie. John Tyler, whom he intended to be his secretary of state, had assured him that Britain was currently preoccupied with trying to keep the Russians out of the Mediterranean. Spain was fighting even more wars on even more fronts.

    Still, he kept his expression innocent.


    Historians agree that Berrien came into office with the intent of waging war on Britain and Spain. Before his campaign for president, he and his circle of friends had examined maps and drawn up optimistic plans for invasions of Florida, Louisiana, and Texas like an amateur general staff. The Canadas, however, fit into none of his plans.

    This was because for him, the goal of strengthening the nation and erasing the sting of 1815 was secondary to the goal of strengthening the Slave Power within the United States. As of 1837, there were thirteen free states, eleven slave states, and one slave state (Missouri) where slavery was effectively moribund. If Florida, Louisiana, and Texas could be added to the Union as slave states, then the slave states would possess a majority, and would be equal in number to the free states even if Missouri abolished slavery entirely—which Missouri was apparently in no hurry to do. Perhaps with Texas secured they could force the use of the Army to subjugate Kyantine, and compel at least a few other territories to accept slavery, thereby keeping the institution alive.

    Of course, even putting aside that this required the United States to win the war in question, only Congress had the power to make it happen—and in 1837, Berrien’s party not only lacked a majority, it had lost support from its high-water mark of ‘35. Would a majority in the House and Senate agree to declare war on the strongest power in the world, and one of its more capable allies, with the goal of adding three slave states to the Union? It seemed unlikely, to say the least.

    To make matters worse, Berrien’s goal of conquering Florida was in conflict with one of his other goals—to destroy the Cherokee nation. The first thing he instructed his new Secretary of War, Joel Roberts Poinsett[2], to do was order the disbanding and disarming of the Cherokee regiments on the Florida border, despite the insistence of General Winfield Scott that those regiments were a crucial part of the U.S. Gulf Coast defense. Sam Houston’s denunciation of the “damnfool” measure nearly resulted in a duel between himself and President Berrien. And as George Rockingham Gilmer, who replaced Berrien as governor of Georgia, ruefully noted, “Every Indian dismissed from the ranks of our armies in Alabama is one more who comes back to Georgia.”…


    …Campbell’s experience governing Cayenne (the former French Guiana), a thinly populated and often neglected colony whose purpose was to grow peppers and extract timber and butterflies[3], had done little to prepare him for Lower Canada. His closest advisor, Scottish immigrant Adam Thom (who had arrived in Montreal only two years prior to himself)[4] assured him that despite the insistence of Papineau and his Patriotes that they were loyal to the Crown, they were secretly plotting either to restore Lower Canada to France or to join the United States. Campbell, the man who had been unjustly criticized for failing to prevent Napoleon’s escape from Elba, did not wish to be seen sleeping at his post this time. In January of 1837, in response to increasingly loud and violent demonstrations by the Patriotes, he ordered Papineau’s arrest. For the next two months, the situation in Lower Canada remained tense—but it was from Upper Canada that the explosion would come.

    Over the course of the previous week, William Mackenzie had been publishing a series of articles in the Colonial Observer documenting corruption in the government of Upper Canada. Lt. Gov. Robinson responded by ordering the recently-formed York Police Department[5] to shut down the Observer. The police arrived in the early hours of Sunday morning, March 19. What happened next is one of those mysteries destined never to be solved.

    According to the police, Mackenzie’s 22-year-old son James, who was working at the press, drew a weapon on them. Other witnesses claim that James was holding only a tool, which the police mistook for a weapon in the bad light. What is certain is that the police arrested James Mackenzie, striking him in the head in the process. The blow proved fatal—and not just to James Mackenzie. The man who was already the most outspoken critic of the so-called “Family Compact” was now father to a murdered son. After James’ funeral, the city of York rose in rebellion. Within a week, many other towns had followed suit.

    This included Montreal. Campbell, focusing his attention on the francophone inhabitants of Lower Canada, had failed to realize that dissatisfaction was not confined to them. The Nelson brothers, Wolfred and Robert, led an armed mob to the prison and freed Papineau. By the end of the month, they had control of the islands of Montreal and Laval. Both Auckland and Campbell had to flee the city by night.

    This resulted in tragedy. There was heavy fog over the St. Lawrence in the early hours of March 30. During the frenetic evacuation of Auckland’s loyalists, Campbell’s boat collided with another boat and capsized. The 61-year-old Campbell himself was injured and drowned. Prime Minister Brougham, on hearing of the luckless old soldier’s fate, is reported to have said in private, “Sir Neil died as he lived—in the wrong place at the wrong time.”…


    …Although by early April, William Morgan had successfully persuaded Mackenzie and the other Upper Canada rebels to declare for the United States, Papineau and the Nelson brothers in Montreal were still insisting on their loyalty to the Crown, demanding only that Brougham’s government uphold the same liberal principles in dealing with them that it espoused for Britain itself.

    Despite this, the rebellions in Canada did what the Secotan incident could not—it persuaded the Dead Roses and Populists that this was the opportune moment to declare war. As Webster said in his speech, “A Tide in the Affairs of Men,” assisting this rebellion would not only diminish or perhaps eliminate the threat from the north, but help bring freedom to those who had shown they were ready to fight for it. True, Lower Canada was a majority-francophone, Catholic land—but by 1837, the same could be said of Louisiana, which it was well known that Berrien wanted. On April 19, the declaration of war passed. Part of the army would be sent north, the rest held in reserve in case of British retaliation.

    And so, Berrien didn’t yet have his war. He had a war, but the war Congress had just declared was not the war he wanted…

    Charles Cerniglia, 1837


    [1] The Chesapeake-Leopard affair.
    [2] A man who IOTL had an amazing life, but all we remember him for is his work in amateur botany—specifically, introducing the U.S. to the Mexican flower we know as the poinsettia (called the nochebuena ITTL) which has become a popular Christmas decoration.
    [3] Butterflies weren’t an official export, but this colony did make some money catching them for collectors or scientists.
    [4] He came in 1833 IOTL.
    [5] This city got its first police department in 1835 IOTL.
     
    Last edited:
    Winter Storm (3)
  • The same delay in transoceanic communication that had made such hash of the first attempt to end the War of 1812 existed in the War of 1837. For the first three weeks of the war, nobody in London—not Prime Minister Brougham, not Foreign Minister Palmerston, not Secretary of State for War and the Colonies Russell—was aware that it was happening.

    What were they missing? Surprisingly little. There had been some rather halfhearted skirmishes between militia units along the U.S.-Canadian and U.S.-Floridian borders. U.S. Army units had seized several Canadian border towns and Lake Erie ports—Greyborough[1], Windsor, Port Dover—but, undermanned and with insufficient logistical support, could not go further. An attempt by the Georgia militia to seize Amelia Island had been turned back by a single British vessel, HMS Swamp Cougar.

    The largest campaign thus far was General Winfield Scott’s initial invasion of Lower Canada with 5,000 men, and the results were almost farcical. With Canadian military forces trying to surround Montreal and the city that had not yet renamed itself Toronto, Scott marched in unopposed, seized the town of St-Jean-sur-Richelieu and reached the river, breaking the siege. But when Scott made contact with Papineau’s rebels, they unequivocally told him to take his army out of Lower Canadian territory and back to the United States on pain of war. “Whatever they might be playing at in York,” said Wolfred Nelson, “we here in Montreal are fighting to secure our rights as loyal subjects of Her Majesty.”

    At this point, General Scott once again proved that personal courage need not be accompanied by belligerence. He had been sent north under orders to ally with Papineau and liberate the province. A war of conquest against a hostile population was a different thing. He retreated to St.-Jean-sur-Richelieu, wrote a letter to Secretary Tyler informing him of the situation, and awaited further orders. Papineau, despite his bluster, was not foolish enough to attack such a large army while he was already in rebellion. Berrien would eventually order Scott to retreat to the American side of the border. To this day, Papineau remains one of the few leaders in history ever to turn back an invading army by simply telling it to go away.

    Meanwhile, Canadian loyalists were already beginning to rally. Adam Thom, promoted to Acting Lieutenant-governor after the death of Sir Neil Campbell, was organizing a regiment of volunteers. John Molson Jr., in the tradition of rich men buying their own commissions, was likewise organizing a volunteer regiment. These regiments would eventually be given their own numbers in the British regimental system, but would be more commonly known by their nicknames—the “Doric Phalanx”[2] and the “Beer-swillers.”

    By far the most consequential military engagement was the Battle of Fort Niagara…

    Eric Wayne Ellison, Anglo-American Wars of the 19th Century

    May 12, 1837
    Fort Niagara

    It was a warm, sunny day. 150 meters in the air over the shore of Lake Ontario, Corporal Alexander Stephens was very glad he wasn’t afraid of heights as he looked out to the northwest, the basket of the observation balloon swaying under his feet.

    It was Stephens’ interest in meteorology that had inspired him to take up ballooning, which gave one eyes a little further over the horizon than normal. That was what had brought him here. He was hoping to a transfer to the Florida front when that opened up, even if it meant a long trip south by canal, rail, road, more rail, and more road.[3] But here he was, it was an almost cloudless day with a light breeze, and there, in the distance, was HMS St. Lawrence. Lieutenant Frémont had been very clear—Keep watching the St. Lawrence. Never let your gaze falter, not for a moment. No matter what you see, do not look away.

    A little closer, and further east, was—taking a very loose interpretation of Frémont’s orders, Stephens raised his spyglass and squinted at the bow. He still couldn’t make out the letters, but by the length of the name it had to be USS Great Chazy River. Which meant that that was Natchez following less than a kilometer behind. Between them, the two U.S. warships had St. Lawrence outgunned—if and only if they both attacked at once. The British first-rate could theoretically defeat both ships by fighting them one on one, and they surely knew as much. The U.S. Navy was determined not to allow that to happen.

    Is this going to work? thought Stephens. Did the Army and the Navy even coordinate this battle? The whole plan depends on St. Lawrence coming in close enough to attack the gun emplacements. If the Navy scares them off

    The American line (if you could call it a line when there were only two ships in it) and St. Lawrence weren’t quite running parallel to one another. They couldn’t, except by chance—they were all headed more or less west. As sailing vessels without a steam engine between them, they were under the ultimate command of Admiral Wind, whose orders in this case were “Tack.” They were following a zigzagging course on the water, and at the moment, Chazy and Natchez were zigging northwest while St. Lawrence was zagging southwest.

    Or rather—the more Stephens watched, the more sure he was that that wasn’t what was happening at all. St. Lawrence was turning further south, heading straight for the American line. What in Heaven’s name are they up to? Do they want to get shot to pieces?

    This was the first time Stephens had ever seen a naval battle. No one had told him how long they took, how much time you had to watch what was happening and try to figure out what it meant and try not to dwell on the fact that this was the battle that would decide once and for all who controlled the lake. Slowly, the truth emerged—the captain of St. Lawrence was aiming his ship between Chazy and Natchez in a very bold attempt to cross the T on both of them at once.

    But fortune didn’t always favor the bold—if it did, Stephens supposed, it wouldn’t count as boldness. Both ships were turning themselves parallel to the St. Lawrence.

    From this vantage point, the exchange of fire didn’t look like much. Puffs of smoke came from the fore starboard part of Natchez (Stephens’ knowledge of nautical terms was a bit haphazard) and the aft port part of St. Lawrence. The battle lasted only a few minutes—the ships weren’t well positioned to harm one another.

    Although at greater range, St. Lawrence and Chazy could do considerably more to each other as they came within range. It was hard to watch—Stephens knew that men were dying, and it seemed terribly likely that the Navy could lose, frustrating all their hopes. At the last moment, St. Lawrence pulled away to prevent Natchez from positioning itself to empty a broadside into its stern.

    It was hard for Stephens to tell, but it looked like St. Lawrence had given as good as it had gotten from both vessels. It was in position to use more of its guns than we were. On the other hand, it has now taken damage on both sides. But no one is out of the fight. Chazy seemed to have suffered the most, but it was turning its undamaged side and fresh guns towards the enemy. The water was like a chessboard—there was nowhere to hide, all the pieces were out in plain view, and the capabilities of each piece could at least be estimated. It was up to the captains to look at these things and figure out what the other side was up to.

    St. Lawrence followed a long, curving course that Stephens could already see would ultimately bring it close to the shore—as close as it could get without risking running aground. This limited its freedom of movement, but also meant that if the U.S. Navy wanted to capture or destroy it, they would have to do it the hard way, bringing their ships alongside the larger ship one after the other.

    And as Stephens tracked the path with his eyes—don’t look away, don’t look away—he could see that St. Lawrence would be in position to attack the fort. The fort could fight back, of course, but most of the guns outside the structure itself were facing southwest, across the river, where the ship could rake them with fire.

    Minutes crawled by. Stephens desperately wanted to turn his spyglass below to the south, to see if anyone was repositioning guns or taking shelter. Don’t look away. Keep watching the ship.

    Now that it was moving more eastward, St. Lawrence made better speed. When it crossed a certain line of buoys, Stephens reached down and unfurled a yellow banner from the side of the basket. There. Now they know the range. I’ve done the most important thing.

    Inevitably, the ship sailed into position and opened fire. Out of the corner of his eye, Stephens could see that the northern shore was suddenly blanketed in whitish smoke, as if something important had just burst into flames… or as if someone had set off a great many smudge pots. Don’t look. Don’t look. Keep looking at the ship. And above the shore, some two dozen rockets were launched at the ship.

    The rockets flew straight and true, wobbling a little in flight but never veering from their path. There must have been some miscalculation—the majority of them flew past St. Lawrence’s rigging before they exploded, briefly silhouetting the masts. (For some reason, one of them burned with an almost pure blue light which made it hard to see against the lake.)

    The majority, but not all. At least six of them went off too soon, a mistake that compensated for the other mistake. Great midair blossoms of pale, blue-edged flame illuminated the deck and rigging before they concealed it in smoke. Incendiaries. The smoke didn’t seem to be clearing—or rather, it was clearing, but new smoke was replacing it. The upper sails and cordage on the two rear masts were on fire.

    Any crew worth its grog was trained to fight fire. Already there were men on the yards, furling the lower sails to limit their exposure and pouring buckets of lake water onto them. By the time the burning sails and ropes began falling to the deck, that deck was already swarming with men armed with buckets of water and boots suitable for stamping out flames.

    That was when the second round of rockets hit. There was no point to using further incendiaries—all the remaining sails were furled and soaked. These rockets exploded exactly where they were supposed to, right over the heads of the toiling sailors, and they were full of regular gunpowder… and, as it turned out, canister.

    Stephens kept watching St. Lawrence, but for the rest of his life he would wish he’d put his spyglass down. Some men were killed instantly. Others were still alive… piteously so, with injuries that he could only hope would prove mortal.

    Two rockets struck the side of the ship at the aft end, below the rail. They were clearly incendiaries of a different sort, splashing the hull with something that clung and burned. The crew—so many of them were still unharmed—drew up buckets of water and put out the flames.

    A third rocket hit near the waterline at the prow end. Someone poured a bucket of water on it, but that seemed to make it burn even hotter. A different formula. Chemistry wasn’t Stephens’ field, but he knew that not all fires could be put out by water.[4]

    Stephens tried to think of the fight the way the British would see it. Fortifications couldn’t be moved, and given time and effort would ultimately be demolished—but a man could fire a rocket from anywhere. From their point of view, every inch of coastline was now a possible enemy battery. And because St. Lawrence had furled its sails, it was now effectively dead in the water, and at this point the men with the rockets knew exactly where to aim and from how far away.

    And then the boats came out of the smoke.

    Of course. That was why they had set those fires at the fore and aft ends of the ship—as a distraction. And that was why they had instructed him not to look away, no matter what. The trouble with being up here was that the enemy could see you as easily as you could see them. The whole plan would have been ruined if St. Lawrence’s lookout had caught him glancing to the shore at the wrong moment, revealing the spar torpedo boats using the smoke as cover until they could be launched.

    And now there were ten boats in the water, prows pointed at St. Lawrence, a spar jutting from each prow, a bomb on the end of each spar. Only one needed to succeed.

    Some of the crew on deck drew guns, trying to shoot at the rowers. Another canister rocket wreaked gruesome havoc among them.

    Hoping someone on that ship was watching him, Stephens pulled out his semaphore flags and signaled SURRENDER. Strike your colors, you fools. Please. Do you think I want to watch you die? Of course, not all of them would die. Not even most of them. Even if a torpedo holed St. Lawrence at the waterline, as close as they were to shore most of the crew could get out and swim.

    But St. Lawrence had only one purpose—to deny the Americans control of the lake. If it could no longer fulfill that purpose, forcing the Americans to expend a little more powder was not a cause worth anyone’s life.

    The flag was being lowered.

    As far away as Stephens was, he must have been imagining hearing the cheers from the fort. Certainly he felt a deep sense of relief.

    That was one ship. The British have many. They control the sea and can attack wherever they choose.

    But none of those ships are here.
    Lake Ontario was now mare nostrum… or at least lacum nostrum. The British had other naval vessels on the lake, but none with a prayer of standing up to Natchez and Chazy. Men could enter the harbor of York by the boatload, supporting Morgan and Mackenzie. They could land to east or west, flanking the besiegers.

    Whatever else happens in this war, we have won this day.


    [1] OTL Sarnia, Ontario.
    [2] IOTL Thom ran a loyalist organization called the Doric Club.
    [3] The U.S. railroad grid as of the beginning of the War of 1837 (once again based on SuperZtar64's excellent work):
    railroad growth US at start of war.png

    (Note the gap in northern Georgia. One of Berrien’s ambitions is a railroad junction there connecting to Chattanooga, Alpheus, Milledgeville, Augusta, Asheville, Columbia, and the North Carolina wine country. A lot of Cherokee are in the way of that.)
    [4] The seemingly random effects of these incendiaries will be explained in an eventual future post.
     
    Last edited:
    Winter Storm (4)
  • The U.S. Congress’ April 19 declaration of war had been against the United Kingdom and its empire, not against the Republic of Louisiana. If anyone in the Hôtel de la République took the slightest reassurance from this, there is no record of it. On the orders of President Berrien, Ambassador Fish had departed at the end of March, saying that he had been recalled. No one had come to replace him by the time New Orleans received word of the declaration. Everyone knew what this meant.

    On May 15, Roman addressed the Assembly and the crowded atrium from the President’s Lectern. His speech was short, but to the point:


    Citizens of Louisiana, we must prepare for war. As I speak, the nation whose treachery forfeited our loyalty is preparing to reclaim us by force. Our friends are strong, but our foes are near. To hold on until our friends arrive will require all our strength.

    Roman announced that he was ordering the Grand Army of the Republic to begin a levée en masse, conscripting all able-bodied male citizens between the ages of 18 and 25. He was authorizing War Minister Keane to purchase small arms and artillery sufficient for this expansion, and (despite his distaste for increasing the debt) Treasury Minister Disraeli to secure a loan from the Royal Bank to cover the expenses. While this was necessary in order to cover such a rapid expansion of the armed forces, it had the effect of binding Louisiana ever tighter to London before a single shot was fired.

    The first priority of the Grand Army would be to bring the garrisons in all forts bordering U.S. territory up to full strength. On Keane’s advice, the isolated Fort-Labatut and the punishment assignment Fort-Douane were exempted from this order; instead, the warship Volonté de la République was ordered to take up a position in the river alongside Fort-Douane…


    The United States had multiple commitments in 1837—the war in the Canadas, the planned attack on Florida and the need to maintain large reserves of troops against a British invasion. Even if they had not, it was too late to plan and launch an invasion of Louisiana before the end of spring, and summer was the worst possible season for such an enterprise. Roman and Keane knew they had at least until the beginning of fall before the invasion began, and their spies in Mississippi were able to track the progress of American preparations. By the time the war came to Louisiana, the Grand Army would be ready and at full strength. But this was little comfort, since that full strength would constitute at most 15,000 men—half the size of the peacetime U.S. Army, to say nothing of the army Berrien was assembling for war.

    Under the circumstances, no one willing to fight could be turned aside. The métis would be fighting once again, this time alongside their fallen foes the Ichacq, who would earn citizenship by their service. After Sinepuxent, Roman presented a bill to the Assembly abolishing the already threadbare “three-fourths white” requirement for military service and expanding conscription to free Negroes.

    This was the most controversial measure Roman had ever put forward. Conservatives were almost universally opposed to it, while Radicals were divided but not prepared either to accept or reject it. The debate raged for two months…

    Michel Beauregard, A History of the Republic of Louisiana


    June 3, 1837
    No. 10 Downing Street

    Well, I did ask for this job, thought Brougham as he listened to Palmerston, trying to block out the distracting noise of the men building the telegraph office in back. Obviously I couldn’t have known there would be wars going on in the Balkans and North America both

    Instead of cutting his losses in Bosnia-Rumelia, Alexander had decided to double down. Now the tsar was claiming that the chunk of Danube delta Wallachia had seized six years ago, which had given the Südzollverein access to the Black Sea and which no one had complained about at the time, was “rightful Moldavian territory” which King Carol of Wallachia needed to hand over to King Carol of Moldavia this instant. At last report, he had declared war on Wallachia and (by extension) on Austria. This never would have happened if it hadn’t been for that damned silly war over an island that sank into the ocean before the ink was dry on the treaty. Now the tsar thinks Austria is weak.

    And Palmerston had just informed him that as of the latest he’d heard from Athens, King Paul’s son-in-law, Ioannis Kolokotronis, had politely knocked the door of his palace and requested that he declare war on Bosnia-Rumelia. Since Kolokotronis had been backed up by his own family retainers and many senior officers of the Greek army, the hapless king had agreed. Which puts us at war with Greece. Not that we tremble in fear of their arms, but just how much blood must we shed—our own and others’—in defence of that parody of an empire?

    Then there was the rebellion in the Canadas. That had been a ghastly surprise out of nowhere. Things had seemed so peaceful under Prince Edward. Auckland had seemed certain that all was quiet. What the devil had been going on over there that everyone in London had missed? And what was going on now? It sounded as though the mostly-English rebels in York had accepted American help with open arms and the mostly-French rebels in Montreal had rebuffed them. Which went against what Auckland wrote that he was hearing from everyone around him.

    Brougham hated knowing so little and not being sure of what or whom to trust. The smartest man in the world—and he was sure he was at least in the top ten—could not make a good decision with bad information. We must learn more. Perhaps I should put our friend Radical Jack[1] on the case.

    And, of course, the United States had declared war again. Damned Yankee Doodles, once again causing trouble while we’re in the middle of a major war. Well, much joy they got of it last time.

    The latest news was unsurprising, but unpleasant. “Russell and Duncannon[2] agree that HMS St. Lawrence was always a doomed ship,” said Palmerston.

    Brougham nodded, gazing at the map on his desk. His finger traced the irregular outline of the peninsula of land between Lakes Huron, Erie, and Ontario. Had we but guns enough and men, this could have been a stronghold of the Empire. With it we might have dictated terms to the Yankees no matter how they grew, having the very heart of their nation within striking distance.

    It’s not as though we never made plans. Year after year for two damned decades, through the Liverpool and Wellington and Grey and—Hell, I must acknowledge it—my own term in office, we said to ourselves, “We should build more bases in Upper Canada. We should build fleets on the Great Lakes.” It was always something we meant to do, something we were going to do, but we never did get round to finding the money.

    And now it’s too late. One cannot hold a peninsula against an enemy that rules the waters. We’ll soon lose it, and the only way to get it back will be to seize something of equal value and trade it at the negotiating table.


    Which should be possible, as by all accounts, Berrien wasn’t even interested in the Canadas. What he really wanted was Louisiana back, and Florida and Texas to go with it. Louisiana would fight to retain its independence, Texas would mean war with Spain as well as Britain—and as for Florida, Brougham was having a hard time keeping from grinning at the prospect of that fight. Then it would be the Americans trying to hold a peninsula in the face of a power that could land troops where it chose. Of course, this wouldn’t happen right away—not even this clodhopper Berrien could be fool enough to invade Gulf Coast territories in the summer, and Brougham meant to have reinforcements there no later than September. It was true that piling one war on another would stretch the British army thin, but since they were already recruiting, they could have forces in the field much sooner than they would otherwise have been able to.

    “In your opinion, sir,” said Palmerston, “what are our aims in this war? It seems to me we should expect a little more than the status quo ante bellum.”

    “I quite agree.”

    “Alas, France and Italy do not. Gérard and Manzoni[3] both insist that their alliance with the United States is defensive in nature, and as President Berrien is the aggressor—they’re both quite careful to say ‘Berrien,’ not ‘the United States’—they will therefore not be joining the war effort. However, they say they wish to be present at the peace negotiations and will go to war to prevent any further significant loss of American territory.”

    “How do they define ‘significant’ loss?”

    “They implied that the loss of a state or territory, such as the United States suffered in ’15, would be unacceptable. It may be only a bluff, but we are in a state of alliance with them in Bosnia-Rumelia. If they wish to harm us, they need only make a deal with Russia and Greece and bring the troops home.”

    Brougham nodded. France and Italy had in fact done more than their share, sending steam-frigates with furled sails through the Dardanelles and the Bosporos during the winter to harass Russian shipping.

    “And unlike in ’15, there isn’t another American state conveniently ready to secede and accept our protection,” said Brougham. “Most of all, I want to know what went wrong in the Canadas—especially Upper Canada—before I consider adding a restive province to our empire.” Palmerston looked worried. Never fear. There are other ways to punish our rude cousins.

    “Make no mistake, Henry[4]—if I think it the best course, I absolutely will carve a chunk from their flank and damn the consequences. But do you know what I really want from the Americans?

    “Money. Indemnity. It would be fitting, would it not? How much of our financiers’ money did they use to build those wretched canals of theirs?” A little ditty from the Literary Gazette ran through his mind:

    Yankee Doodle borrows cash,
    Yankee Doodle spends it,
    And then he snaps his fingers at
    The jolly flat who lends it.
    Ask him when he means to pay,
    He shews no hesitation,
    But says he’ll take the shortest way,
    And that’s repudiation!
    [5]

    Since the war began, of course, the federal government and the states that hadn’t yet defaulted were “suspending” payments to British interests “for the duration.” No one was optimistic about those payments unsuspending after the war was over.

    “And how much of their money comes from cotton and tobacco grown by slaves and purchased by us? Some would call it a greater sin to engage in honest trade with them than to take their wealth by force.”

    “I think you’re right,” said Palmerston. “Assuming, of course, that they have any gold in their treasury to give after this war.”

    “If they don’t, then I think the Royal Navy could use some new basing rights. In the South, if possible, to drive the point home. Charleston, Savannah, Mobile… while they’re paddling about on their little canals, let them remember who the seas belong to. Speaking of which, I have an idea to run past Russell and Duncannon…” Brougham pulled out another map, this one of North America itself. He pointed at a spot on the northwest coast.

    “With all due respect, that seems a little far afield of our concerns,” said Palmerston.

    “Our concerns, yes,” said Brougham. “Astoria is little to us and everything to them. The mouth of the Columbia River here is their one and only outlet on the Pacific Ocean. Should we seize this—Fort Clatsop?—they will respond in one of three ways. They will commit an army to its liberation, with the immense logistical support required to send such an army across half a continent’s worth of wilderness and have it in shape to fight at the end. If they are feeling particularly foolish, they will attempt the same thing with their navy. Or—they will sue for peace and pay what they must to get it back. Any of these would please me greatly. And we can do this with one regiment.”


    [1] John George Lambton, Earl of Durham, Lord Privy Seal to both Grey and Brougham.
    [2] In early 1835, Graham resigned from the government over the restructuring of the Church of Ireland. John William Ponsonby, 4th Earl of Bessborough and Viscount Duncannon, is his replacement as First Lord of the Admiralty.
    [3] Alessandro Manzoni, Italy’s foreign minister.
    [4] Once again a PM and his foreign minister have the same first name. Sorry.
    [5] IOTL, this poem appeared in the London Literary Gazette in January 1845.
     
    Last edited:
    Winter Storm (5)
  • Is William S. Harney gonna be involved at any point?
    Now this is a crazy coincidence…

    June 7, 1837
    along the Rideau Canal, Upper Canada

    In consideration of the unique value of these dispatches, and the hardship and danger required to produce them, I formally request an increase in salary of not less than…

    “Saddle up, everyone! We don’t stop until we reach Bytown[1]!”

    Edgar Allen Poe reluctantly put down the letter he planned on sending with the next dispatch. When he was in the Army, Poe had thought that he would never find a job less suited to his talents. Now that he was… not back in the Army—with the Army but not of the Army—he realized he hadn’t known how good he’d had it.

    For one thing, he’d had a comfortable office around him then. Whatever the clerical work he’d been tasked with had done to his poetic soul, it hadn’t bounced his unpoetic backside repeatedly against the saddle of a still less poetic horse for hours on end.

    It had been a different matter when he’d arrived in the city now calling itself Toronto. He duly wrote his report to the Baltimore Ledger that the Stars and Stripes flew over the city; that the city was still wracked by pro- and anti-American protests which sometimes turned into riots; that the new government was hopeful of admission to the United States, but couldn’t agree on whether they wanted to be known as the State of Ontario, Erie, or Huron; that General Armistead’s forces had swooped out of Sackett’s Harbor across the river, crossed the Rideau Canal and taken Kingston, the last British holdout on the lake; and that there were still British garrisons in Upper Canada, but that they were scattered and had nowhere to rally. He’d even written an ode to the chill gray waters of Lake Ontario on the way over, which he was very pleased with and had sent to New York News & Literature. Perhaps they would accept it. Every little bit of money helped.

    And then he’d gotten the word that Governor Talbot and the soldiers beseiging Toronto had retreated. Col. Harney, who was in charge of U.S. forces in Toronto, had said something along the lines of “Damned if I’m going to be sitting here nursemaiding this town when there’s fighting to be done!” and gone rushing out in pursuit. He’d stopped only long enough to visit Poe and say, “Mister Newspaper Man, if you want a real story, come with me!”

    That had been a week ago—a week of what felt to Poe like hard riding, northeast through Peterborough and Perth. Every minute of it, Poe had worried. As far as he could tell, Harney’s forces and Talbot’s were more or less equally matched. It had made sense for Talbot to retreat—he couldn’t retake the city against an army of comparable size and Mackenzie and Morgan’s forces, more American soldiers were coming every week, and he could expect neither reinforcement nor resupply for months. There just wasn’t anything left for him to do in Upper Canada other than be cornered and forced to surrender.

    Poe wasn’t so sure it made sense for Harney to be chasing him like this. If they caught him on the open field, the outcome was very much in doubt. But he was here to report, not to advise. He was acutely aware of his own lack of expertise in such matters. He hadn’t even meant to be so close to the front line.

    Only yesterday General Armistead, a man of no mean ambition himself — chiefly to be known as something more than “the other Armistead[2]” — had caught up to them. The Rideau, which was meant to be a convenient avenue for British reinforcements in case of American invasion, had instead turned out to be a convenient avenue for… American invasion. Now they had the British outnumbered more than two to one. And they had Henry-Hunt rockets and artillery, while the British only had a few Congreves and three- and four-pounders they’d managed to take with them.

    And from the sound of things, today was going to be the day of decision.

    * * *​

    Between the river and the canal, just south of Bytown, there was a long, slender spit of land with a ridge of highish ground running down the middle. The British were holding both sides of it.

    If they’d had enough cannon, and ammunition to use in it, it would go hard with us, thought Poe. As it was, holding the high ground (such as it was) just made them more exposed to American cannons. But while they stood, they were between the Americans and the Ottawa River. And are there really so few? I thought there were more. Armistead evidently agreed—he’d ordered Harney to deploy all his scouts in case the rest of the British army was out there somewhere, planning a sneak attack.

    As a reporter, Poe had been advised that he would be safer without a weapon than with one—between that and his civilian suit, with any luck no one would mistake him for a soldier. He’d also been advised to come no closer to the actual fighting than necessary, a stricture he was happy to comply with.

    So he could see little of the course of the battle. It seemed to be mostly an exchange of fire. Cannon firing onto the slopes, rifle-fire responding. The British seemed to have exhausted their round shot. If they had grapeshot or canister, they would be saving it for when the Americans charged up the hill. The battle seemed to progress for an hour or more with no resolution.

    The rocket-men had been quiet so far, running up to the edge of the water and then back, seemingly pacing out the distance, doing some sort of calculations on scraps of paper, then moving their tripods around. After a good deal of fiddling with the angles, they launched.

    The result was five almost evenly-spaced explosions over the west side, not to mention a sixth that went off too soon over the canal. On the east side, four rockets exploded overhead and two more hit the dirt and exploded there. What a charnel-house that must be.

    * * *​

    About half an hour later the British surrendered. Poe stood on the south bank of the river, hardly noticing the Stars and Stripes being raised over the lumber town, jotting down notes for his next dispatch.

    “The men on that hill may have lost,” said Armistead, “but they did what they came to do. The rest of the army escaped.”

    What they’d fought on the hill south of Bytown had been perhaps a third of Talbot’s forces. The rest had crossed the Ottawa—finding rafts was easy in a lumber town—and was taking up positions on the north riverbank, in the town of Hull[3] or retreating into the hills north of Hull.

    “He’s Papineau’s problem now,” said Armistead. “Or possibly Papineau is his. In any event, we hold the town, and with it we effectively control all of Upper Canada.”

    For now, thought Poe. Sooner or later the British will send their army, and they’ll have allies waiting. Unless Talbot and Papineau destroy one another, and we can’t possibly be so lucky. But unlike the readers of New York News & Literature, the readers of the Baltimore Ledger weren’t paying to hear his gloomy thoughts.


    [1] The original name of Ottawa.
    [2] This is Gen. Walker Keith Armistead. He’s the brother of George Armistead, hero of Baltimore and (ITTL) Detroit and the man for whom the capital of TTL’s Indiana is named.
    [3] IOTL now known as Gatineau


    Next week: the Battle of Sinepuxent begins.
     
    Sinepuxent (1)
  • Dropping this one a day early in case people are on the road for the holidays, and also so you'll have an extra day to savor the cliffhanger.😁 Merry Christmas!
    (And again, the abandonment of Sinepuxent IOTL means the layout of the harbor and sandbar is a little different, so Google Maps won't help with this one.)

    It is a fact that even in this pre-Plori stage of the colony’s history, attitudes between races were different than they were elsewhere. Partly this was because black freedmen and fugitives had a valued role in that society that they didn’t have elsewhere—as English teachers for the other immigrants. Their English might not have passed muster in the West End of London or white American society, and not all of them could read (which limited how much help they were as teachers), but it was still English. This gave them an entryway into other communities that they wouldn’t have had otherwise.

    The population of Florida consisted mostly of first- or second-generation immigrants. (I include the Muscogee[1] in this, by the way—Native Americans they may have been, but they were no more native to this particular part of America than the escapees from America.) Immigrants, as a group, are self-selected for hard work and willingness to endure danger and hardship for the sake of long-term goals. Runaway slaves, as a group, are a lot more so. If one group of immigrants was more noticeably successful than another, the Floridians themselves didn’t notice it and demographic statistics aren’t detailed enough to record it. So while it’s a mistake to think of the various communities of Florida solely in terms of what they became later, as if they were all just vegetables waiting to go into the stew, it’s worthwhile to notice that there was no hierarchy yet.

    Except of course there was a hierarchy. At the top were (try to contain your astonishment) white people. What made Florida unusual, especially in the British Empire, was that white people weren’t alone there—the Muscogee were there as well, by virtue of owning so much of the colony. Some of it was inalienable (meaning they couldn’t sell it or give it and nobody else could possess it) tribal land, some of it the tribes owned in the usual way, and some of it individuals like Sam Arpucky, George Miconaba, William Osceola, or Halleck and Thlocklo Tustenuggee (that’s their names—look them up on EnSOAKopedia[2]) had bought in their own names.

    My ancestors saw themselves as a warrior elite. As I type these words I’m half expecting G.G. Elmar to rise from his grave and burst into this room shouting “EVERY gang of landowning leeches ever spawned thinks it’s a warrior elite!” Which is true, starting with the English aristocracy the Muscogee were fighting alongside and the Southern planters they were fighting against. The difference was that in 1837, the Muscogee were no more than one generation removed—and their leaders were no generations removed—from having to fight for their lives against a powerful enemy that wanted to carthagize them. They also knew perfectly well that if they didn’t make it clear they were able and willing to fight, their even more powerful allies would sweep them aside just to get rid of the competition. I think we can all agree that makes a difference.

    But to them, the Asian and black immigrants were just tenants—people who picked their fruit, harvested their rice, kept their bees and sheep, and needed their protection. You can see this in how they reacted when Governor Morrison started forming volunteer regiments out of these immigrants. The pejorative term for a Floridian, “joffie,” first appears in print accounts of the War of 1837 as a description of the volunteers. It’s a slight mispronunciation of the Muscogee word for “rabbit,” which gives you an idea what the Muscogee expected from the volunteers as soldiers. They made an exception, of course, for the Corps of Colonial Marines, especially after word of the Battle of Sinepuxent came south from Maryland…

    Arthur Micco, Florida: A History Reconsidered

    July 7, 1837
    38°17’N, 75°06’W
    5:45 a.m.

    The sun was just starting to rise over the Atlantic. On the deck of HMS Illustrious, Captain John Dundas Cochrane[3] could see the shadow of the ship stretching over the water until it almost seemed to touch the shore of North Assateague. Alongside it stretched the longer shadows of Caledonia, Prince Regent, and Admiral Cockburn’s flagship Nelson, along with eight other ships. The Yankees would have to stare into the sun to get a good look at them.

    This attack was Sir George Cockburn’s brainchild. He’d been putting it together since he heard of the declaration of war. What better way to teach the Yankees what was what than for the Royal Navy to destroy their Naval Academy?

    And whatever they were using for a navy wasn’t here. Even if it had been, it would have been hard put to match this show of force, which was itself only a portion of what Britain had to offer. There was only one ship that they had any reason to fear, and according to their intelligence, it was too far away. They would have done their work and gone before it arrived.

    The building that housed the Academy stood on the shore of Sinepuxent Bay. The harbor was guarded by two forts. These forts were low, surrounded by berms of earth and sand, both equipped with heated shot and capable of covering the whole entrance. Such forts could be reduced, but it would cost ships and men—more than such a symbolic victory deserved—and would be much harder without the bomb-ships and rocket-ships that the Royal Navy was probably working on right now in some shipyard somewhere.

    So it was a very good thing that wasn’t the plan at all.

    * * *​

    The United States and the United Kingdom both consider the Battle of Sinepuxent a victory, but neither nation has ever named a warship after it. (The various U.S. Navy venators[4] named Sinepuxent were all named for the city, according to Navy press releases.) In addition, both nations’ governments held hearings afterward to explain the outcome of the “victory.”

    In London, Sir Robert Peel, Leader of the Opposition, called for Lord Duncannon to step down. “Given the appearance of these terrible innovations and the utter absence of anything resembling preparation for them,” said Peel, “what assurance do we have, as we sit in session, that our Navy has not already been blasted out of the water and that the shores of our isles do not lie naked to the aggressor?” Lord Brougham defended his First Lord of the Admiralty, saying that “the true test of a man is not whether he can be surprised, but how he responds to surprise.” He added that the Royal Navy was already devising countermeasures “which will be made known in time to this august body—and to the enemy.”

    For the United States, the humiliation of the land battle necessitated hearings in both the U.S. Congress and the state legislature in Annapolis regarding the performance of the militia…

    Eric Wayne Ellison, Anglo-American Wars of the 19th Century

    * * *​

    The attack was simple—six ships would open fire on the northern fort with long guns from out of range of heated shot[5] and raise a safe, obscuring cloud of dust from the walls of earth and sand. Then the rest of the ships would move in closer and hammer the fort with carronades. Then they would do the same thing to the southern fort.

    One might call this a feint, but it was a real threat that could not be ignored. What everyone hoped the Yankees didn’t know was that the killing blow was meant to come from elsewhere.

    Illustrious was one of the ships doing the carronading when Cochrane saw the white sails coming in from the north, between the island and the shore. He couldn’t quite make out the Colonial Marines double-timing it alongside on the shore, but he knew they were there.

    As soon as it was light enough, a flotilla of smaller vessels had sailed between North Assateague and Fenwick Island. All the southern entrances to Sinepuxent Bay were guarded by forts, but the northern entrance was unprotected. Studying this apparent weakness, Admiral Cockburn had come to one conclusion—it’s a trap. And sure enough, the northern inlet was too shallow for anything larger than a sloop, and even those ships would have to travel along a predictable path where they’d be easy prey for artillery. The Yankees could have stationed any number of guns on the mainland side of the narrow place, concealed behind brush, with the RN none the wiser.

    That was where the Corps of Colonial Marines came in. Their job was to sweep the shoreline and seize or destroy the guns… and having done that, to head south into town.

    And the best part was that the Marines were all black freedmen. Let Berrien chew on that.

    * * *​

    It might be more useful to consider Sinepuxent, not as a single battle, but as two battles fought in close proximity. Before we consider the terrible events at sea, we should first address the course of the battle on land. The defense of the town of Sinepuxent and environs, U.S. Naval Academy and all, was the responsibility of the Maryland militia. Academy students were expected to reinforce this defense in the event of an attack on the town.

    The northern approach was guarded by light artillery. This artillery was hidden, but Admiral Cockburn had intuited its presence, and intelligence from Florida had confirmed it. Part of his battle plan was for the Colonial Marines to do a fast march down the mainland shore of the inlet, looking for those guns. They found that the guns were there… but for the most part, the gun crews were not, again confirming intelligence reports. Only a few militiamen were keeping watch, and their sole contribution was to flee for Sinepuxent and warn the town. The rest of the militia would barely have time to reach the armory and start handing out weapons before the Marines arrived.

    Charles Cerniglia, 1837

    * * *​

    8:00 a.m.
    Cochrane adjusted his spyglass and looked between the forts into the town of Sinepuxent. Success. The Maryland militia stationed here had been no match for a thousand trained soldiers. The Academy was burning, smoke streaming from every window. The Colonial Marines were using its flaming hulk as cover while they exchanged fire with the militia and students.

    Then, for no apparent reason, the sails on a sloop burst into flame.

    What just happened?

    Cochrane got his answer a moment later, when two other rockets shot out of the town and exploded near the flotilla. Fortunately, they were not near enough any of the ships to do any damage.

    First, let’s make sure they don’t do it to us. “Farquhar! Douglas!” Lieutenant Arthur Farquhar and Midshipman Charles Douglas appeared. “Get some men up on the rigging and soak down the sails!”

    * * *​

    For many years afterward, the U.S. Navy spoke of the Class of ’38 and the Class of ’42[6]—or simply “those who were there that day”—the way officers on the Continent a generation earlier spoke of “Nancy boys.” These were the men who had nothing to prove, whose mettle was already known to the world. Not because they had won the battle, but because they had survived an attack by trained soldiers coming out of nowhere. Interrupted in their studies early in the morning by shouts, cries, and the noise of an advancing army, they had held the building long enough to take the books, maps, and various valuables out, and carried them to the town hall, executing a fighting retreat with weapons that they were being handed just in time to begin using.

    As for the militia, congressional and state hearings would both determine that their failure that day was, in the words of Governor John Nevitt Steele, “a failure not of valor, but of vigilance.” They had stood their ground in the face of an enemy they never should have allowed to get so close in the first place.

    The commanding officer of the Sinepuxent regiment, Col. Charles Carroll of Doughoregan (a.k.a. Charles Carroll V), accepted the full blame for this failure and tendered his resignation. No one else was ever formally punished. To the defenders of the militia in the Maryland newspapers, the resignation of the grandson of a Founding Father and a member of the closest thing Maryland had to a royal dynasty was more than sufficient. “We hope that Carroll’s sacrifice will put an end to these calumnies against our brave Militia,” wrote the Baltimore Ledger. To the Army, the fact that the militia’s only response was to offer up Carroll as a sacrificial lamb was a sign that even the best state militias—and Maryland’s militia was indeed reckoned one of the better ones—could not be relied upon for any purpose other than reinforcement during combat. Sinepuxent, even more than Bladensburg a generation earlier, was the death knell for the idea of state militias as a serious military force, and none of the subsequent battles in the war reversed this judgment.

    It was also yet another blow to the ingrained contempt for black soldiers that many whites in America still felt. The Corps of Colonial Marines, made up of Caribbean freedmen, had inflicted a defeat on the upper-class white militia and cadets. In their retreat, they had successfully carried out their own wounded, allowing no one to fall into enemy hands. When word of this battle came to Louisiana, President Roman introduced a bill that would expand government conscription to the free black population. “Whatever else Negroes may or may not be able to do,” he said, “they have proven that they can be trained in the soldier’s art.” After the Florida invasion, he made a second attempt to pass the bill, observing, “Who has more to lose if our republic falls to the Americans?” The bill was voted down—for the year. By the time it was reintroduced, of course, black men would be fighting for Louisiana, in greater numbers than Roman could have anticipated or desired.

    This was not the first time that black soldiers had appeared on American battlefields, of course. To pick one example, blacks had fought on both sides at Bladensburg, showing both courage and professionalism in a battle where many whites had failed to show either. But in America, not only Southern gentry, but northern whites as well, had a tendency to put such incidents out of mind almost as quickly as they occurred. (As Captain March would one day say to Sen. Grayson during a Senate hearing, “How many times do we need to teach you this lesson, old man?”)

    Charles Cerniglia, 1837

    * * *​

    8:30 a.m.
    The Marines had left even faster than they’d arrived. Cochrane could hardly fault them for that—they had more reason than most not to want to be captured by the Americans, as they surely would be if the little ships that had brought them here all burned.

    As he’d feared, the forts had begun to fire rockets at the fleet. His own foresight had protected his sails from damage, but that was not the case on every ship.

    Then he turned to the south, where the rest of the fleet was.

    No.

    Beyond them, in the southwest, there was a thread of smoke on the horizon where no smoke should be.

    Tonight or tomorrow, they said.

    Long after we’re gone.

    It can’t be here now.

    Endymion
    had already turned to investigate. That made this rightly Captain Wolfe’s concern, and Admiral Cockburn after him. There was no need for the captain of Illustrious to take an interest in the matter, but… I have to know. He aimed his spyglass, and there it was.

    The demologos was coming.


    [1] Meaning both the Creeks and the Seminoles.
    [2] SOAK=Sum Of All Knowledge.
    [3] Admiral Cochrane’s nephew. I hope nobody gets confused with all the Cochranes and Cockburns in the RN.
    [4] Cruisers
    [5] Heated shot was often fired with smaller charges, so it would bury itself in the hull instead of plunging through.
    [6] As IOTL, Naval Academy students spent the first year of their five-year course of study in the academy, the next three years at sea, and the last year back in the Academy.
     
    Last edited:
    Sinepuxent (2)
  • July 7, 1837
    38°17’N, 75°06’W
    8:45 a.m.

    As soon as he’d heard word that a British fleet had been spotted making for Sinepuxent, Captain Sydney Smith Lee had ordered full steam ahead. These ships were expensive. High time one of them was tested in battle, to see if they were worth the money.

    Until last night, USS Representation had never once in all her years of service moved faster than three knots. (Lee was sure the Navy would claim this was foresight and part of some devious years-long plan, but he knew it had just been to save coal.) For the past eighteen hours, she had been moving at her top speed of six—still nothing to brag about in front of the captain of a sailing vessel, such as… was that really Endymion up ahead?

    Yes. It was. The swift and deadly frigate that had been such a terror to the Americans in the last war. Sailing right up as if it had nothing to fear. They weren’t expecting us so soon. They never did learn our top speed, because we never had a reason to show it to them until today.

    Let’s see what else they don’t know.

    “As soon as they’re in range, destroy the rigging.”

    That took another few minutes. Lee was very glad the Navy had agreed to equip Representation with rockets. He’d insisted on the best ones available—or what he hoped was the best. Some of them exploded with a fine blue flame. Did that make them hotter? They certainly made a merry blaze of Endymion’s sails. Not so fast now, are you, my dear? And that was only the beginning.

    “Is the shot heated, Rasmussen?”

    “Another fifteen minutes, sir.” That Dane from Massachusetts might be a northerner, but he was exactly the kind of man you wanted in charge of something as dangerous as heated shot.

    “Very well.” Lee gave the orders for the second rocket bombardment—canister to sweep the decks and anti-ship incendiaries. There he was sure he had the best—at least the best that was currently available. (Take your time, Stabler brothers. No rush.) The fires that blossomed along the side of Endymion could not be put out by water.

    Endymion fired back, of course. Representation didn’t even turn to engage. She simply steamed past, ignoring the cannonballs that left little dents in its iron-plated hull, briefly illuminated with orange-yellow light when the fire reached Endymion’s magazine.

    * * *​

    Cochrane lowered his spyglass. HMS Endymion, with Captain Wolfe and 359 men on board, was gone—blasted out of existence by a soulless grey mechanical monster that didn’t even look like a proper ship.

    Out of the corner of his eye, he saw semaphore flags being raised on Nelson.

    EG, 1-RATES ENGAGE, BOARD REP​
    REST GO NORTH, RENDEZVOUS​

    What the hell is he playing at? Is he trying to go down in a blaze of glory?

    On second thought, it made sense. Egmont was the closest ship to Representation and had over six hundred men on board, and every single one of the first-rates held a much larger crew complement than that thing. If one of them could get close enough for a boarding action… they still couldn’t take it as a prize, because there was no way of getting it back to Bermuda, never mind Portsmouth. But at least they could scuttle it. And that would be a blow to the Yankees—a lot of work and a lot of money must have gone into that monstrosity, and it was the keystone of their defenses on this part of the coast. But how many ships and men would be sacrificed in the attempt?

    Never mind. I have orders to follow.

    Cochrane gave the command. He hated doing anything that felt like a retreat, but… we’ve already won. We did what we came to do. We could all turn and flee this instant and still call this battle a victory. Even if that horror is faster than we thought, it can’t possibly outpace us. If nothing else, it will run out of coal before we run out of wind.

    And there is always a chance that the admiral will succeed.

    With Illustrious underway, Cochrane had nothing to do but stand at the stern and watch the progress of the battle. He could see the red sparks of heated shot arrowing from Representation into the sides of Cornwall and Poictiers. Egmont was already on fire from heated shot and rockets, the crew piling into the boats or swimming for shore. Prince Regent was trying to get closer to Representation by using the burning third-rate as a shield.

    Then she passed Egmont, coming up alongside Representation.

    And the columbiad spoke.

    Cochrane could still feel his bones vibrating from that sound when he heard the splash and the splintering of heavy timbers. The boom of a hundred-pound columbiad was louder than the report of a normal cannon, deep as distant thunder and abrupt as a rifle-crack.[1] It had a terrible finality to it, like a book the size of a city slammed shut by the hand of God.

    It seemed to say: If you can hear this, you are already dead. This battle is over.

    Which for Prince Regent, it surely was. The shot had been exactly the sort of damage the columbiad was designed to inflict—a massive hole right at the waterline. Worse, the shot appeared to have gone right through the keel. The front of the ship was collapsing in on itself, dragging her to a dead stop in the water.

    And now that no one was paying attention to them, the forts had gotten in on the act, sending cherry-red heated shot and screws of fire at the ships that came within range. Illustrious was already too far north, but none of the others were. Everyone not manning the guns was bringing up buckets of water or pouring those buckets over the decks or sails, or down the sides of the ships. Every once in a while a canister rocket would explode over a deck and kill a handful of men, but the rest would just keep working. HMS Powerful had lost almost all her sails and, with no way to escape and nothing better to do, was still trying to plaster the southern fort with suppressive fire.

    Already three ships—Ajax, America, and Scarborough—were pulling away. Then a single rocket from somewhere on the beach needled its way through one of America’s gunports and found the magazine.

    The ship exploded.

    A moment later, as if she had forgotten she was on fire and needed to be reminded, so did Egmont.

    And Representation wasn’t even trying to engage the two remaining first-rates that were coming after it. It was chasing the rest of the fleet. It should have been like an angry cow chasing racehorses, but some of the other ships had lost too much of their sails to those incendiaries and could hardly make better speed. Cornwall’s crew was abandoning her—the fire had gotten out of control there.

    But Representation was turning away.

    No—it was turning to point its other side at Caledonia, which was getting too close behind it.

    The other columbiad spoke.

    A hole a horse could have leapt through appeared in Caledonia’s side, and the mainmast—severed at the base—began collapsing into the bowels of the ship. All that from a cannonball scarcely larger than a man’s head.

    And Nelson—on fire in three places—was still pressing the attack.

    We came with twelve ships. We’ve lost six—probably seven, Powerful will be captured once she runs out of powder and shot. But if we can only rid the world of that damned thing


    * * *​

    “Sir!” shouted Rasmussen. Captain Lee wasn’t sure if it was to overcome the noise of the battle, or the ringing in both their ears. “If we fire the columbiads one more time, the carriages won’t take it! They’re not strong enough!”

    “If that ship gets close enough to board, it won’t matter! Do it now!”

    * * *​

    A third shot. Nelson was zigzagging—as much as such an enormous ship could—and the hundred-pound ball sliced along the hull, sending a whole cannon spinning out into the sea.

    Representation poured the heated shot into the gaping hole that had just formed. Then, at the last moment, she closed all her gunports on that side.

    Nelson exploded so close to Representation that flames washed over the starboard deck of the demologos, causing rockets to launch themselves in random directions.

    Farewell, Admiral Cockburn. You were one of the greats.

    Wait. Can it still be coming?


    Yes. One side was painted black with enemy soot, but Representation was still chugging away in pursuit of the limping, wounded Poictiers.

    Captain Cochrane felt sick with despair. There’s nothing we can do. We can’t stop it. We can’t harm it. We can’t even hinder it. It’s slow, but if it sets our sails on fire we can’t escape. We can’t protect the smaller ships carrying the Marines. We can’t do anything against that bloody…

    And then it stopped… and began to turn, rotating in the water like an immense compass needle.

    For no reason, it turned and headed for the harbor, leaving behind a sea strewn with scorched wreckage and dead or struggling men.

    Why? It had us. Why?

    Never mind. Thank you, God. Thank you. Thank you. Thine is the victory.

    Because it can’t possibly have been ours.


    “Send out the boats and be ready with lines,” Cochrane ordered. “God willing, we can save some of those men.”

    * * *​

    “It seems you were right,” said Lee.

    “Sorry, sir,” said Rasmussen. The Demologos class of warships was a class in name only. Every ship was different in design, and carried with it innovations that might or might not be used in the next one. Representation had been the beneficiary of this, faster and more seaworthy than any of her adoptive sisters, but now she was paying the price. Someone made a mistake when they were building this ship. They should have considered that we might have to fire each columbiad more than once in a given battle. They should have taken greater care in their calculations of force and strain.[2] They should have given us better gun-carriages. And more reinforcement for the lower decks and hull while they were at it.

    That recoil from that last blast had broken the columbiad’s carriage, the huge gun had fallen, the deck was damaged, and water was coming in from somewhere below the armor at a rate that meant there was no hope of returning to Hampton Roads. They would have to make port in Sinepuxent, and that within the hour. And there they would remain for some time—Sinepuxent didn’t have the facilities to repair a demologos. Men and equipment would have to be brought here, and that would take who knew how long. Months, probably. It might be most of a year before Representation steamed to sea again.

    All around them, U.S. Navy cadets were either putting out the last ashes of their Academy, or heading out in boats to collect the survivors of the battle.

    They burned our academy. We ravaged their fleet. Who won this battle?

    I don’t know. But thanks to me, the mouth of the Chesapeake lies open to the enemy. I don’t know who won this battle, but I fear I have just lost us the war.



    [1] A bit speculative on my part. Here’s a columbiad firing with one pound of gunpowder. According to my research, a loaded columbiad fired in anger would have used somewhere between 10 and 20 pounds.
    [2] Ever since I toured an old fort in Kansas and saw the firing slits positioned directly facing each other across a corridor, so that if invaders ever got inside the defenders would have no alternative but to shoot each other, I’ve never been willing to underestimate the capacity of designers to screw things up.


    Happy New Year!
    In January we head to Florida.
     
    Last edited:
    South for the Winter (1)
  • Content note for the usual reason. (EDIT: I forgot the map. Sorry.)
    Florida34 cropped.png


    The first invasion of Florida began on September 1. Berrien’s plan was to conquer the peninsula over the course of the fall and winter, avoiding the worst summer heat and disease for as long as possible. “The sooner Florida is ours,” Berrien said, “the more thoroughly we may harden it against the British counterattack.” Implementation of this plan was in the hands of General David Twiggs, who was in overall command. The initial invasion was a regiment of U.S. cavalry under the command of the newly-promoted Col. Joseph E. Johnston and the recently-raised 1st and 2nd Georgia Cavalry regiments.

    This invasion force crossed the St. Mary west of Fort Kinache and headed south, reaching Sepharad the next day. Johnston took the town without resistance, as the nearest soldiers were at Fort Colborne to the east. He informed the community that as of now, they were “freed from the British yoke, and could look forward to the rights and duties of citizenship in the United States.” He then requested shelter and provisions for his men and horses, and for the Georgia infantry regiments and militia that would soon be arriving, which would have been an imposition even if September 2 hadn’t been a Shabbat in a mostly-Jewish community.

    Help was already on the way, but slowly. The same hurricane that kept the battered Ajax, Illustrious, and Scarborough[1] in harbor in Bermuda delayed the arrival of reinforcements from the mother country for a crucial week. But since the declaration of war, Governor Morrison had been far from idle. The Creek and Seminole regiments had already mustered for war, and the Crown was recruiting and training volunteers in Trafalgar, Bombay, Charlottesport[2], Liverpool[3], Kowloon[4], and St. Augustine. What was near at hand were the small garrisons from nearby fortifications. The “Battle of Levy’s Field”—one of many skirmishes in the War of 1812 which in a larger war would have gone unnamed by history—had left these garrisons with a case of earned hubris[5] and contempt for the force and skill of American arms. Late in the day on September 2, the Fort Colborne garrison attacked the American forces at Sepharad just as the latter were being reinforced by infantry. The attack was a complete failure.

    According to the Army, the next target was St. Augustine…

    Charles Cerniglia, 1837

    September 5, 1837
    South of Sepharad, Florida
    about 5 p.m.

    Major Lee[6] looked down from horseback on Sergeant Hooper Bragg, who had a feeling Lee was looking down on him in another sense as well.

    “For the past few evenings I have been preoccupied with correspondence,” said Bragg, speaking a little slower than usual so as not to lapse into a lower-class accent. “There are many in this company who can neither read nor write, and need someone to write their letters home for them.”

    “Commendable of you.”

    Bragg lowered his voice so that his own men couldn’t hear him. “Given a choice, I’d sooner spend my evenings in the company of gentlemen, sir.” Where do y’all meet and talk? Where do y’all go for a drink?

    “No doubt, Sergeant. But you should consider it your duty to tend to the needs of your men.” Privately, Bragg wondered if this was sincere, or if this was Lee’s way of saying kindly keep your lowborn, scandalous face where your betters don’t have to look at it. “Carry on.”

    And off Lee went, his horse picking its way carefully over the dirt and corduroy road, leaving Bragg to return to the company of his own… company. He had a lifetime of experience (or as much of a lifetime as a 19-year-old could have had) in looking for signs of scorn in word choice, tone, face, or manner, and there hadn’t been anything from Lee to suggest that he’d even heard any of the stories about Bragg’s family… unlike so many others. Hooper Bragg. Son of a carpenter and a murderess. All right, his father was a carpenter, but so was Jesus Christ. You’d think that would give the profession a little more respect. And he was sure his mother had never killed that freedman. Or if she had, he’d had it coming.

    Bragg almost wished he’d gone north and joined the armies under Armistead in Upper Canada. The Army as a whole was better than most at recognizing merit, but Southern gentlemen favored Southern gentlemen. Lee was the—what was it they called it in school?—the Platonic ideal of a Southern gentleman. But he also seemed to know what he was doing, and more importantly, so did Col. Johnston. Bragg had heard good things about Col. Trousdale of the Second Georgia Cavalry, but he doubted the man could match up, and Col. Fannin[7] of the First Georgia Cavalry even less so. As for Isaiah Hart, who ran the Georgia militia… boys playing at war. They can point a gun the right direction and shoot it, but God help us if we need to rely on them.

    But combat wasn’t here yet. What was here was a need for clean water. No sooner had Bragg made sure his company had access to some than another officer came riding up.

    “Captain Gabriel Toombs, Second Georgia Cavalry.”

    “Sergeant Hooper Bragg. What can I do for you, sir?”

    “We’re hearing reports that there is a large body of trainees at St. Augustine,” said Toombs. “Cols. Johnston and Trousdale wish to bring up a regiment or two of infantry for reinforcement before he marches on the town.”

    Bragg nodded. The original plan—swoop in and take important targets with surprise attacks by cavalry, bring in infantry and artillery to reinforce them, force the British garrisons to either sit uselessly in their forts or come out and fight on American terms—had already succumbed to the realities of campaigning in Florida. Through swamps and over corduroy roads, a horse couldn’t run any faster than a man on foot without being at risk of breaking a leg and having to be put down. They’d already lost more of the beasts to careless steps than to enemy fire.

    “At the same time, our rear is at risk of Creek attack over the St. Johns. We need to secure that flank, and we need to do it now.”

    * * *​

    St. Johns River, east bank
    about 6:15 p.m.

    The banks of the St. Johns were lined with paddy fields. Raised paths between the fields, and the occasional wooden walkway, were the only way to get around without getting your feet wet. Was this good horse country? Well, on the one hand, from horseback you had a better chance of seeing anyone who might be lurking in the tall rice. On the other hand, they absolutely could see you.

    What it really was, Bragg decided as he slapped futilely again at a buzzing sound near his left ear, was good mosquito country. Whatever else they were growing around here, if they were operating a mosquito ranch, they were enjoying success beyond their wildest dreams. Smoke, the sooty bay gelding he was riding, was flicking its ears and swishing its tail in all directions. Even Captain Benning[8] of the First Georgia Cav was flailing to keep them off his blond head as he talked.

    “See these fields?” said the captain. “They haven’t been harvested yet. The grains are still on the stalk. There’s a reason we invaded at this time of year. Now is the rice harvest. Now is when the runagate Negroes are out here. They can run, but they can’t hide. Every one of you catches one gets a share of the money.”

    So that’s the real reason we’re here, thought Bragg. Fuck. He had no objections to slavery—his father wasn’t even a planter, but his business was such a success he owned twenty of them—but running around the paddy fields catching them seemed like a bad idea. Isn’t there a war on? What if the Injuns show up and want to fight? What are we supposed to do? Tell them ‘Come back later, we’re busy’? If we take Florida, everyone and everything in it is already ours—do we have to do this now?

    Maybe they don’t think we can take Florida. Or they think we can take it but not hold it.

    Or they’re just stupid. Never forget that’s a possibility. Last time Georgians stole a nigger off the limeys, the nigger went and burned down Savannah. So why not steal some more?


    “Look for the females and the little pickaninnies,” said Benning. “They’ll be less trouble to handle.” Bragg nodded, along with everyone else. Will you just shut up, you towheaded fool? We’ll catch whoever we catch. You’re not making it sound any better.

    My family isn’t hurting for money. But if I catch one, maybe I’ll get a little respect from these people.

    Who am I kidding? The real high-class planters like Lee will still think I’m dirt because I worked with my hands. And for everybody else, this is just a lark.

    May as well join the fun and hope the Injuns don’t interrupt.


    * * *​

    But for the first twenty minutes or so, there wasn’t much that could be called “fun.” Just riding around empty fields on horseback, slapping at mosquitoes and watching the rice for signs of people hiding in it.

    Suddenly a soldier with a big mustache was shouting “Heads up, Sergeant!” There was a group of children—boys, they looked like—headed his way. Their lack of shirts made their dark brown skin very plain against the green stalks.

    Bragg urged his horse forward a few paces to block their path. He gave a little upward tug on the reins, and his horse reared up on its hind legs. That always impressed people.

    Then there was a sudden movement out of the corner of his eye, and without warning, Smoke’s left leg was giving way.

    Bragg had his boots out of the stirrups and his left leg pulled up just in time to avoid being pinned under the water when the horse came down with a splash. Someone—no, several child-sized someones were running past him.

    He stood up, reached out—and was pulling back before he even consciously realized he was under attack. There was a flash of steel in front of his chest.

    Moving quickly, Bragg lunged as soon as the blade was past, got his hands on his attacker’s arm and shoulder and pinned the boy against the side of the berm. And this was just a boy—fourteen, maybe fifteen. Not big. Not real strong. But by the time the mustached officer and his friends got here, the other boys had made good their escape.

    Bragg looked at the boy he was holding down. His features were subtly different from a Negro’s. His hair was black, but straight as a white man’s.

    “I think we got a Hindoo,” he said. “I hear there’s a lot of ‘em in Florida.” Are we supposed to make slaves out of Hindoos? What’s the rule? This is exactly the sort of thing nobody ever tells me.

    “Whatever he is,” said Bartow, “looks like he got in his licks on you.”

    “What are you”—then Bragg felt the wetness on his shirt and the stinging on his chest. He looked down. There was a cut on his chest, and it was bleeding something fierce. Bragg wrested the sickle out of the boy’s hand and examined it. It was small, but had a better edge than any razor he’d ever shaved with.

    From the sound of things, the others hadn’t thought about the question of what to do with people who weren’t white or black. While they were arguing, Bragg took a look at his horse. It was still thrashing around, one leg hamstrung. There was only one thing to be done. Bragg took the knife and slit its throat. The knife really was sharp—Bragg barely felt the resistance. Goodbye, Smoke. Last time I ever name a horse. All it does is make it sad when they die.

    “Look, he’s definitely not white,” said Bartow. “And thanks to him, we lost the other boys, and I’m damn sure some of them were real niggers. Besides, if we’re going to be living here after the war, do we want these people as neighbors?”

    “Put ‘em on ships and send ‘em all back wherever they came from,” somebody said.

    “Well, we don’t have a ship. In the meantime… we’ll say he’s a nigger with Injun in him. Somebody’ll buy him.”

    “Whatever the hell he is, this one’s a fighter,” said Bragg. “Y’all want to watch out for that.”

    “Strong enough to fight is strong enough to work,” said Bartow, tying up the boy. “What’s your name, soldier?”

    “Sergeant Hooper Bragg, U.S. Cavalry.”

    “Sergeant Bragg, when we sell this boy we’ll see that you get your share. I’ll remember your name.”

    “People generally do, sir.” Bragg slapped at his neck, and felt with satisfaction the tiny body of the crushed mosquito in his hand. Stupid little shit. There’s free horse blood all over everything, my blood all over everything, and you just had to try and get a drink out of my neck.

    And I need to get some bandages. Probably some stitches, too. And some whiskey to pour on the wound. And a lot more whiskey to drink.

    But at least I’ll get paid for this evening’s work. After that, the little bastard can burn down the whole state of Georgia for all I care.



    Let me be clear—I am no more inclined to offer a defense of Col. Fannin and his yeomen than I am to defend Abercorn, Sebastian II, or the Group of Five. They were uncoexistwithable. Morrison wisely took advantage of the 1837 invasion, and Fannin’s actions within the invasion, to give what was then a collection of competing and sometimes hostile nationalities a sense of common purpose by inflaming them all with a common fear—that if the Americans won, anyone whose skin was darker than tea with cream was doomed to be dragged north in chains and sold into slavery. Since then, this has become one of the founding myths of the people we now call the Plori.

    The fact remains, however, that of the 203 people kidnapped by slavers during the ill-fated invasion, only eight were of entirely non-African ancestry. It is sheer historical accident that one of them happened to be Anil Malakar…

    Arthur Micco, Florida: A History Reconsidered

    [1] These are the ships that made it back to Bermuda. HMS Powerful was captured at Sinepuxent, Poictiers was too badly damaged to make it home and was driven ashore at Cape May, and the rest… well, you know.
    [2] OTL Port Charlotte. (They can’t all be mind-blowing changes.)
    [3] OTL Fort Myers.
    [4] OTL Port St. Lucie.
    [5] Victory disease
    [6] At this point IOTL Robert E. Lee was still a captain.
    [7] James Fannin, a slave trader.
    [8] The man Fort Benning is (at least as of this writing) named for.
     
    Last edited:
    South for the Winter (2)
  • September 6
    St. Marys River, south bank

    Being kidnapped like this had given Anil Malakar a new understanding of what was and was not in his control. There was no way here to do the ritual bathing—or, alas, any other kind of bathing. Nor was he always free to stop in place for prayer, and even when he was he had no prayer rug. But the inside of his head was his own province to govern in the name of al-Malik, the King. The Yankees could not prevent him from cultivating the intention to pray, so he concentrated on that.

    It was hard to figure out which way he should kneel. Sunrise was easier—you just pointed yourself a little south of where the sun was rising. (This had the added benefit of making it clear that you were definitely not worshipping the sun, but the One who had made it.) There was probably some inaccuracy there, but so long as you put the effort into getting it right, the Omniscient understood your intent. And here, the river seemed to be pointing more or less in the direction he wanted to pray.

    When he did kneel to pray, someone usually came along and hit him with something, which was a distraction. But right now everyone was here, on the bank of the river, waiting for a boat. Now was about noon, the right time for the Zuhor.[1]

    Anil prayed in Arabic. He did not know the language, but he knew what each phrase meant. As his mouth ran through the words, he let his spirit shape the thought: God, Your will is paramount. But you are merciful. And I wish to live through this. I wish to see my home again. I wish to see my family again. Whatever happens, I will never let my courage falter.

    As his prayer was ending, he heard an outcry from up ahead. The rest of the people in this crowd were the sort of people he’d never thought much of—they weren’t Bengali and their hair looked like black wool. But the Creator had made them, and it seemed that in the eyes of some white men, they and he were similar enough. And they were courteous enough not to interrupt him in prayer.

    Now that he was back on his feet, Anil could see what the fuss was about. There were ships coming up the river—not the biggest ones he’d ever seen, but they had gunports along the sides, and the Union Jack flew overhead. For some reason, the two ships had what looked like sheets and strips of wet sailcloth hanging over the side, with holes cut in them that Anil could see the gunports through as they approached.

    The Yankee boats on the north bank launched. They were small—basically longboats, and clearly no match for the British vessels—but Anil could barely make out something on the boats that looked like tripods. The Yankees fired six rockets from those tripods, one after the other.

    Five of them missed, exploding too far away to do any harm[2]. The sixth hit the side of a ship in a burst of flame that scorched the wet sailcloth.

    And then… it took a moment to be sure what they were doing, but the Yankee boats were retreating to the north bank.

    Alaahu akbar!” Anil shouted. Another captive shouted it with him. Of the rest, about half looked at him funny. Of course. Very few of those here were of the Faithful, and for some, he had the honour of being the first Muslim they’d ever met.

    One of them turned to the others and said, “That means ‘God is the greatest!” This was followed by cheers of and something that sounded like “Well, ‘Ah-loo akbar’ then!” which made Anil wince. It’s just noises to them. They know what it means because he told them. But am I any better? The only Arabic I know is the prayers and names of God that Father and Mother taught me.

    For that matter, how do I know I’m saying it any better? Or my parents? I’ve never in my life heard a native speaker of Arabic. And is not God as far beyond my understanding as He is beyond theirs?
    Anil tried to find occasions to use the many names of God, as a way of trying to expand his own understanding of what God truly was, but he knew that understanding would never come within an infinity of the reality.

    One day, I would like to go to Mecca and Medina. It didn’t seem likely—his family had had to borrow money even to leave Bengal. And he wasn’t going to earn that kind of money harvesting rice or picking fruit, which was most of what he knew how to do.

    In the meantime… the crowd, made up of Christians and Hindus and all manner of strange idolaters, was chanting “God is the GREATEST! God is the GREATEST!” in the only language they all shared. And who could find fault with this? (From the looks on their faces, the white men on horseback found fault with it, but with boatloads of other white men with guns coming from the British ships on the river, they had more important things on their mind—like getting ready to flee.)


    September 7, 1837
    An hour after sunset
    St. Johns River, east bank

    The moon was one day past half, heading for full. At the moment, a patch of cloud blocked its light, leaving the sky a deep, dark blue and the paddies and the river beyond them as black as the inside of a cave.

    The mosquitoes were as thick as ever, especially around the campfires, but Bragg could understand why Benning had led them here. Where do people go when they want to hide? If it’s just for a few hours, or a day, they can hide in the woods. But if they want to hide out for weeks or months, they look for some place that has walls. A town.

    And the nearest town is Pilaktakta. That’s a few miles upstream, across the river. We’ll get there tomorrow.


    It was also a few miles further out of their way than they already were. Anything could be happening downstream, on the road to St. Augustine. If the Injuns and the Brits surrounded the real army while we were in the middle of nowhere playing at being slave-catchers… then we sure wouldn’t be able to do anything about it right here. So forget about it and concentrate on keeping watch so everybody else can get some sleep.

    But the more he sat and listened, the more sure he was that there was somebody out there. There was a breeze from the west—not enough to shift the mosquitoes, alas—so you’d expect a steady sort of whispering from the rice stalks brushing against each other, but he kept hearing noises that didn’t quite sound like that.

    The other soldiers noticed it, too. Some thought it was alligators or big cats. Others whispered stories of ghosts and haunts that, well, haunted the swamp.

    Only when Bragg finally decided it was time to take a look did he realize what a mistake it had been to stay so close to the campfires. He couldn’t see a damned thing.

    But he could smell something—more smoke. And it smelled wrong, fouler than the good woodsmoke of campfires. Are they burning the paddy fields? Shouldn’t they be too damp to burn?

    The smoke was stinging his eyes, making them water. Bragg had never experienced any smoke—not woodsmoke, gunsmoke, or the foulest excuse for tobacco ever grown—that stung so badly. It was actually burning his skin wherever it touched it. That’s not right. This isn’t just smoke. There’s some kind of poison in it.

    “We’re under attack, men!” he said. “Follow me.” He led his own troop, and whoever else cared to follow, into the pitch blackness of the paddy fields. He had no idea where the enemy was, and with his eyes watering so much he could barely have seen them in daylight, but he was certain that if he led them in the direction of the smoke, it would be thicker but less spread out and easier to avoid.

    Sure enough, there was a bundle of something on one of the raised paths up ahead, giving off clouds of smoke and little tongues of flame that stood out in the dark. Just by the light it was giving off, Bragg could see that whatever was burning was wrapped in old newsprint.[3]

    Somebody got ahead of him and kicked it into a paddy field. An arrow whizzed by him.

    Another private said, “I saw something!” and fired his gun. Bragg had no idea whether he’d hit anyone, but three arrows that he could see were fired in response. One of them hit the private in the shoulder.

    Bragg turned to his men. “Don’t anybody fire a weapon,” he said, keeping his voice as low as he could. “Injuns can’t see in the dark any more than white men can, but they can spot a muzzle flash.” He’d bet that was why the Creeks were shooting arrows when everybody knew they had rifles.

    “Sir,” said a man whose eyes had swollen shut, “if we can’t shoot and we can’t stay here, what can we do?”

    There was only one answer. “Go north.” He stepped back and turned to the north. There was another one of those bundles on the path, maybe twenty meters ahead, burning fiercely. His first thought was to walk up to it from windward and kick it into the water. Then he came up with a better idea, which was not to do anything that would let the little fire illuminate or silhouette him even for a moment. He led his men into the paddy fields, motioning for them to duck their heads… exactly the way those boys had done. Not a comparison he liked to think about.

    When he had a chance, he looked at the wounded soldier. The private still had the use of that arm, so it couldn’t be too bad. Sure enough, the arrowhead was just below the skin.

    “Private,” he said, “this will hurt.” Then he pushed it through the skin and pulled the arrow out of the body.

    As a couple of the other men were tearing up the man’s shirt to make bandages out of, Bragg held the arrowhead up to the moonlight. There was something thick and white on it under the blood. He threw it away.

    If we had whiskey or clean water, we could wash out the wound. I could try to suck the poison out of his shoulder, but I don’t know if I dare get any in my mouth. He swatted at another mosquito on his neck. Fuck Florida. Poison smoke and poison arrows and mosquitoes and cottonmouths and alligators. If Hell got waterlogged, this would be it.


    [1] Known in Arabic as the zuhr
    [2] Considering they’re trying to hit moving targets from not-entirely-stable moving platforms, this isn’t bad.
    [3] The Creeks are burning leaves and twigs of the manchineel tree. The arrows are also coated with manchineel sap, which is believed to be what killed Ponce de Leon.
     
    Last edited:
    South for the Winter (3)
  • The reinforcement that Russell had ordered to Florida, commanded by General Esmé Steuart Erskine[1] turned out to be a relief force. It arrived at Fort Amelia on September 6, just five days after the invasion, and moved quickly to cut off the American army from reinforcements.

    By sheer luck, General Twiggs was not in Florida—he had crossed the St. Marys again the previous night to begin organizing the invasion of Apalachicola and Muscoguea. It is unlikely that he could have organized the scattered and outnumbered Americans already in Florida into something capable of holding its own. The result was (after the burning of the Naval Academy) the second major humiliation of U.S. armed forces…

    Eric Wayne Ellison, Anglo-American Wars of the 19th Century

    “Fools! You took notes on your own criminal conspiracy?”
    —David Levy Yulee, overheard during the Fannin trial

    September 11, 1837
    Fort Colborne

    I’m sick for three goddamn days and everything falls apart, thought Bragg. Who knew I was so important? The truth was, he was still feeling ill, but the worst of the fever had passed and now he had the strength to stand upright.

    But it still astonished him how little time it had taken for the Creeks and Seminoles to round up the whole scattered army and imprison it here. From his point of view, it hardly seemed as though there had been a fight. The day after his retreat from Pilaktakta, his wound had been red and burning, as if soaking it in the St. Johns had done something to it. He and some of the people who’d taken a little too much of that damn smoke in their eyes or lungs had been left behind.

    When that Indian leader—what was his name? William… Osceola? Something like that—had told them to surrender or die, Bragg and his sick, half-blind crew had seen no reason not to comply. He figured they’d be rescued soon enough. Instead Osceola had led them here, throwing Bragg over a saddle when he was too sick to walk. And while Bragg had been pretty much out of it for a couple of days, he couldn’t help but notice more and more of his fellows were being shepherded in by Brits or Indians or recruits from St. Augustine—“joffies,” the Creeks had called them, or something like that—or mobs of those dark-skinned peasants with sickles and big cane-cutting knives. The minute the Brits got in the river and cut us off, the whole countryside went from being the hunted to being the hunters. Whose bright idea was this campaign? Whoever it was, I hope they locked him in a smokehouse full of that poisonous shit and smoked him through like a ham.

    Now that he was on his feet, they’d made him stand out in the yard in front of the fort along with everybody else. Someone named Captain Davidson was haranguing them about the slave-taking and what the authorities meant to do about it.

    “This was not war,” he was saying as he paced up and down in front of them. He was almost in front of Bragg right now. “These were crimes which no civilized nation can tolerate within its borders. You sought to steal away our neighbors, our friends, our families—”

    Bragg couldn’t resist. “Your family?” Davidson was quite obviously a white man.

    The captain turned to him with the unmistakable expression of a man about to do violence. Bragg raised his fists—and found himself flat on his back with a feeling of shock in his jaws. He wasn’t sure what had just happened, but it had been very fast and there had definitely been an uppercut in it somewhere.

    “Yes. My family. My stepfather. My half-siblings. Do you have something to say about that?”

    Bragg propped himself up on one elbow and spat on the ground. He was trying for a haughty, targeted spit of contempt, but what came out was the undignified, splattering spit of a man trying to get a lot of blood out of his mouth all at once.

    “I didn’t think so.” Glancing around the yard, Bragg saw that the other prisoners were silent. From the looks on their faces, it was less that they were intimidated by the captain than that they were shocked at what he’d just told them all, and the fact that he’d said it without a hint of shame. If he’d dropped his trousers and fucked a mule in front of the whole crowd while singing “God Save the King” at the top of his lungs, their reactions would have been much the same. What the hell kind of place is Florida? And what were we thinking, trying to take it over? Who told us we wanted it?

    “We have a list of those who participated in this vile scheme, obtained from the very men who ran it.” What is he talking about? Bartow never said anything about a list. But it made sense—if they had enough names, they’d have to write them all down somewhere.

    “Every man whose name is on that list will be taken to the city of Trafalgar, put on trial, and—if found guilty—hanged by the neck until dead.”

    “I beg your pardon,” said Major Lee. “We are prisoners of war, sir.”

    “Some of you are, yes, and you will be treated as such. Others are slave-taking brigands and bandits, and will most certainly be treated as such.” With that, he began reading off the list, starting with the As. At every name, the guards stepped forward and dragged a man away.

    “Lieutenant John Francis Bartow.”[2] He pronounced it the funny British way (why the hell do they think there’s an F in lieutenant?) but Bragg would know the man they were dragging forward anywhere—that mustache could not be mistaken. If they had him, there was no hope of escape.

    “Captain Henry Lewis Benning.” The blond officer shouted in protest as they pulled him out of the row.

    Bragg was on his feet again, still trying to have the air of a man about him in spite of the circumstances. If they’re doing the Bs now, they’ll get to me pretty soon.

    “Private James Jonathan Berry.”

    “No! I’ll be damned if I’ll let you—oof!” They walloped the private a few more times, then dragged him off.

    Am I ready to die?

    Well, it’s not like they’re going to shoot me out of hand. There’ll be some kind of trial first.

    And I knew when I joined the Army we might be doing things that were dangerous.
    But there was something different about the prospect of being hanged like a common criminal, something that made it more horrible than other, more painful ways to go.

    “Sergeant Natchez Boyd.”

    “Please! I got a wife and a baby back in Macon!”

    “Shouldn’t have tried to steal somebody else’s, then.”

    This is it. I’m going to die. The least I can do is show a little more courage than these wretches.

    “Private Thomas Henry Caldwell.”

    What? Bragg did his best not to look surprised. Is this a trick? How can I not be on the list?

    “Private John Randolph Charlton.” Bragg shut his eyes and pictured Bartow’s face again—not terrified as he was right now, but solemnly assuring him that he would get his share. Bartow, you lying bastard. You tried to cheat me out of my money, and you might have just saved my life.

    “Lieutenant Howell Cobb.” Cobb at least had the dignity to step forward of his own free will.

    Or maybe they let the boy go. Maybe they decided he wasn’t a proper nigger, or he was too dangerous. They wouldn’t pay me in a case like that.

    Or they decided I’m Hooper Bragg and they’d as soon keep a promise to an Injun or a nigger as keep one to the likes of me.


    Bragg kept still as scores more names were read off. Col. Fannin was called, but Major Lee was not, and Cols. Johnston and Trousdale were not. None of them were anybody he knew, still less anyone he called friend. Nearest and dearest to his heart was the fact that none of them were him.

    Then Private Yingling was dragged off, sobbing uncontrollably… and just as everybody was about to breathe a sigh of relief, Davidson said, “We’re not done here.”

    “Now what?” Bragg muttered.

    Davidson turned to him. For a moment Bragg thought he was going to get another punch in the face.

    “I’m glad you asked,” he said. “We have witnesses. Some of your victims have agreed to come forward and testify. We will see if any of them recognize you.”

    There were many witnesses. Most of them were black. A few of them were sort of not-blacks like the boy he’d fought, which made Lee protest that surely none of his men could have been so uncouth as to attempt to enslave someone who wasn’t a Negro. The majority of them were women, and some of these cried or spat as they pointed out a man—Bragg had no trouble guessing why. But most of them didn’t point out anybody. Most of the people were on that list.

    One last escapee was being let into the yard. No. I was out free and clear. My luck can’t be that bad.

    But it was. There was the boy. Someone had shaved his head—whether to get rid of lice or to hide the straightness of his hair, Bragg didn’t know—smacked him across the mouth to make his lips swell, and punched him in the nose to break it and make it look flatter, but you never forgot somebody who’d sliced your brisket for you.

    The boy walked up the row, looking each man up and down, then moving on to the next. Maybe he can’t tell one white man from another. Especially since I’m damn near as beat-up as he is, and lost a few pounds besides.

    But Bragg didn’t have his shirt on. The boy glanced at the stitched-up wound on Bragg’s chest. He must remember making that cut.

    He looked Bragg in the eye. Bragg still remembered the murderous fury with which he’d wielded that damned sickle.

    They knew each other.

    Bragg could feel the seconds ticking by as they looked into each others’ eyes. I will not look away. He’ll point me out and they’ll hang me and there’s nothing I can do about it. But I will not look away.

    Then the boy walked back to Davidson.

    “He is not here, sir.”

    What?

    “You sure?”

    “I am sure. He is not here.”

    What the hell?

    Davidson glanced at Bragg, then said, “Then I’ll take your word on it.”

    Bragg tried not to look shocked, but he had a feeling he was failing. Why would he do that?

    Part of Bragg’s mind thought he didn’t dare testify against a white man. The rest of his mind replied: so how do you explain the others? They had no problem pointing the finger at a white man and letting him swing. He chose to let you go.

    Why? Yes, it’s the sort of thing Jesus said to do, but Jesus said to do lots of things nobody ever does. Why?

    Maybe to make himself look good?
    As much as Bragg wanted to believe this, he couldn’t make it make sense in his mind. Look good to who? Everybody else here thinks we all need to be put down like mad dogs.

    Before they went back to their tents, Davidson took Bragg aside. “That young man left a note for you.”

    “For me? By name?”

    “Of course not. He said it was for ‘the man I looked at, with the cut on his chest.’” Davidson handed him the letter. It was unsealed, a single folded piece of paper. Bragg was sure Davidson already knew what was in it.

    What it said was so confusing that he found himself reading it aloud. “‘Sir: May the All-Compassionate and Most Merciful guide your steps—’ wait. The All-Compassionate and Most Merciful what?”

    “He is speaking of God, which I’m told is the same God we Christians worship. Mohametans have many… titles for Him, I suppose you could call them.”

    “Huh. ‘May the All-Compassionate and Most Merciful guide your steps on the path of compassion and mercy all the days of your life.’ It’s signed… A nil? Anal?”

    “Ah-neel.”

    “‘Anil… Malakar.’” Bragg was pretty sure he’d mispronounced the last name too.

    “‘The path of mercy and compassion.’ To that I can only say, ‘Amen.’ This Mohametan appears to be a better Christian than most I know. You may still be a prisoner of war, Sergeant Bragg, but you have your life. And soon enough you’ll be out of my hair.”

    “Are they letting us go?”

    “No. You will be taken to a prisoner-of-war camp. There you will wait until this war is over, or until you can be paroled or exchanged.”

    Bragg nodded. It would be good to get away from this bastard… but even then, the man’s mere existence raised questions he didn’t really want to think about. This fellow’s mother married a nigger—had children with him, even—and he holds his head high among white men. And here you are, cringing and begging for favors from planters’ sons because your father works with his hands and people spread damnable lies about your mother. You’ll be twenty in January—are you a man yet, or aren’t you?

    And this was on top of the really big question. Why did that boy let me go?


    [1] This is in fact the British ambassador’s son.
    [2] Some of these are actual historical figures or their allohistorical brothers. Others I just made up.
     
    Last edited:
    The Stablers Send Their Regards (1)
  • louisiane36.png

    Unlike Gen. Gaines’ massive assaults on Fort-Nord-Est and Fort-Wellington, the attack on Fort-Douane on October 12 was a minor affair. In truth, no one expected it to succeed—the goal was merely to prevent a sally and force Louisiana to divert troops from its small army to defend the fort.

    When Lieutenant General Zachary Taylor and his forces arrived, they found what their spies had already told them was there—a fortification much too strong to be taken by any assault they could possibly make. It stood at the bank of the Mississippi, surrounded by three slave-dug moats too deep to wade. There was only one path through the defensive lines that could bear the weight of artillery or supply wagons, and that path had guns of every size trained directly on it from the fortress walls. The wooden walls were faced with brick, making them fireproof. Most of all, it was surrounded by kilometers of flat floodplain which had been cleared of trees, leaving them with no cover of any kind from which to approach the fort.

    When Fort-Douane had been built, it had been intended as a facility for use in war and in peace, and the keystone of the little republic’s defenses. The customs duties collected there were to have paid for the maintenance of the fort and the garrison.

    These ambitions soon fell foul of reality. The trade between the United States and the new republic was too massive to pass through a single facility for inspection without creating an intolerable bottleneck. In addition, the fort was often flooded after heavy rains, to the point where the only way to protect gunpowder was to store it on roofed platforms that floated on the water table. Fort-Douane was also, of course, subject to malaria and (later) cholera—so much so that it would be abandoned before the war was even over.

    The bureaucrats, less accustomed to hardship than soldiers, were the first to decamp. Since the trade goods were mostly too bulky to be smuggled easily, the customs offices moved to Quai-Trudeau[1] and St-Francisville. The inspectors who were left were those deemed least competent or honest. American traders could have offloaded their goods at Fort-Douane, paid a few bribes, and let everything through without duties or tariffs… if the fort had been at all suitable as a transshipment point.

    As with the bureaucracy, so with the military. As of 1837, the garrison was at half-strength on paper, less than that in reality due to frequent outbreaks of disease, and generally regarded as a punishment for officers and enlisted men who had misbehaved or failed in some way. The walls were practically standing on the water table, which meant Taylor’s engineers had no way to tunnel under them, but the weight of the brickwork and cannon on the Mississippi silt was already beginning to cause subsidence that damaged the structure. (As this writer discovered, the remains of the fort can only be toured by raft today.)

    But while Louisiana’s armored gunboat, Volonté de la République, was nearby, the fort was effectively immune to assault from any direction but the southeast. With the fort so strong and attacks thus constrained, that handful of the worst soldiers in Louisiana could have held off a full army of the finest soldiers in the world, let alone General Taylor’s three regiments of cavalry and his engineering detail.

    Taylor, of course, knew all this before he even arrived. Every American who traded on the Mississippi had to at least pass by Fort-Douane as he crossed the border, and had a chance to grit his teeth at the apparent unconquerability of the fort.

    With this in mind, he began his attack. Taking advantage of the cleared fields, he set up tripods at the one-kilometer range to northeast and southwest and fired twenty rockets at the boats on the northwest side of the fort, which overlooked the river. Twelve of these rockets had been filled with “Babbitt’s Best Incendiary,” while eight had been filled with “No. 19” from the Stabler manufactory in Martinsburg. Unlike the infamous concoction that would soon be introduced to the world, these were intended for use against sails and cordage (and personnel). They did, however, manage to set several boats on fire. The garrison immediately separated these boats from the others and used bargepoles to push them out into the river where they could safely burn themselves out. While they did this, Taylor withdrew. From the garrison’s point of view, the Americans had made a weak and ineffectual attack and were now giving up on the whole thing.

    The second attack came at night. The night of October 12 was a full moon with relatively clear skies, allowing Taylor’s army to operate without need of lanterns. They used the wagon-path (macadam held in place by twin rows of larger stones atop an earthen causeway) to approach close before the garrison heard them and raised the alarm.

    At this point, the battle became completely one-sided. The same moonlight that let Taylor see what he was doing let the garrison see the army—and even if they hadn’t, previous crews had made notes of which guns to fire at which angles with which quantity of powder to send a cannonball over a given part of the road at the correct height. Like a mortar crew in a later war, they had no need to see with their own eyes what they were shooting at.

    Taylor fired his remaining rockets at the fort, but there is no record of anyone being killed by them—or by his own rifle and revolver fire. Meanwhile, the artillery was killing and maiming his own men. Eventually he was forced to retreat.

    But while he and the others at the point of attack had been firing, his other officers had been at work further back on the wagon-path. Engineers are used to building roads in all sorts of places under all sorts of conditions, and even they find it easier to destroy than to create. As Taylor retreated, he ignited the charges his engineers had set, blowing up the path in stages.

    Morning revealed the damage. So much of the wagon-path was gone that it could no longer be used to transport artillery. The garrison itself was still free to leave, having portable pontoon bridges with which to cross the moats, but could bring nothing with them that they couldn’t carry on their backs. Taylor had taken 177 casualties, and the garrison had not lost a single man—but Taylor had won the battle. He was free to go where he would in enemy territory.

    Charles Cerniglia, 1837


    November 27, 1837
    No. 10 Downing Street

    There was a rap of small knuckles on the open door.

    “Begging your pardon, sir, a telegram just came from Russell’s office.” The boy handed Brougham the message.

    “Thank you.” Brougham took the message. It was very short, handwritten in all capitals:

    TRAFALGAR FLORIDA 071037 PNKT[2]
    MORRISON SAYS SLAVER TRIAL OVER[3] PNKT
    ALL GUILTY PNKT
    SENTENCE DEATH PNKT
    HANGING DEFERRED PNKT
    AWAITING WHITEHALL DECISION PNKT

    This new German invention was a wonder. Companies were already forming that would make use of it on a larger scale, first in London and then all over the island. Before too long, everyone would be able to exchange words with distant family, friends, and business partners for the price of a telegram, as they now did in Hanover. And that was good. It irked Brougham for the kingdom to have fallen behind any state, even a friendly one, in science and technology—and it surely wouldn’t do to fall behind France, which was also adopting the telegraph. But for the moment, the prime minister could communicate with all the ministries at once, in minutes instead of hours, and no one else in London enjoyed such an advantage.

    Of course, the effect was rather lost when a message took most of a month to get to London in the first place. This one was dated October 7. And before he acted on it, he would of course make a point of reading the original missive, which should be on his desk within the hour and would no doubt be rich with nuance that was lost in the curt format of the telegram.

    Even so, there were certain basic principles at work. Anyone who sought to kidnap Her Majesty’s subjects and carry them off into slavery in a foreign land needed to die by the hand of the law. The Yankees in particular needed to learn that fair skin and English ancestry were no bar to the Crown’s good justice. And the swart Floridians who would be doing most of the fighting to defend Florida needed to know that the Government took the safety of their families seriously. Governor Morrison would have been within his rights—and would have been right—to hang the lot the very next day where all Trafalgar could watch them swing.

    So why had he not done so? Why was he offering the Prime Minister the opportunity to overrule his decision? If the last war against the Yankees had proven anything, it was that trying to manage every detail of a war from across the ocean was a fool’s errand.

    He was doing it because they had been taken in war. And if Britain had many American prisoners of war—not only men taken in Florida, but from the many American merchant vessels that had been captured—America had British prisoners, soldiers taken in Upper Canada and New Brunswick and survivors pulled from the water after the catastrophe at Sinepuxent. If the two nations began a cycle of retaliation against each other’s prisoners, this war would turn far uglier than it needed to be.

    So putting off the executions was not the worst idea. Those 247 men weren’t going anywhere. They could ornament a gallows at any time. But if it proved unwise to do so, they could never be un-hanged. And of course there was the invasion he had already deployed. A lot would depend on the outcome. But even if that failed, there were those other two expeditions he’d sent. He was confident the men sent to Louisiana would prevail. As for the men sent to Astoria… maybe he’d hear from them before the war was over.

    Brougham considered these things for a moment. Then he laughed. Berrien, I have you now… punkt.


    [1] OTL Tunica, LA
    [2] In Gauss code, which has been exported to London and Paris with the telegraph, every sentence ends with punkt (German for period), which is rendered PNKT so as not to be mistaken for a word.
    [3] The men charged with slave-catching were tried, convicted, and sentenced in twelve days, most of which was spent listening to the victims’ testimony. If this seems lightning-fast for a trial, remember that John Bellingham, who assassinated PM Spencer Perceval, was tried, convicted, and sentenced in only four days, and was hanged precisely one week after Perceval’s death. Judah Benjamin was wrong—when the evidence and issues are clear-cut enough, British law can sometimes move very quickly.
     
    Last edited:
    The Stablers Send Their Regards (2)
  • (Note: I apologize for any mistakes in this post or the next one. Chemistry, like rocketry, isn't my field, and I'm definitely not going to be experimenting with incendiaries in my apartment.)

    In 1834, the boiler on USS Election—one of the two demologoi protecting the lower Chesapeake Bay—had exploded while it was in the mouth of the Potomac, returning to the Washington Navy Yard for maintenance. Rather than try to replace it, the Navy had decided that the Election was already in nearly the best possible place for defense of the capital, and simply towed it a few kilometers further upriver and anchored it there as a floating battery. The Representation was a faster vessel, and could cover the mouth of the Chesapeake.

    When the Representation was out of action in Sinepuxent, Upshur realized that the Election had to be made seaworthy again, or at least bayworthy. He ordered that repairs to the vessel be expedited. On the advice of Captain S.S. Lee, he also ordered that each demologos have a company of U.S. Marines assigned to it, for the purpose of repelling boarders.

    But the demologoi had never been intended to accommodate large bodies of troops. Sustaining Marines on them while they were on patrol required regular shipments of food and fresh water, and it was more practical to obtain permission from the shipowners to keep most of the Marines on the ships carrying this freight… or rather, it would have been more practical if this were peacetime.

    But it was war, and before dawn on November 13, off Gwynn’s Island, the war came to the Election in the form of three companies of Colonial Marines in small boats. By the time the dozen or so U.S. Marines actually on board were ready to fight, the far more numerous Colonial Marines had already cast their grappling hooks and were climbing up rope ladders. The U.S. Marines might still have held off their counterparts by throwing off the grappling hooks, but the Colonial Marines had a much simpler job—not to take the Election, but to destroy it, throwing incendiaries onto the wooden deck behind the iron outer hull…

    Charles Cerniglia, 1837


    “Imagine that G.G. Elmar’s travels had ended with him drowning in a shipwreck. Imagine Feuerbach and Fitzhugh had both been in the path of stray musket-balls when war came to their respective hometowns (within a few years of each other—what a coincidence that is!) Imagine, more humanely, that Carlyle himself just hadn’t been so shoved down[1] as a schoolboy and had grown up healthier in spirit. What then? Would human civilization have spent the past hundred years luxuriating in a comfortable Golden Age of unchallenged liberal democracy and shared prosperity?

    “Probably not. In the first place, I have no intention of lending any credence to the idea that ‘all history is but the biography of Great Men’…”

    Jenny Flynn, Looking Back


    November 15, 1837
    Port Royal, Virginia

    “We are now, therefore, got to that black precipitous Abyss; whither all things have long been tending; where, having now arrived on the giddy verge, they hurl down, in confused ruin; headlong, pellmell, down, down”[2]—George Fitzhugh was interrupted in his reading by a knocking at the door.

    This had better be important, he thought. He was heartily glad his copy of Carlyle’s work had come before the war choked off trade with Britain.[3]

    “Mistuh Fitzhugh,” said the house slave—what was her name again? Doris, probably—“it’s the militia.”

    Sure enough, there was already a squad of men in red-trimmed blue coats over civilian clothes. “The British are coming up the river,” said the man who appeared to be in charge. “We need to mobilize now.”

    Fitzhugh was not a martial man at all, and knew it. But he was a white man of property who could fire a gun, and he lived in plantation country on what was technically a part of the coast, since it was accessible—and apparently was now being accessed—by oceangoing ships. In the event of a slave revolt or invasion, everyone would expect him to fight, including himself. And only yesterday he’d heard that the Navy squadron guarding the mouth of the Chesapeake in USS Representation’s absence—Constitution, Chippewa, and the rest—had been seen retreating to Baltimore or up the Potomac to the Navy Yard, much the worse for wear, and that Enterprise had been scuttled to prevent capture. Worse, the demologos Election had been burned to the waterline down near Gwynn’s Island, and could not protect the approaches to Washington, DC.

    Doris had already brought the uniform by the time he’d found his musket. He needed another embarrassing minute to get the mantle on the right way, and then he was off to save Virginia. There was no mistaking which way he was meant to run—he could already hear the cannons firing.

    Then he got to Water Street. Port Royal was no great city—little more than an offloading point for bales of tobacco, since the wine and medicine trade had bypassed it in favor of larger ports. The harbor took up the ends of King and Market Street. Fitzhugh knew this for a fact, having seen the ends of those streets often enough… but he could not see them now. Everything within a block of the river was engulfed in dust and smoke, both pale gunsmoke and the darker smoke of burning buildings.

    Someone emerged from the haze. As soon as he was done coughing, he spoke.

    “They’re not landing here,” he said. “They’re landing across the river at Port Conway. Reckon that’s the shortest way to the capital.”


    On the same day that the larger northern wing of the British army was landing at Galesville, the southern wing marching up the north bank of the Rappahannock encountered its first serious resistance. Three regiments of the Virginia militia under Col. (and former governor) John Buchanan Floyd rallied 13 kilometers southeast of Fredericksburg.

    Floyd deployed these regiments on the crests of hills above the Rappahannock and a tributary, Muddy Creek. The middle regiment, which Floyd himself commanded, held a ridge that directly overlooked the confluence of Muddy Creek and the river. That was where he placed his artillery. On his right—or, more accurately, behind him—was a cavalry regiment holding the western part of that same ridge, overlooking the Rappahannock. On his left, atop a lower hill on the other side of the creek, was an infantry regiment armed with Henry-Hunt rockets.

    The battle began shortly after dawn, when the sun would still be in the eyes of anyone looking east. Major General Galbraith Lowry Cole ordered his army to cross the creek (this portion of which was technically part of the river) and take the central hill at its western end.

    For the British, this was the bloodiest part of the battle—crossing a ten-meter-wide stream completely exposed while being fired at from the front and the right. The majority of the losses were borne by the 85th Regiment of Foot, which had the misfortune of crossing the part of the creek that was within range of the 500-meter rockets. (The one-kilometer rockets were useless here, as the British were already too close.) Some of these rockets contained canister, while others contained incendiaries—specifically the Stablers’ less notorious “No. 19,” a lightweight mixture of sunflower oil and acetone which gave a particularly wide spray and a fine, penetrating mist in the fraction of a second before it ignited, with grains of anthracite to continue smoldering wherever they landed after the rest of the incendiary had burned itself out. The one mercy was that the army was crossing a creek, which allowed those whose clothing or hair had caught fire to roll in the water and extinguish the flames.

    The day was almost windless. This allowed the rockets to be aimed more precisely, but meant that the smoke they left behind lingered in the air until the artillery and riflemen at the point of the ridge were shooting blind. The gunsmoke from the hill also lingered in the air, making it harder for the militiamen to defend their position when the surviving British infantry converged on the western end of the hill, where Floyd was in command and had positioned many—but not enough—of the cannons. Cole’s own 27th Enniskillen Regiment of Foot[4], known as “the Skins,” was the first to take the hill.

    At this point, Col. Floyd was killed and the regiment surrendered or retreated. The cavalry attacked, but were faced not only by British guns, but their own cannons, which the militia had not spiked before retreating. This attack failed, and the cavalry was forced to retreat. The regiment on the left simply withdrew, having exhausted their limited supply of rockets. Those who escaped death or capture rallied at Ferry Farm.

    Muddy Creek was a British victory, and one that further weakened American morale after the disastrous first Florida campaign, the costly victory of Fort-Wellington and the stalemate at Fort-Nord-Est.[5] It also further illustrated the advantage of regular armies over militia—the British had won because of greater willingness to take casualties and each unit’s greater ability to hold formation and carry out its part of the battle plan in chaotic conditions such as poor visibility. The greatest American failure had been one of professionalism, allowing artillery to fall unsabotaged into enemy hands.

    But the militia had done all that could be expected of it. Outnumbered two to one, it had inflicted 372 casualties on the British at a cost of 259 casualties of its own. It had delayed, bloodied, and weakend General Cole’s army, which still had to face the regular American army under General Garland.

    Eric Wayne Ellison, Anglo-American Wars of the 19th Century


    [1] I.e., bullied.
    [2] From Volume 3, Part 5, Chapter 1 of Carlyle’s The French Revolution: A History.
    [3] ITTL The French Revolution: A History is published a year earlier. Among other things, John Stuart Mill’s maid didn’t burn the original manuscript of Volume 1 by mistake.
    [4] The spelling was later changed to Iniskilling
    [5] Once again I find myself with more major battles than I have the energy to describe in detail. Sorry.
     
    Last edited:
    The Stablers Send Their Regards (3)
  • It's interesting to see Fitzhugh and Feuerbach talked about as the two great enemies of liberal democracy, wonder if we're going to see Communism and Fascism break out a little earlier ttl. The fact that Fitzhugh is getting this treatment also probably doesn't bode well for where America is going after this war.
    Carlyle, Fitzhugh and Feuerbach are more the intellectual progenitors of aristism than the people who try to implement it.
    Because I'm me, I have to ask what Max Stirner is doing.
    Now you've got me looking at all the Hegelians, trying to figure out which ones have gone to Hanover or Göttingen.

    And if anybody's studied chemistry, please comment. I want to know if I got anything wrong.

    Early in his administration, John Quincy Adams (a man whose enthusiasm for science at times exceeded his knowledge of it) had directed the War Department and the Department of the Navy to encourage America’s scientists to search for the lost secret of Greek fire. This enterprise, of course, could never succeed at that precise goal—even if some lucky chemist did indeed stumble on the correct formula, that chemist would never know, because there were no existing samples of Greek fire to compare it with. However, there was reason to hope that in the search, someone would come across something that would serve as an effective weapon against the Royal Navy.

    As the War Department considered the problem, they realized that they needed more than one type of incendiary. Against the sides of the ships themselves, what was needed was a thick, adhesive substance that, like the original Greek fire, would cling to the tarred timbers of a ship while imparting enough heat to eventually ignite those timbers. Against sailcloth and rigging—as well as against artillery positions and the men who held them—what was needed was something thinner that aerosolized readily (so that the explosion would encompass the largest possible volume) and would penetrate cloth and rope before it ignited.

    By 1837 there were over a hundred chemists vying for the government’s attention, from the Stabler brothers down to patent-medicine sellers. As these chemists guarded their secrets carefully, most of their formulas are as difficult to reconstruct as Greek fire itself. Through their own purchasing records, and descriptions of the effects of their incendiaries, we can sometimes infer at least some of the ingredients, if not their proportion or the method of their manufacture. Benjamin Talbot Babbitt, later remembered as the Stabler Brothers’ chief competitor in the manufacture of soaps and detergents[1] and for his assistance with the design of the Rasmussen gun or “barrel-roller”[2], amassed a small fortune during the War of 1837 through the manufacture of “Babbitt’s Best Incendiary,” a simple, predictable, and effective anti-sailcloth incendiary composed of triple-distilled alcohol and rapeseed oil (similar to modern brassicic oil)[3]. The reliability of his product, and his ability to produce it in bulk, made him one of the government’s most sought-after contractors.

    Unlike Babbitt, most of the chemists the Army and Navy dealt with were indeed charlatans, unaccustomed to giving value for money. But it was more dangerous to defraud the government than to defraud the sick, and incendiaries were much simpler to concoct than medicines. If one began with naphtha[4], lard, coal oil, vegetable oil, distilled alcohol, tar, or resin, and mixed in such ingredients as saltpeter, sawdust, acetone, flour, powdered coal or charcoal, camphor, or sulfur, it would be hard to create something that didn’t light easily and burn hot. The challenge would be creating the hottest or longest-burning possible flame—or rather, in convincing the government’s factors[5] that one had done so.

    Although at least 52 chemists are on record as claiming that they had indeed gone on some unattested expedition to some site in Greece, Albania, Bosnia-Rumelia, Turkey, or Syria where they discovered the secret of true Greek fire, the rest made different claims. Some asserted honestly that they had developed their incendiary through their own dangerous experiments. Thomas Dyott, whose career in marketing nostrums had led him as far as the city of Hanover and who composed a sulfur-rich anti-rigging incendiary he called “the Blaueblume,” attributed his invention to an unknown “Dr. Robertson,” as was his usual practice. Other chemists hinted vaguely at having made bargains with unnamed dark powers to learn the secrets of the hottest fires, and labeled their products with terrifying, sometimes alliterative names that often included words like “Hellfire” or “Hellbrew.”

    As Naval Secretary Abel P. Upshur observed, “There appears to be an inverse relationship between the effectiveness of an incendiary and the frightfulness of its name.” One example of this would be “Dr. Draco’s Diabolic Dragonfire.” The exact composition of this substance is lost, but descriptions of its appearance and effect reveal that it was based on tar or naphtha and must have possessed a heavy admixture of sawdust, as it generated a smell of woodsmoke guaranteed to strike fear in the heart of any sailor. If the crew kept their heads, however, they could extinguish the fire by repeatedly pouring buckets of water down the side of the ship. This would be worse than useless against a similar anti-timber incendiary, “Dr. Faust’s Flame Inextinguishable,” which must have been partly quicklime, calcium phosphide, or both, as it only burned hotter when soaked. Possibly the simplest and most obvious incendiary was the anti-rigging concoction “Beelzebub’s Briton-Burning Black Brew,” a solution of activated charcoal in alcohol which could be (and often was) drunk with no worse effect than constipation.

    And then, of course, there was “Stabler Brothers’ Incendiary No. 23,” first used on November 17 as part of the defense of Fort Severn…

    -Jordan Hammer & Stephen Blackwell, Before the Bronze[6] Age; A History of American Military Technology, Vol. 1


    November 17, 1837
    Fort Severn[7], Annapolis
    1 p.m.

    As soon as he heard that the British had landed at Galesville to the south, Henry Hartshorne Stabler nodded to Demby and Crain. “It’s time.”

    The two burly Negroes nodded and walked back to the wagon.

    Commodore William D. Porter, who commanded the fort (and yet was still finding excuses to spend time in Henry’s company—such was the curse of being incredibly rich) waited until they were out of earshot, then turned to Henry and said, “I always heard you didn’t have slaves.”

    “Nor do I. Those are freedmen, and my company pays them well. Both are married. Crain has two children. Demby’s wife is pregnant. I tell you all this only so you’ll understand—I prefer that the black crates be handled at all times by men with… reasons to remain loyal.” And I’d be happy to hire strong white men for the purpose, if there were any hope of finding a white man in a slave state who is willing to take a job that in any way resembles fetching and carrying. But one of those crates, in the hands of a man with nothing to lose, could bring about another Savannah.

    Henry turned to his white assistant. “Lieutenant Evans?”

    “Yes, sir?” Young Samuel B. Evans from New York State was from an old military family[8], but this was less important to Henry than the fact that he was one of the rocketeers who’d brought HMS St. Lawrence to bay at Fort Niagara. For this operation, only the best would do.

    “What is the highest point on this fort from which you could fire a rocket?”

    “I can fire them from the top of the watchtower,” said Evans. “Shall I take the tripod up there?”

    “Do so.” Henry was about to explain that according to eyewitnesses, the British were draping the sides of their ships with wet sailcloth, and there was only one reason he could think of that they would do that—to protect their ships against rocketry—and that if he had a dozen crates like this one, he would use some of them to burn the sailcloth away and deploy the rest against the naked hulls, but having only the one, he thought it best to… but none of that needed to be said. Evans was already following orders, as quickly as if he’d been an employee at one of the Stablers’ factories.

    Although he’d bought a commission in the Virginia militia for the purpose, and was wearing their uniform, Henry knew he himself was no soldier. He was, in fact, a Quaker, and a part of his conscience was troubled at taking part in war in any way. But Galesville was an old Quaker settlement, and that hadn’t kept them safe from invasion. And his younger brother Dick was studying at Ferry Farm, which was not far out of the way of one of the two British armies now on American soil. The nation that had taken such losses to burn down the U.S. Naval Academy would surely not miss the chance to do some violence to one of America’s officer training schools. And who knows—perhaps this will be the weapon that finally makes war too terrible for men to wage. We can hope.

    Henry was more certain that Ferry Farm would be attacked than he was that the British would attack this city, or Baltimore, or both. Did they care that it was a state capital? Did they know that USS Chippewa was at Baltimore, along with the rest of the fleet they’d forced to retreat? Their attack on Baltimore in the last war had been a failure—would that spur them to try again, or to choose a safer target this time?

    Demby and Crain came back. They were carrying a box between them. It was cube-shaped, with handles on two sides, and it had been tarred all over like ship’s timbers so many times that it was waterproof.

    “Do you really need two of them for a crate that size?” said Commodore Porter.

    “No, but it makes accidents less likely. Speaking of which, does that tower have a pulley?”

    “Yes, it does. We installed it so we could send up food to whoever’s keeping watch.”

    “Can it handle fifty kilos?”

    “It’s never had to, but there’s no reason it couldn’t.”

    “Good.” The crate was heavy for its size. If they tried to carry it up that slender wooden ladder… there were too many ways that could go wrong.

    “You seem to be going to a deal of trouble about this Greek fire of yours,” said Porter. “Forgive my skepticism, but as of now, I have rockets filled with three different ‘genuine’ Greek fires, as well as something called ‘Belphegor’s Bale-Fire’ and ‘Dr. Flammifer’s Hottest Hell-Brew.’ I have no doubt that all of them will burn, but…”

    “Commodore, my brother and I do not claim that this is the Greek fire of history,” said Henry. “Indeed, I’m quite sure it’s not. If it had been, the Turks would never have dared leave the steppes.” At least until the Greeks poisoned themselves making it.

    * * *​

    4:15 p.m.
    Standing watch at the top of the tower, Henry and Lieutenant Evans saw the signal rocket from the south long before anyone else did, and the British squadron came some ten minutes later. It couldn’t be the whole fleet from Galesville—just a portion of it. And Henry didn’t see anything that looked like one of the rocket or bomb ships they’d had in the Battle of Baltimore. This is a probing attack. They didn’t come prepared for a serious attack on a city. They just want to know what they’re up against here.

    Well, we can certainly enlighten them on that matter.


    Lieutenant Evans picked up a headless rocket, made as if to fit it onto the tripod, and then turned to look at Henry. “Is it time, sir?”

    Henry nodded, took a key out of his pocket and unlocked the crate, which was full of water to the brim. Inside, under the surface of the water, there were four Henry-Hunt bombheads[9] waiting to be screwed into place. The metal bombheads weren’t meant to be immersed in water, but they could survive it for a time, and what was inside them was never meant to be exposed to the air until it was exposed to the enemy.

    “They’ve got ships there that fought us at Baltimore last time,” said Evans, looking through his spyglass. “The Madagascar, the Havannah…”

    “How about the big one over there?”

    “That would be… HMS Howe. One of their first-rates. A hundred and… well, a lot of guns, sir. But I think we should be more concerned about the one wheeling around behind it. That’s… that’s the Canopus, and it’s headed our way.” He took out a bombhead and screwed it into place. “In fact”—he held out the tip of his thumb at arm’s length, as if comparing it to some part of the approaching ship—“I do believe it is coming within range, sir.”

    “Fire when ready, Lieutenant.”

    The rocket screwed its way through the air towards the nose of the oncoming warship… and exploded a little too soon, engulfing the last few meters of the bowsprit in a cloud of smoke.

    “Sorry, sir.”

    “Can’t be helped. Reload and aim.”

    As Evans was reloading, Henry took the spyglass and saw that the rocket hadn’t been completely wasted. Some of the incendiary had gotten on the bowsprit, creating a dazzling spatter of yellow-white fire that crackled and threw hot sparks in all directions. Henry knew that the smoke from that fire would burn the eyes and lungs of anyone it touched, that the heat would turn thick oak into charcoal, and that even if the crew could pour enough water to douse it, the No. 23 would begin smoldering again as soon as it dried out. But burning off the tip of a warship’s bowsprit was not what either of them had come here to do.

    Evans fired the second rocket. This one tumbled so much in the air, Henry was afraid it would miss. Instead it struck the starboard railing and burst open, scattering gunpowder and No. 23 over the forecastle and down the side of the ship. A swathe of sailcloth burned clear through and fell into the Chesapeake. Henry couldn’t help pitying the men who were caught in that smoke. And from his vantage point, that cloud of smoke hid most of the deck of HMS Canopus. But the ship was already beginning to turn.

    Unfortunately, Howe had already opened fire, and it had a lot of guns to do it with. Henry could see the pieces being knocked out of the sides of the fort. Intellectually, he knew that the odds of any one of those cannonballs hitting his watchtower were low. That didn’t stop him from wanting to scamper down the ladder and take shelter in whatever this place used for a cellar. He kept his eye on Lt. Evans, who was reloading as calmly as if the enemy weren’t there at all.

    Evans fired again. This time he didn’t even wait to see if it hit, but reached down into the water for the last bombhead. Henry, however, could see it smash headfirst into the wall of the poop deck. The fire was so bright he had to shut his eyes for a moment, and it spat at the sailors on the quarterdeck as if it bore each of them a personal grudge. Then the smoke concealed it. Henry was beginning to feel like Dr. Frankenstein, tampering with forces he didn’t fully understand and could not control.

    Theirs were not the only incendiary rockets—others were being fired from the walls of the fort. But the wet sailcloth on the sides seemed to be protecting the ships from the worst of their effect. So much for Dr. Flammifer. And Belphegor, whoever he is. Buy all your incendiaries from the Stabler Brothers next time. We may not have enough of No. 23, but we’ve plenty of No. 19, and that burns as well as anything.

    Evans fired again. This one was a perfect shot, hitting the quarterdeck at just the right angle to skip off it like a stone, spilling No. 23 across the deck in a broad fan. Oh, dear God. Some of it landed on men.

    Evans was already making his way down the ladder. Smart fellow. I should do likewise. Now.

    Looking through the ladder as he descended, Henry saw that Canopus’ deck was covered in smoke, and the crew had given up trying to put out the fires. They were now abandoning the ship to her fate.

    Howe, alas, was still in the fight. One of its cannonballs cut through one of the supports of the watchtower, causing it to tip over slowly to the side. But not slowly enough for Henry, who was still some five meters over the brick pavement.

    The ladder tipped over. Lieutenant Evans got underneath it and struggled to hold it up, but he seemed to have it at an awkward angle.

    Then Demby and Crain arrived. Between them, they pulled the ladder forward and lowered it to where Henry could simply jump off. Without a word, all four of them ran for the nearest shelter.

    * * *​

    The rest of the battle, for Henry, was just noise—cannons, rockets, the resonant thunder of columbiads, the unmistakable sound of Canopus exploding. Finally, the firing stopped. Henry got out to take a look.

    HMS Howe was withdrawing—it must have been struck by a columbiad. The gaping wound in its side was above the waterline, but was still a potential target for an incendiary rocket. And the rest of the fleet was withdrawing as well.

    “They can’t afford more losses,” said Porter a little too loudly—his ears must have been ringing from the battle. “They’ve landed two armies, and will need to withdraw them sooner or later.”

    “Sooner, I hope.”

    “I will say it,” said Porter. “Your invention is a most potent weapon of war.”

    Henry nodded, feeling more than a little like a fraud. His older brother had made some discoveries himself and had hired men who’d discovered much more, but the key ingredient in this horror wasn’t even an American invention. Seven years ago, a Frenchman named Charles Sauria with whom Thomas Stabler was in correspondence had developed white phosphorus for use in matches[10]. But God forgive us, we and our man Dr. Long were the ones who found a way to make a weapon of it. And despite how dangerous it is to make, I’m only sorry we can’t concoct it faster and in greater quantity.


    [1] IOTL he was also a big name in the soap business.
    [2] I.e. the Gatling gun
    [3] A name that covers IOTL’s colza and canola oil.
    [4] The most popular American term for crude oil ITTL
    [5] Purchasing agents
    [6] A reference to Project Bronze, TTL’s version of the Manhattan Project.
    [7] On the site of IOTL’s U.S. Naval Academy.
    [8] His grandfather was an American general in the ARW, and his uncle was Gen. Jacob Brown. IOTL he died at the Alamo.
    [9] I.e., warheads.
    [10] As IOTL.
     
    Last edited:
    Winter Soldiers (1)
  • November 18, 1837
    southeast of Fredericksburg
    4:30 p.m.

    “Not a pretty sight,” said Major General Cole. The fact that the sun was going down and he was more or less looking into it was only part of the problem.

    “No indeed, sir,” said his second in command and fellow Knight of the Bath, General Sir John Forster FitzGerald. The Americans were once again holding the high ground, between the Rappahannock and a creek called Little Falls Run. Their numbers were somewhere between as many and half again as many as the British army of 6,000. And judging by their uniforms, those in the front line were real army. That militia rabble they’d fought at Muddy Creek—Bloody Creek, the men were now calling it—was somewhere behind them, acting as a reserve. The army wasn’t strictly in their path, but they still had the Occoquan to cross and the capital district’s forts to overcome. It would be foolish to attempt any of that with a larger army behind them. But this time, let’s not break their fist with our face. We did enough of that yesterday.

    “The scouts are reporting lines of yellow and red flags up ahead. The yellow flags are a bit more than half a mile ahead of their positions, the red flags halfway back from there.”

    “So… a kilometer and half a kilometer, sir?”

    “I believe so, yes.”

    “Range markers for these damned screws, no doubt.” FitzGerald touched the one American rocket they’d been able to take intact after its wobbling course carried it into the water and extinguished it. It was his regiment that had suffered the most—between the wounded and the men helping them, he’d sent half of them back to the ships at Port Conway, many of them with burns that would need all the opium in Virginia.

    “I believe you’re right.”

    “An escaped slave informed us that there’s a foundry upriver beyond the tracks where these rockets are built.”[1]

    “It would be good to see that place burn.”

    “Indeed. Whatever we do, sir, I recommend we do it at night. They won’t be able to see those flags, and our superior training and discipline will give us the advantage in the dark.”

    “I concur.”

    “They say that’s one of their officer training schools up ahead, at the near end,” said FitzGerald. “Ferry Farm, on the site George Washington once lived. Not the most prestigious one, perhaps—that would be West Point—but nonetheless…”

    “No.”

    FitzGerald looked at him with a little surprise.

    “I wish to emulate the young Sir George Cockburn, not the old one[2]. I’m here on business. A symbolic victory is not worth one drop of our men’s blood. And after Sinepuxent, an attack on Ferry Farm is exactly what the Americans are most likely to expect.”

    “Of course, sir.”

    “What troubles me is the railroad. So long as it’s intact, the Americans can bring in new regiments faster than even Wellington could destroy them. Nor need they ever fear the loss of their logistics train—they can be resupplied as easily as they can be reinforced.” Cole considered his next words. It wouldn’t do to sound defeatist. “We are making history here. This is the first time men have ever waged war in a land served by railroads. If the thing were impossible, no one would know until this day.”

    “They can’t possibly be guarding the whole length of it, sir. A little shovel-work and black powder, and we can blow a hole in it they’ll be weeks repairing.”

    “True, but they would still be able to unload fresh men and supplies nearby, and in the direction we most wish to… I wonder.”

    “Sir.”

    “The trains run at all hours of the night. If we could attack in the dark, seize a train or two, bring our men aboard… we could outrun any warning, drive into Washington before anyone can react. Could it work?”

    “It sounds almost too good to be true, sir.”

    “Indeed. If they realize what we’re about… then they’ll come out of their fortifications to stop us and we’ll be fighting them on our own terms. With luck, we can take them in the flank and roll up the whole army by morning.”

    “More than one path to victory, sir.”

    “Indeed. The mark of a good plan. At midnight, then.”

    November 19, 1837
    east of Falmouth, Virginia
    2:30 a.m.

    When the request came for cadets to volunteer as scouts, Michael Todd and Will Shannon tried to be the first to volunteer—but with everyone doing it at once, that was impossible. But they were two of the first to be accepted.

    Now, Mike was on the edge of a harvested tobacco field. He moved silently, like an Indian out hunting, but Will was nearby and just as quiet—and well they might, since the same old Shawnee had taught them both. They were wearing moccasins instead of their uniform boots, they’d given their eyes time to adjust to the dark, and above all, they moved slowly. When you were trying not to make any noise, tall grass could be your best friend or your worst enemy.

    Even knowing that horses were no good at stealth, Mike wished for a horse. He and Will had raced each other from Kentucky to Ferry Farm. Mike had taken the R&M from the new town of Claysburgh[3]—so new it was basically a collection of shacks around a rail station—to Raleigh, and then gone to Fredericksburg by stagecoach and Ferry Farm by, well, ferry. Will had simply rode. Mike had been sure he’d either run his horse to death or show up weeks late. Instead, Mike’s train had broken down in the North Carolina mountains and he’d arrived at the Farm to learn that Will had gotten there the previous evening. If they found anything, he wanted to be the first one back with the news.

    And he was sure they would. Even for November, with the last of the crickets dead, the night was too quiet. Mike hadn’t seen or heard any sign of a deer. The little animals that should have been rustling in the undergrowth were hiding in their burrows. And it’s not on our account. Something’s up.

    Mike stopped. Held still. He pictured his ears stretching out, taking in all the little noises out there… and what he heard was wrong.

    Horses.

    Footsteps. Not marching, but a lot of them.

    The creak of wheels.

    When Mike crossed the field, he could see them. The cavalry was in front. Smart. Horses can see in the dark better than people, and it’s easier to walk where they’ve trampled. As long as you don’t step in anything. It looked like only one regiment was carrying torches. Also smart. They can’t hide the fact that they’re making a move. This way it looks like a feint, not the whole army.

    Will was at his elbow. Both of them were basically invisible to the enemy, two shadows in the dark.

    “Get to town and warn ‘em,” whispered Will. “I’ll go back to the Farm.” Before Mike could object, Will pointed himself south and started padding away.

    It was no time to argue. Mike went west, grimly certain Will was going to outdo him again.


    In the words of Quincy Grissom, “Even Loki and Coyote would kneel in worship of the trickster we call the God of Battles, whose first commandment is ‘That which can go amiss, must and shall go amiss.’ This is why the best plans in war are simple and leave as little as possible to chance.”

    Since Gen. Grissom’s time, military planners have studied the degree to which this holds true in a given situation. In modern parlance, “white chaos” is the usual level of confusion that accompanies military endeavors.“Black chaos” is a state of absolute disorder in which no one has the slightest idea what is going on outside their immediate vicinity, neither side can make meaningful plans, and even the simple orders of “advance” and “retreat” raise the unanswerable question of which direction to do these things in. Between these two is a state called “gray chaos,” in which the unexpected has already happened and/or key pieces of information are missing, but in which it is still possible for a level-headed commander to respond to immediate crises in an intelligent way.[4]

    The first night of the Battle of Falmouth[5] is an example of gray chaos. When striking out northwest, Cole had used the standard ploy of leaving his campfires burning all night to make it appear from a distance as though his army was still there. On this night, the ploy backfired—literally. Sparks from one campfire got loose and set a hayfield on fire. It wasn’t particularly dangerous, but when it burned for over a minute with no one making a move to put it out, it showed Garland that the “diversionary attack” he’d spotted earlier was much more than that.

    At around the same time he saw this, a young cadet—none other than William Shannon, in fact—was finding his way back to Ferry Farm and making his report… only to have it dismissed as an obvious feint. Both his instructors and the militia were sure the British had given up on their goal of attacking the capital and would settle for destroying another military school. His fellow cadet and lifelong competitor, Michael Todd, was having more luck in Falmouth raising the alarm.

    Imagine General Cole’s army at the railroad tracks, a few hours before dawn. They have just finished digging under the tracks and planting black powder. They have a plan—wait for the sound of the next train coming from the north, then light the fuse. The crew of the train will see the explosion and throw on the brakes. With any luck (a phrase that should never, ever, be uttered by a military planner) the train will come to a stop before it hits the broken track and is derailed. Then the army will storm the train, bring as many of their men and guns as will fit on board, and force the engineer to drive it backwards through Stafford, over the Quantico and Occoquan and into the heart of Washington.

    And then the sound of a train comes… from the south. The fuse is not lit, but the powder is planted and there’s no time to dig it up. Someone on the train spots the army and engages the brakes, but the locomotive is still moving when sparks from the brakes set off the powder, heaving the locomotive off the track and bringing the whole train to a crashing, derailing stop. Inside are the Richmond Zouaves, a new regiment which was sent this way after Todd got word to Falmouth and which is now having one of the worst introductions to combat of any military body in history.

    The Zouaves’ stand was bold, but brief. The deciding factor was that the wooden sides of these 1830s railroad cars were not at all bulletproof. Cole’s whole army could fire into the cars and be sure of hitting someone, whereas the Zouaves, or those not already too injured by the crash to fight, could only fire out the windows. Cole quickly decided that the best place to hold them prisoner was the train they came in. He ordered them to surrender their weapons, but had no way of knowing if the number of weapons he received was anywhere near the sum total of the weapons the Zouaves had.

    Somewhere between half an hour and an hour later, Garland attacked out of the southeast. One of his first acts was to send riders north to the next station to warn them of the situation. He had no way of knowing that by doing so, he had effectively already won the battle, in the sense that Cole’s goal of attacking Washington, DC had just gone from difficult to impossible. Garland’s actual attack was less successful—the north wing of the British rallied, swung round and forced him south. In the confusion, many of the Zouaves were able to escape, and even bring some of their unsurrendered firearms with them.

    This was the situation by morning: Garland’s army, defeated but still intact and receiving fresh recruits, was standing on the defensive in the hills north of Falmouth. Cole’s army still stood astride what was left of the railroad from Washington to Fredericksburg. Garland’s riders had been too late to prevent the last train from leaving the station at Stafford, and it had crashed into the derailed locomotive. That train was loaded with provisions intended for Garland’s army. Cole’s army now had all the cornmeal they could eat. Unfortunately, it proved to be infested with mealworms.

    And this was the least of Cole’s problems. He could not press the attack on the capital with Garland in his rear. Every day he delayed the attack, General Worth’s[6] defenses grew stronger. If he simply gave up the campaign and withdrew, Garland would go north and join the fight in Maryland, overwhelming Kennison’s army…

    Joseph Welcome, Case Studies in the Fog of War


    [1] The Rappahannock Works, an old foundry which did employ a lot of slaves and ITTL found a new lease on life casting railroad track before being refitted to make weapons again, including Henry-Hunt rockets.
    [2] I.e., when he sacked Washington in the War of 1812, not when he died at Sinepuxent.
    [3] OTL Middlesboro, Ky., built earlier thanks to the Raleigh and Mississippi Railroad and intended (rather optimisticly) to emulate Pittsburgh as a center of industry.
    [4] This is TTL’s equivalent of SNAFU, FUBAR and the lesser-known intermediate stage TARFU “Things Are Really… Fouled… Up.”
    [5] The 1690 battle in Maine is known as the Battle of Fort Loyal ITTL, to avoid confusion with this one.
    [6] In command of D.C.’s defenses.
     
    Top