The Fall of Constantinople (2)
  • March 21, 1831
    Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C.

    For Secretary of State John Sergeant, today was shaping up to be rather unusual. President Clay had asked to see both him and Postmaster General Charles E. Dudley in the Oval Office. Even with all Quincy Adams had done to expand the federal government, it wasn’t so vast that two men in different offices would never meet, but Sergeant had rarely had occasion to cross paths with Dudley. And judging by the look on his face, Dudley was as confused as he was.

    The president turned to Sergeant. “To begin with,” he said, “what do you know about the situation with Spain?”

    “Funny you should ask. Only this morning I received the news that one of the more popular generals from New Spain had been killed in ambush in Cuba. Lopez de Santa… Santa Anna, I think. The story I hear is that he set up camp too close to a stretch of woods where rebels lurked.”

    “A popular general, but apparently not a very good one,” said Clay. “What of the larger picture?”

    Sergeant took a moment to collect his thoughts. “Spain is… in a bad way,” he said. “The rebellion in Cuba is costing them dear, both in revenue lost and the money they must spend to reclaim the isle. In Haiti, when last I heard they had well-nigh ceded all save the eastern third, the cities of Santo Domingo and Port-au-Prince and a few other towns on the coast. Had they come to blows with the Dutch in the Philippines last year, they might well have lost those isles.”

    “Does it seem to you that the Spaniards are any less determined to win in Haiti?”

    “If they’ve started to see reason, I haven’t heard it. They seem bent on fighting to the last East Indian.”

    “That would explain this.” Clay held up an advertisement clipped from a newspaper and handed it to Sergeant. “It has appeared in several newspapers in our southern states.”

    On closer examination, it purported to be from the Spanish government, and was a call for volunteers. WHITE MEN! PROVE your VALOR! Join the fight against the SAVAGE TRIBE of RUNAGATE NEGROES who have overrun SANTO DOMINGO… It offered to pay for transportation and food, but said nothing about arms or gear.

    “This government is more desperate than I thought, if they seriously intend to make Hessians of us,” said Sergeant. “And I marvel that the Spanish government has the cheek to call upon slaveholders to fight for them in Haiti while they fight other slaveholders in Cuba. Still, so long as they do not propose to make war upon us or our allies, I don’t see that they’re doing anything against our laws.”

    “There are those who disagree,” said Clay. “Calhoun, for instance. He would like to see these advertisements outlawed.”

    “What?” Sergeant was perplexed. Apart from the outrageousness of the idea, it seemed to him that Calhoun should have been if anything sympathetic to the Spaniards.

    “He’s concerned that too much talk of Haiti might inspire our own slaves to revolt. Even these advertisements… he says, and I am inclined to agree, that Negroes’ powers of intellect are sufficient to infer that if white men are fighting black men, black men must perforce be fighting white men — and that they have yet to be defeated.”

    “On that score, surely the damage is done,” said Sergeant. “Haiti has been out of white men’s control for rather a long time.”

    “True,” said Clay, “but how many slaves even know about Haiti? I doubt if one in ten could tell you the name of a single island in the Caribbean. A good master tries not to let them learn too much of the outside world. Speaking of which…” He turned to the postmaster.

    “You’ve heard that Calhoun wants to see the Post Office closed to abolitionist… messages,” said Clay.

    “So I have,” said Dudley. “I have not heard what possible rationale they can offer for this mad course of action.”

    “The argument Calhoun and the other Quids put forth,” said Clay in carefully neutral tones, “is that abolitionists and others have the right to speak as they please, but that the Post Office is under no obligation to facilitate their speech, and that to do so would undermine public order in the slave states.”

    “Have any of these people considered the extent of the powers we’d need to carry out their wishes?” said Dudley. “Reading every letter, judging its contents… we’d need more men than the Army simply to do that.”

    “Most impractical,” said Clay.

    “Not ten years ago,” said Sergeant, “such a suggestion from the Tertium Quids would have been unthinkable. It would have gone against everything they believed.”

    “Or everything Mr. Randolph[1] believed, at least,” said Clay.

    “None of us here shares the Quids’ principles,” Sergeant continued, “but to see them abandon those principles—does this not prove that slavery corrupts everything it touches?”

    Clay held up a hand for silence. “Your views in this matter are known, John. There is no need to recapitulate them.”

    “I do so only to show how well borne out they are.”

    Clay held up a hand. “I will not argue with you,” he said. “These men are frightened—frightened by Haiti, frightened by the Paixão de Cristo, frightened by the triumph of abolitionism in the West Indies. Frightened men do foolish things.” He took a breath. “I am neither frightened nor foolish.”

    Sergeant nodded. He supposed he should have been satisfied with this, but he wasn’t. While Clay would do nothing extravagant to help slavery, he would do nothing at all against it unless compelled by circumstances.

    Which was… bad. Slavery is an evil, to be tolerated where it holds sway for no other reason than that we cannot root it out without grave injury to the republic, but not to be extended one kilometer further.

    After all, there was a reason that even with the canals, industry was far slower to grow in the South than in the North. By all logic, there should not be one cotton mill in Massachusetts, Manchester or Mulhouse. Yet there they were, spinning raw cotton into thread thousands of kilometers away from Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi where it was grown. The only immigrant population the South was known for was the Italians come to dig the canals, and that stream had dried to a trickle years ago—and many of those who had come had returned to Italy[2], moved north or gone to the mountains to start vineyards… a business where they had little competition from slaveholders. As the man behind the American System, Clay had to see this. But as a slaveholder himself, it was too much to expect that he’d act on it.


    [1] John Randolph of Roanoke. Still alive, but in poor health, and watching these shenanigans isn’t helping.

    [2] In American history, we often forget about the immigrants who made their fortunes and moved back to Europe.
     
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    Personal Disunion (1)
  • Charles Felix[1] died on June 3, 1831.[2] His reign over the Kingdom of Sardinia had been absolute in theory, nominal in practice. He had been a patron of the arts introduced a number of reforms to the criminal and civil law code which brought Sardinia into the nineteenth century, but not the most important reform — the one that would have allowed his people to propose their own reforms. As he had no children, the succession went to a very distant cousin, Charles Albert of the house of Savoy-Carignano. There were many reports coming out of the Palazzo Regio that Charles Felix had repeatedly talked about choosing a different heir; however, he had never made an official declaration to that effect. Therefore, by the usual reckoning the rightful heir was still Charles Albert.

    But the question of succession was intimately tied to the destiny of Sardinia. As with Sicily years earlier, the small kingdom faced an immediate decision: to remain an independent kingdom, become a republic or unite with Italy?

    Having lost the friendly anchorages of Sicily, the United Kingdom had an interest in keeping Sardinia independent in one form or another, especially as it was positioned between French Corsica and Italian Tunisia and would help keep the route to Malta and beyond secure. But with the threat of Barbary pirates gone from the western Mediterranean, Sardinia had less need for the protection of a powerful navy—and such protection would afford them, at most, an uncertain degree of local autonomy. If the island became part of Italy, it would at least have representation in the government that ruled its fate. Besides, Italy was still growing economically.

    Charles Albert was not his father. He’d had some idea of what his people wanted even before the mass demonstrations in Cagliari. He gave orders that so long as the demonstrators remained peaceful, they were not to be interfered with, and said that he was in consultation with His Majesty Achille I and his government to determine “how the manifest will of the Sardinian people may best be effected.” The question was how he was going to effect that will without suffering the indignity of abdication…


    Personal unions were well known in Europe. Sometimes they led to deeper unions, and sometimes not. The United Kingdom began as personal unions between England and Ireland, and between England and Scotland. However, the union with Hanover had become a union in name only even before 1829, when it ended with the death of George IV and the accession of Charlotte I. In Europe at this time, there were personal unions between nations whose institutions seemed determined to thwart any further steps toward unification (Sweden/Norway) or between nations which wanted further unification but suffered from potentially conflicting obligations to foreign powers (Moldavia/Wallachia).

    What Charles Albert and Achille invented in 1831 was personal disunion — the United Kingdoms of Italy and Sardinia, one state with two monarchs. Achille I would be king of Italy and Sicily and suzerain of Tunisia, but Charles Albert would be king of Sardinia. When the monarch of Italy summoned the legislators, the Sardinian representatives would require the assent of their own monarch to go to Terni. In the event that the Italian monarch dismissed the legislature, the Sardinian representatives would have every right to remain in Terni and sit in the Assembly (but, as they would be not nearly enough to form a quorum, they would have nothing to do there) if the Sardinian monarch so desired.

    It is certain that Gioacchino I would never have tolerated such an arrangement, but Achille was not his father. An amiable and unjealous king whose worst quality was a fondness for having exotic animals killed and brought to his table to see what they tasted like, he was quite pleased to see Italy grow even if it did nothing to expand his own kingdom.

    Less pleased, of course were the Austrians. Metternich was increasingly certain he’d erred in his decision not to intervene in Sicily. His distaste for trying to reinforce weak reeds had resulted in the disappearance of an ally and the strenghening of a hostile power. Now, Italy was growing stronger still. Although Charles Albert’s brother-in-law Rainer Joseph was willing to claim the Sardinian throne “due to the outrageous betrayal and subordination of our great kingdom,” this didn’t add up to a casus belli.

    So, all through June and July, the government of Vienna fussed and fumed but did nothing. And then something wholly unexpected — even unimaginable — happened…


    The Marina Italiana were well aware that something very strange was going on in the waters between Pantelleria and Sicily. Tremors along the Sicilian coast, cinder-rich foam washing up on the beaches, dead fish floating on the surface of the ocean and columns of smoke and bubbling gas rising out of the water were unmistakable warning signs. In the Sicilian town of Sciacca, due north of the affected area, silver objects turned black from exposure to airborne sulfur. Although no orders had yet come from Terni, let alone London or other more distant capitals, it is understandable that the navies of the Mediterranean would feel the need to investigate.

    There is no way to determine precisely what happened on the morning of July 28. The captain of the NdMI Giovanni Corsino, Francesco Trafiletti, maintained to his dying day that his ship was the first to approach the new island. “It was the tip of a mountain of ash and cinder, risen out of the sea and already higher than the tops of the masts,” he said.

    Trafiletti christened the island “Isola di Cenere,” or “Isle of Cinders” and ordered the Corsino to circumnavigate the island several times, to better map it. The island was less than five kilometers in circumference, and was dominated by a ridge along the northeast. The calderas were visible from the north, and spewed fresh ashes that added to the island as he watched. On the third orbit of the island, Trafiletti said, he saw a smaller vessel flying a British naval ensign, but it gave the island and the Corsino too wide a berth for him to make out any details.

    Having seen no harbor, he ordered several men to go ashore in a small boat and plant a flag. While the men were returning, according to Trafiletti, another vessel appeared on the southern horizon, but did not come close enough for the lookout to see its flag.

    Captain Thomas Simson of HMS Zebra, an 18-gun brig-sloop en route from Gibraltar to the Aegean in support of pirate suppression, told a different story. Like Trafiletti, he described seeing the island, circling it in an unsuccessful search for an anchorage and sending a boat to look. He gave the island the name “Graham Island,” after the First Lord of the Admiralty.[3]

    While the boat was on the beach, the lookout on the Zebra spotted the approaching Corsino. Simson knew that his discovery of this new island meant that the British Empire had a claim on it, but only if he could bring the word back — and no one yet knew he was here. He could not be sure how far the Italians would go to secure their own claim on an island of such strategic importance, but the Corsino was a 28-gun steam-frigate. If it came to a fight, the Zebra would be alone and badly outgunned and, with a ten-knot west wind, would have no hope of escaping in any direction. With this in mind, he signaled for the boat to return, and withdrew as soon as it had.

    And, of course, there was the third ship. The Austrian merchantman Herrlich had delivered a shipment of convicts to Tripoli and was now loaded with the salted fish, dates and olives that were the closest thing Tripolitania had to an economic raison d’être. What the Herrlich was doing in these waters is another mystery — even a subpar captain and crew should not have gone so far off course so soon as to end up west of Malta on a voyage from Tripoli to Split. The most widely held theory is that the captain, Szentmarjay János, was headed to a Sicilian port to trade for grappa.

    Like Simson, Szentmarjay[4] claimed that he had come to the island first, named it “Franzinsel” in honor of the Austrian emperor, circled it and sent men to land on it, but saw the Corsino in the distance. As the Herrlich was a far less formidable vessel even than the Zebra, he had no choice but to withdraw.

    Simson’s testimony, it should be noted, included no mention of a third vessel. Nor did Szentmarjay mention the Zebra. But, as if to frustrate historians, all the captains were able to describe the island with sufficient accuracy and consistency to confirm that they had indeed been there, in whatever order.

    And that made all the difference. Britain, Italy and Austria all had a claim on the new island, but Britain didn’t need the island. Britain had Malta. Austria had few possessions in the Mediterranean, and even such a marginal one as “Franzinsel” seemed to be worth fighting for.

    —Arrigo Gillio, United Kingdoms [Eng. trans.]



    [1] King of Sardinia.
    [2] A little over a month after his death IOTL.
    [3] Earl Grey’s First Lord of the Admiralty IOTL as well.
    [4] His family name. Hungarian surnames usually come first.
     
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    Personal Disunion (2)
  • September 12, 1831
    Coatzacoalcos, Tehuantepec

    President Lorenzo de Zavala reluctantly set down the spy reports from Chiapas and northern Guatemala. It wasn’t that these reports were terribly compelling—the Maya in those parts of the Spanish Empire were only too happy to share their secrets with their brethren in Tehuantepec, but the Spanish Empire just wasn’t doing anything important that they were in position to see. And the reports were written in a different dialect of Maaya t’aan[1] than he was familiar with, so he had to put a little effort into seeing that nothing was happening. But Zavala had an unpleasant decision to make, and it was hard to turn away from anything that might let him put it off another minute.

    On August 15, in Mexico City, the Cortes of New Spain had issued a vote of no confidence in Iturbide’s government. Representatives of half a dozen political parties had united, hearing the voices of their constituents that they were sick of seeing their young men shipped overseas, maimed and killed for the glory of the Spanish Empire—or else that those troops were needed closer to home, against the Apaches and Comanches and in case the United States got the urge to grow larger again.

    Iturbide responded by staging a coup. He must have seen what was coming in time to get at least a few troops into position. Right now he controlled Mexico City and had about a third of the opposition—and a lot of his former supporters—behind bars. His loyalists were scouring the countryside, looking for those who’d escaped. His Somewhat Glorious Vice-Majesty Francisco was sitting quietly in the palace and trying not to draw attention to himself.

    In the abstract, all this was bad news. The question was, what was Tehuantepec to do about it?

    In a way, the republic was already involved. Those who had escaped Iturbide’s reach were assembling in Veracruz and calling themselves a government in exile. And now, New Spain’s armies in Hispaniola had renounced their loyalty to Iturbide’s government and were asking for transport back to the mainland.

    That would be difficult. The Tehuantepecan navy, such as it was, consisted of a handful of captured slave ships bought cheap from the British because no one else wanted them. These ships had good Veracruzano sailors on board, but were poorly armed. Anything that might lead to a fight against Spain at sea was not a good idea. In fact, the Republic’s main defense was the promise that its people would fight fiercely to resist any invasion. As proud as Zavala was of this, it only worked if you didn’t make so much trouble in peacetime that your neighbors decided they had nothing to lose by war.

    Zavala would never admit as much in public, but in the beginning he had seen this little republic — this marriage of Spaniard and Maya, of Old World and New World civilizations — not as the fruit of victory, but as something salvaged from defeat. His dream had been political freedom for all the Spanish-speaking peoples of the Americas, whether as one polity or several. Instead, Spain still ruled the isthmus and the islands directly, and ruled New Spain and much of South America through viceroys.

    Zavala knew for a fact that his friend Vicente[2] felt the same, and he supposed that Bolívar in Gran Colombia must have held similar sentiments — that his nation existed to keep the torch of freedom lit until it could set the captive lands on fire again. Unlike Zavala, Bolívar had been able to act on it. Much good it had done him.

    So this is the question. Where do your loyalties lie? With the land and people you once tried to set free? Or with the land and people who have seen fit to honor you with their highest office?

    If he were completely honest with himself, the question was not settled in his own mind. But even if he thought only for Tehuantepec, it was very much in Tehuantepec’s interest that Spain, viceroyalties and all, lose the Haitian War. They had already defeated Gran Colombia. If they succeeded in imposing their will on Santo Domingo to any degree, it would only be a matter of time before they turned their attention here. They needed to lose, and what was happening now might be the deciding factor.

    And Iturbide’s actions, it was now clear, had the blessing of Spain.

    And by all accounts, Iturbide’s control was threadbare outside the capital and not so strong inside it. Perhaps that was to be expected — the man had spent a decade and more engaging in politics while other men fought. It was a little late for him to claim to be upholding the glory of the army, especially while that same army was employed in a way that did nothing to make its people any freer, safer or richer.

    Let us do this.



    [1] Maya language, which Zavala learned in childhood. (On paper, Spanish and Maya are coequal languages in Tehuantepec. In practice, a Veracruzano hispanophone can live a long and successful life without knowing a word of Maya, but a Yucateco mayaphone who wants to get anywhere outside his or her own village needs to be able to at least get by in Spanish.)
    [2] Vicente Guerrero, first president of Tehuantepec.
     
    December 5 at 10 Downing
  • I've been away too long again. Looking for work, doing work when I have it, writing books, promoting the books I've got… the usual.

    December 5, 1831
    Cabinet Room, 10 Downing Street


    “Don’t worry, gentlemen,” said Earl Grey. “I shan’t keep you long.” The Reform Act 1831 — what the newspapers were calling the “Great Reform Act” — had passed six weeks ago. Not easily, either — the Prime Minister had had to threaten to resign, and Her Majesty had had to threaten once again to pack the Lords with her own supporters. But it had passed. As a result, everyone in Parliament, even in the Cabinet, would have to return home and begin making the acquaintance of their new constituents if they wished to stay in the Government.

    “I called this meeting to consider events overseas. Obviously our main concern is the war, but there are other matters we should get out of the way first. For example”—he turned to Sir John Russell—“I’m getting word of a lot of unhappy colonials in Australia, John.”

    “If ever colonials are happy, it’s when they’re independent as Yankees and well-protected as Warwickshiremen,” said Russell. “I understand they find Sir George’s New System a little confining,[1] but I’m not prepared to write it off for a few years yet. We at least need a better notion of how well it works on the convicts themselves. And for those who don’t like his way of doing things, there are already all-free-labour settlements at Kinjarling and Greyhaven[2]. By definition, the New System doesn’t hold there.

    “Honestly, the West Indies are a bit more trouble. Not only are the owners grumbling about having to set free their slaves, but the slaves themselves have begun claiming that it’s not happening fast enough. There’s a fellow named Sam Sharpe leading protests in Jamaica.[3]”

    “I hope Her Majesty is not put out,” said Grey, “given the effort she put into gaining as much as she did.”

    “She herself is all too aware of the compromise involved,” said Brougham. “Given the choice, she would not have been fully satisfied with anything short of instant emancipation. And I advised her that in any event, Negroes no less than white men would sooner tell their children ‘We have our freedom because I stood tall and demanded it’ than ‘We have our freedom as a gift from a good queen in a faraway land.’ Moreover, many of the more elderly slaves fear that they will not live to see freedom under the current timetable. These things she understood. She has sent a letter to Mr. Sharpe saying that she has heard his protests and has asked her allies to place before the next session of Parliament a bill accelerating the timetable.”

    “Should we support that bill?” said Grey.

    Palmerston[4] spoke up. “I propose we allow it to be written first before making that decision, and that we turn our attention to the true issue. The war.”

    There were a number of wars happening overseas, but no one doubted which one he meant. It was the war that was either the Austro-Italian War or the War of the Sardinian Succession — no one could agree on a name yet. And it was the war that was most likely to prove a headache to Her Majesty’s Government, more so even than the colonial wars that government was currently entangled in.

    “Our most immediate knowledge comes from our spies in France taking advantage of the semaphore,” Palmerston continued. “Winter weather being what it is, that knowledge is a bit spotty. I can report that, whatever Metternich may say about Sardinia or the new island, Austria’s true war aim appears to be the province of Venetia, and presumably its shipyard.

    “At present, their armies are still trying to force their way out of the Alpine foothills. Further east at Portogruaro, a cavalry charge has apparently been blunted by a regiment of infantrymen armed with Francotte revolvers.” Everyone understood that blunted was a word which here meant turned into a low wall of cooling horsemeat. “I mention this to bring it to the attention of the Army. It sounds as though we’d do well to equip our own regiments with such weapons.” He glanced at Sir James Kempt.[5]

    Grey also turned to Kempt. “Are these weapons more lethal than our own muskets?”

    “I wouldn’t say more lethal,” said Kempt. “Perhaps a little more accurate. The important thing is… imagine yourself a cavalryman. If a man fires at you with a musket and misses, you have at least fifteen seconds to close the distance and ride him down before he’s finished reloading.”

    “Unless he has a second musket.”

    “True. But if he fires at you with a Francotte and misses, he can send six more bullets your way in half that time. You’d need a bit of luck to survive that unscathed, and your poor horse would need a good deal more. And there is one more thing we need to bear in mind — since they’re selling their older revolvers to Italy, the French can equip their own army with the newer model that came out last year. It has a slight advantage in accuracy and a much greater advantage in safety of use.”

    Grey turned back to Palmerston. “Does Italy have enough of these revolvers to offset the Austrian advantage in manpower?”

    “I don’t know,” said the foreign minister, “but I suspect the news from the naval front is more important.” He turned to Graham.

    “Word came to me this morning,” said Graham. “The Austrian navy has suffered a catastrophic defeat near the new island. I don’t know the details, but it seems unlikely they will be able to oppose Italy effectively at sea for the duration.”

    “Do you yet know how this happened?”

    “I can surmise a good deal. To begin with, the island is very small and a known objective. The Italians knew exactly where they were coming, and I dare say they’ve informers enough among the Croats and Albanians to give them a good notion of when. The Adriatic is a narrow sea.

    “Secondly, the Austrians approached the island with the wind against them. When a ship needs to tack, an experienced sailor—and the Italian navy does have such sailors—can predict how it will move with some accuracy. Combine that with a vessel that can maneuver more or less at will, and you have an insurmountable advantage.”

    “Under the same conditions, would not the Royal Navy have suffered from the same disadvantage?”

    “Under the same conditions, the Royal Navy would never have attacked from that direction. We didn’t develop a reputation for invincibility by committing suicide.”

    “What of Tripoli?” said Palmerston.

    “To be on the safe side, the Royal Navy has moved a squadron there from Corfu.”

    “Good,” said Palmerston.

    “Is that likely to entangle us in this conflict?” asked Grey.

    “In my opinion, no,” said Palmerston. “It is in neither party’s interest to bring the war to Barbary or Libya. The natives are a greater threat to Italian or Austrian rule than either is to the other, especially if Egypt chooses to support them.”

    Grey nodded. Egypt — or more precisely, the larger Cairene Empire of which it was the foremost member — had very recently become a power to be reckoned with. Muhammad Ali had turned the last two boys of the Osman dynasty into vassal kings of Turkey and Kurdistan, and was extending his rule deeper into Africa. Sooner or later, this would be a problem, but sufficient unto the day was the evil thereof.

    “If Egypt attacks by land, they’ll have to send an army across the Libyan desert,” said Russell. “No easy task even for Arabs.”

    “And if they attack by sea, they’ll have us to contend with,” said Graham.

    “This Muhammad Ali has gained what he has through prudence,” said Palmerston, “attacking only when his enemies are at their weakest. He won’t be such a fool. There remains the question of whether we should intervene—either to gain the new island or secure Sardinian independence.”

    Grey nodded. Austria was — or ought to be — stronger on land. Italy was now confirmed to be stronger at sea. But Austria’s official war aims were Sardinian independence and possession of the new island, both of which would require naval force. Britain had naval force to spare. Which meant that sooner or later Austria was likely to turn to them for help.

    “I know Metternich wishes us to declare war on Italy,” said Grey, “and if we do intervene, France will intervene on Italy’s behalf. What might France do that she is not already doing?”

    “France is still supplying Italy with arms and loans,” said Palmerston, “and volunteers from their own armies are coming to Italy to fight. They are not, however, sending whole armies over the border. Nor have they invaded Baden.[6]

    “If France joins in, Hanover, Prussia and the Netherlands come in on our side, and Denmark… I trust they’ll join us.” The emphasis he put on the word trust implied that he did no such thing. “I have no notion of what Sweden will do. As for Russia, they appear to be busy with its own affairs again. The Poles and Finns are by all accounts restless these days.”[7]

    This was sounding worse and worse. If Sweden joined the war on the Franco-Italian side, Britain could retaliate by prying Norway, Iceland and (if nobody had anything better to do) Greenland away from Stockholm. At this point, however, they would be talking about a much larger war than anyone in his right mind wanted. Certainly it would make no sense to shed so much blood over the Sardinian succession and a tiny island still stinking of the volcanic fires that birthed it.

    “And If the United States joined in on the wrong side, as I fear they would,” Palmerston continued, “we’d have to devote considerable forces to protecting Louisiana and our own colonies.”

    “How worried should we be about the United States?”

    “They can’t build a ship of the line in the middle of the country and send it to port by canal, if that’s what you’re worried about,” said Russell. “The canals are only five or six feet deep, and there’s the size of the locks to think about.”

    At this point, Lord Melbourne, Chancellor of the Exchequer[8], spoke up. “What they could do, of course,” he said, “is transport a great quantity of timber, cordage, sailcloth, cannon, and steam-engines if needed, to a protected shipyard in much less time. That would greatly speed the building of such ships. And there’d be nothing we could do to prevent it.”

    “Let those ships once put out to sea, and they’ll be ours,” said Graham.

    “Those canals may yet do us harm without anyone firing a shot,” put in Brougham.

    “What do you mean?”

    “My friend Mr. Babbage has been making some calculations with his ‘difference engine.’ He says very few of the American canals are ever likely to make enough money to justify the current price of the shares. And many wealthy Britons, to say nothing of the Royal Bank, own such shares.”

    “That would hurt the Americans rather more than it hurts us,” said Melbourne.

    “We are moving rather far afield of the matter at hand,” said Russell.

    “Quite so,” said Brougham. “I apologize. The question, then, is how much effort, men and materiél we should be prepared to expend to maintain Austrian power in the central Mediterranean.”

    “Since the Barbary Partition,” said Palmerston, “it is not in our interest to allow any of the Mediterranean powers — friendly or otherwise — to become too weak. I believe it would serve us better to use our diplomatic influence to bring an end to this war before it spreads further.”

    Grey nodded. There were still rebels in arms in Orania. The Zulu king Shaka was still in the fight. Asanteman was asking for help against the Fulani. The Abyssinian warlords were also asking for help against Egypt, but they weren’t going to get it — Britain had nothing to spare. At least Rakotobe[9] was secure on his throne now—that would free up a regiment or two… but not enough for a European war. Not with so many places in India, North America and elsewhere that needed watching.

    “We will return to that. But speaking of Mediterranean powers, how goes the war in Portugal?”

    “Prince Miguel has suffered a defeat and retreated into the Algarve,” said Palmerston. “The government of Spain is sympathetic, but quite preoccupied with Cuba and New Spain. To say nothing of Haiti — the only people they have left fighting for them in Hispaniola are a few mad Americans, a few local Spaniards and a lot of islanders from the East Indies who by all accounts want to go home.”

    “Then they have no plans to assist Miguel in his claims?”

    “No. Barring a miracle, I estimate that his cause won’t see another summer.”

    Grey nodded. Supporting the rebels had been a gamble — one that might possibly have cost Britain an ally had they lost. Instead, their alliance would only grow stronger. That was to the good.



    [1] Sir George Arthur’s New System is intended to govern every aspect of the lives of Australian convicts, which means it places considerable restrictions on the free settlers and ex-convicts who wish to hire them.
    [2] OTL Albany and Melbourne. (IOTL, Melbourne was founded four years later under PM Melbourne — hence the name. ITTL, Australian free settlers are moving further out and faster to set up towns where there are no convicts, and where they aren’t conscripted as de facto wardens in the New System.)
    [3] OTL, this turned into a rebellion.
    [4] Foreign Secretary, as IOTL.
    [5] Master General of the Ordnance, as IOTL.
    [6] An Austrian ally and member of the Südzollverein.
    [7] It’s more that they’re trying to exercise the freedoms their constitutions promise.
    [8] He was Grey’s Home Secretary IOTL.
    [9] King of Madagascar, and a British client.
     
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    Sad Stories of the Death of Kings (1)
  • The Class of 1821: Ten Years Later

    Charles Leopold Douglas turned 10 on February 7. A bright lad and mature beyond his years, he is already being considered for a career in the Royal Navy.
    “A captain who doesn’t know how to win will lose a good many battles, but a captain who doesn’t know how to lose will only lose one.” — Adm. Douglas


    Heinrich Kauffmann turned March 8 in Eutin. His family can’t afford tutoring, but they taught him to read and he’s borrowed and stolen a few books.
    “For the blue flower! For the blue banner! For the heroes of the North!” — Heinrich Kauffman


    Samuel George Birney turned 10 on May 21. His father, James G. Birney, has been gradually emancipating his own slaves (very gradually) and trying to get his fellow slaveholders in Alabama, Kentucky and Tennessee to maybe think about not being slaveholders so much. They are not showing much enthusiasm.
    “Never speak to me of Southern gentility. I have often enough heard them calling for my father’s blood, and for my blood merely for being his son. Susan Grace was too kind.” — Sam Birney


    Augusta Adelaide Fitzclarence turned 10 on August 15 in Hannover, where she summers. She goes to school in London, and is an okay student. This is a great opportunity to talk about the Fitzclarence family in Hannover and Oldenburg. As illegitimate children of the king, they are of course well outside of the succession — but by the same token, there’s nothing stopping them from going into business, and when they do, not only are they privileged with excellent connections, but some of them have some actual business sense. That is a winning combination. They’re especially getting rich in the railroad industry — Hannover already has more kilometers of railroad than Prussia or Austria (whose railroads are of course not compatible with Hannover’s or with each other.)
    “Yes. I could go to Bremen, take ship to London and live out my days as a safe and wealthy socialite. I am here because this is where I choose to be.” — Augusta Fitzclarence


    Pavel Nikolaevich turned 10 on September 20. He is being tutored well. There are many teachers in Russia who are uncredited because they don’t want to follow the guidelines of the Ministry of Spiritual Reform and Popular Enlightenment, and Grand Duke Nicholas is quietly bringing the better ones into Gatchina Palace.
    “Let us bring an end to these mad and blasphemous attempts to reshape the human soul.” — Grand Duke Pavel


    William Jonathan Gibbs turned 10 on October 12. With his father’s health failing, he had to leave the Free School and get an apprenticeship with a carpenter.
    “Have white men the moral courage, the pluck, the grit, to lay down their foolish prejudice against the colored man and lift him up to a position where he can bear his full share of the toils and dangers of this war?” — William J. Gibbs[1]


    Clarence Harlan Barton turned 10 on November 19 in North Oxford, Massachusetts. He is also taking up an apprenticeship, but this one is to an apothecary.
    “Quantity and quality are the difference between medicine and poison.” — Clarence Barton



    [1] Very close to an OTL quote by Jonathan Clarkson Gibbs.
     
    Sad Stories of the Death of Kings (2)
  • In some respects, the War of the Sardinian Succession was a classic war of sharks and lions. Italy’s small but advanced navy made short work of Austria’s larger but obsolescent navy, and was able to raid the Dalmatian coast with impunity from late 1831 until the end of hostilities a year later. These raids did little to damage the Austrian economy, but they did allow Italy to reinforce Venice and complicate matters for the besieging forces. The fact that Venice never fell is more a credit to Italy’s navy than its army.

    On land, Austria had the advantage of numbers. The greater rate of fire from the the Italians’ Francotte revolvers was often a decisive edge, but not many regiments were yet equipped with these revolvers. So the Austrians advanced, but slowly, its victories—Treviso, Montebelluna, Castelfranco Veneto, Padua—ranging from expensive to downright Pyrrhic. In early May, a cavalry raid out of the Brenner Pass looted and set fire to Verona, but suffered heavy casualties during the retreat to Austrian territory.

    In June, Vienna was confronted by two disasters. Vicenza proved to be a bloody month-long stalemate that dashed any hopes of extending Austrian control further west and threatening Milan. Then, on June 19 at Chioggia, four Austrian regiments were lost, trapped between the Italian garrison inside the town, two regiments of Italian infantry and the guns of the Aquila di Mare, Campi Marcariani, Utica and Zama, which enfiladed the right wing of the attacking army and destroyed its artillery. This ended any hope of interfering with Italian efforts to keep Venice supplied by sea during the siege…


    During the war, Britain and France repeatedly offered to play the role of peacemaker, favoring a white peace and return to the status quo ante bellum, with the status of the new island south of Sicily to be determined by negotiation. The Sultan of Albania agreed to play host to the negotiations. Lord Palmerston and the Duc de Bassano were finally successful in August, when Terni and Vienna agreed to a cease-fire. The problem was that Austria was making demands—the new island and the independence of Sardinia under “King Ranier”—that it was singularly ill-positioned to enforce, and had no official claims in the places where it at least held Italian territory.

    On September 3, Foreign Minister Guglielmo Pepe offered to cede the island to Austria in exchange for formal recognition of the political unity of Italy and Sardinia. His decision provoked an outcry in Italy and calls for his resignation in the Assembly, but it also served as the fig leaf that allowed Metternich to accept a white peace. Thanks to the observations of British and Italian scientists, a few officials in London and Terni knew the truth; the eruptions birthing the island had ended, and the gentle waves of the Mediterranean were eroding the soft ash of which it was made. By the end of the year, Isola di Cenere (by whatever name) would have vanished beneath the waves as though it had never existed. By that time, of course, the Treaty of Scutari had already been signed…


    The seemingly pointless war had the effect of reinforcing the antipathy between Italy and Austria. The Italians had seen cities burned and towns occupied, and Austria had paid no indemnity for this beyond the blood of its own men. And yet Italy had matched Austria in force, and more than matched it in guile. To a nation still haunted by the horrors of the Other Peninsular War, this was no small thing. The lesson learned in Terni was that modern weapons were good, and Italy needed more of them—and would do well to manufacture them itself.

    Austria, meanwhile, had spent blood and treasure and gained nothing. Its armies had fared poorly against a weaker power, and it had been humiliated at sea. Worse, the ravaging of its ports had brought trade to a standstill at a time when the economy of the Western world was already beginning to slow down. The lesson learned in Vienna was that modern weapons were necessary—otherwise, its larger army wouldn’t be a larger army for very long in time of war. And so, Metternich shelved the proposal for a war against Bosnia-Rumelia in favor of yet another round of reforms and modernizations.

    Vienna learned another lesson was well, concerning the United Kingdom. In an effort to bring an end to the war as quickly as possibly, London’s Foreign Office had withheld the news of the island’s sinking until both parties had signed the treaty, turning the wily Metternich into an international laughingstock. At the same time, Vienna was indebted to London for maintaining Austrian rule over Tripolitania at a time when Vienna was in no position to assert that rule. Thus, Britain was a power with which good relations were necessary, but not one to be fully trusted.

    H. Michael Wolcott, A History of Western International Diplomacy, 1648-1858
     
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    Sad Stories of the Death of Kings (3)
  • In April of 1832, the monarchs of two different countries—Persia and Spain—both died at the worst possible time for their nation. Both left legacies that would lead, immediately or in the long term, to civil war and disaster…


    Azeris and other Muslims in the Tsar’s dominions were facing greater and greater repression, and many of them were fleeing into Persia. Although Persia had come off badly in its last war with Russia, its forces under the command of Crown Prince Abbas Mirza had been doing well in Kurdistan recently, which boosted the confidence of the government.[1] On February 24, shortly before the Laylat al-Qadr, the Ulema proclaimed a jihad in defense of the Azeri people, and Dowlatshah began preparing for war with Russia…


    On April 19, at Zewa, Abbas Mirza’s forces suffered a terrible defeat at the hands of King Ibrahim of Iraq, regent of Kurdistan in the name of King Abdülaziz. By the time it was over, the Persians had been routed, Abbas Mirza had been wounded and taken prisoner and his eldest son, Mohammed Mirza, was dead—and this was not even the worst thing to happen to the kingdom on this day.

    The death of Fath-Ali Shah is a mysterious matter, not least because so many of the witnesses died in the ensuing civil wars. The story that he died in an accident in the bath involving a concubine on a marble slide is no more plausible than any of the others, despite its greater entertainment value. The one certainty is that neither he nor anyone in the palace could have been aware of what had just happened to Abbas Mirza and his son. Unfortunately, it was only a matter of time before everyone in Tehran knew that their king was dead and his heir was a prisoner in the hands of the Cairenes. Before long, Ali Mirza had leaped into action[2], having himself declared Shah and quickly ordering Dowlatshah to secure a cease-fire with Russia.

    With the acknowledged heir Abbas Mirza returning to Tehran backed up by a Cairene army and Ali Mirza increasingly bowing to the whims of Moscow, the patriot Dowlatshah stood aside, keeping his army in reserve for when the nation was one again. The son of a Georgian concubine, he did not presume to seek the throne for himself. No one knows whether it would have gone better or worse for Persia/Iran if he had…


    The Spanish-Haitian War had gradually drained Spain of its strength and wealth to the point where it could no longer be endured. In New Spain, Valentín Gómez Farías had brought an end to Iturbide’s coup and set up a provisional government until new elections could be held. The father-in-law to Prince-Viceroy Francisco had been shot while trying to escape—and to further the ignominy, it appeared that that was in fact what had actually happened, not merely a cover for a convenient murder. The effect of this was that the armies of New Spain were pulling out of Hispaniola. Meanwhile, José Cecilio del Valle[3], Francisco Morazán[4] and Juan Mora Fernández[5] were in Madrid to present a petition demanding equal citizenship status for the people of the Central American provinces.

    It was at this moment that Ferdinand VII went to sleep and did not wake up again—leaving the kingdom in the hands of young María Isabel, but much of the army in the hands of her uncle Charles, who was occupied with trying to keep the situation in Cuba under control even as he was mourning the recent death of his wife…


    Robert W. Derek, Great Coincidences of World History



    [1] IOTL Persia did really badly against Russia in a war in the late 1820s. ITTL that war hasn’t happened yet.
    [2] IOTL Ali Mirza attempted to usurp the throne from Mohammed Mirza.
    [3] IOTL the man who wrote the Act of Independence of Central America in 1821.
    [4] First president of Honduras IOTL.
    [5] First elected head of state of Costa Rica IOTL.
     
    Lord Byron's Last Adventure
  • Reflections
    February 22, 1998

    KLYCE: Welcome to “Reflections.” I’m your host, John Klyce. Today we’re joined by Maria Vinakayam, director and co-writer of the historical K-graph One Last Adventure, a finalist for the Kinematographic Institute of America’s 1997 Nonpareil Award in the categories of Entertainment, Direction, Lead Actor and Lead Actress. Welcome to the show, Mrs. Vinakayam.

    VINAKAYAM: Thank you.

    KLYCE: Now, rather than go into your personal history, which has already been covered in several interviews, I thought we’d go into the background of the K-graph itself—the original incident that gave rise to it and the various other attempts to bring it to the screen.

    VINAKAYAM: Thank you. I never thought I’d get tired of telling the story of my nana’s[1] restaurant.

    KLYCE: What drew you to this particular story, which has been depicted a number of times already?

    VINAKAYAM: Well, with all due respect to previous directors, I made my own version because, obviously, I wasn’t fully satisfied with theirs. Most of them seemed to err on the side of romanticizing the story, presenting the situation almost the way Lord Byron saw it. On the other hand, the last one, twelve years ago—The Great Rescue—have you seen it?

    KLYCE: Yes, I have. More of a grim K-laugh[2], wasn’t it?

    VINAKAYAM: Yes—deliberately so. ‘Silly natoroo[3] aristocrat and clever young thopsocrat[4] team up to save a stupid fat inbred princess from a stupid inbred king’—they weren’t subtle about the Elmarism.

    KLYCE: So it went too far in the other direction?

    VINAKAYAM: Yes. As I see it, the story of Lord Byron’s attempted rescue of the Infanta María Isabella is… not a romantic story, but a story about romanticism, if you understand the distinction. A story about Byron’s belief in himself, in the sort of person he was and how it made him see the world and what it made him do. And at the same time, there was the reality of Spain in 1832.

    KLYCE: Tell us a little bit about that.

    VINAKAYAM: Certainly. So—King Fernando VII was dead. His daughter, María Isabella—I don’t know why we keep calling her a princess, she was a queen—was officially the monarch, but nobody thought she was prepared to take the job. Her mother, also named María Isabella[5], was supposed to have served as regent, but she died the previous year during a miscarriage. The most obvious solution was for the king’s brother Carlos, duke of Molina, to become her regent. But he would not accept that title. He wanted to be king, he honestly thought God’s plan for himself and Spain was for him to be king, and there was a growing faction in Spain that wanted him there.

    KLYCE: Because he was a man?

    VINAKAYAM: That was partly it. Partly it was just that he was a stronger leader and obviously up to the job. Don’t misunderstand—I’m not expressing support here. As I see it—just my personal opinion here—the two biggest criteria for judging a potential leader are agenda and competence. What does this person want to do, and how good is he or she likely to be at it?

    KLYCE: What about honesty versus corruption?

    VINAKAYAM: I file that under agenda. If the list of things a leader wants to do include help out friends or grab a big pile of money, obviously… but in the case of María Isabella—honestly, it’s hard to say what her agenda was. I mean, politically, she was… she was fourteen, is what she was. There’s just not a whole lot more you can say. She was fourteen and she kept getting sick and she wasn’t that good of a student even when she was healthy. And her father—it was complicated. First he tried to raise her to just be a good little obedient Catholic princess. Then, once he’d accepted he wasn’t going to have a son and she was going to have to be his heir—and that took a while—he tried to teach her his politics, his conservatism and absolutism. But even doing that, he couldn’t help giving her a certain awareness of political reality, which was that absolute monarchy was a falling star.

    KLYCE: Especially after the Portuguese civil war—hadn’t that just ended?

    VINAKAYAM: Yes, but that was between two good princes. This was a choice between somebody who couldn’t do much besides smile, wave at the crowd and sign whatever the Cortes put in front of her, and somebody who was already doing most of the work of a monarch. There was the situation in Cuba, helping General Novales get the Luzonese—sorry, Filipino—units back home before they started mutinying… for anyone who thought a monarch should be more than a figurehead, there was really only one choice. Especially since both parties in the Cortes had discredited themselves fighting a losing war in Haiti for so long. At the same time, there were limits to what the army would allow him to do as king—a lot of the leading men in the army were the same people who’d forced his brother to accept the constitution in the first place. General Espartero, who was Carlos’ right hand in Cuba[6], told him as much—don’t try to shut down the Cortes, don’t touch the Constitution, you want me as an ally, not an enemy. So Spain was facing a civil war nobody wanted and nobody saw a way to avoid. María’s idea, or at least the idea she endorsed, was for Carlos to do what Claudius did in Hamlet—without, obviously, the implication that he poisoned his brother.

    KLYCE: You mean, for Carlos to become king but to name María his heir.

    VINAKAYAM: Yes. It seems obvious in retrospect—you have a competent king who wants to rule and is ready now, and this lets him do that, and you have a girl who’s not ready to be queen and this gives her a few more years to prepare. Spanish history would have gone very differently if Carlos had taken this deal. But he didn’t just want Spain, he wanted to leave it to his own son. The Cortes wouldn’t budge—the queen, the king’s official heir, had to be kept in the line of succession. And then someone came up with… the compromise.

    (2-beat pause)

    KLYCE: It seems grotesque, marrying a girl to her uncle against her will.

    VINAKAYAM: It happened in many dynasties, not just the Spanish royal family. In fact, María herself was the product of just such a marriage—her mother was her father’s niece.

    KLYCE: Which means she was also Carlos’s niece. So Carlos was her uncle and her great-uncle?

    VINAKAYAM: Yes. Obviously this was not a good idea from a medical standpoint. There’s a reason none of their children lived more than a few days.

    KLYCE: Was this why Lord Byron decided he had to come to her rescue?

    VINAKAYAM: This, and the fact that the queen was so opposed to it. And the fact that no matter what he promised, everyone knew freedom in Spain would be taking at least a few steps backward under King Carlos. He’d gotten his start fighting the Bourbon dynasty in Italy, long before Greece or Florida.

    KLYCE: The thing everybody finds hard to believe is that Lord Byron—who was part of a whole network of people that specialized in freeing other people from captivity—but instead of asking any of these people for help, he finds some random young man in Sepharad and says, “Hey, want to come help me rescue a princess?” And the man says, “Yes!” Is that how it actually happened?

    VINAKAYAM: More or less. To begin with, there was a limit to Byron’s ability to ask for help, because the biggest single authority figure on the southern Hidden Trail wasn’t him, it was Charles McCarthy—who was also the governor of Florida and would’ve felt obliged to stop him if he’d known what he was up to. And he had to move quickly—as long as it takes to plan a royal wedding, it also takes time to plan a trip across the Atlantic. So Byron talked to the people he trusted not to spread the word any further, and all those people said the same things—“No!” “Are you poggled[7]?” “This isn’t going to work! You’re going to get yourself killed for nothing!” “Every last slave in the South is worth as much in the sight of God as this Spanish girl!” “We do what we do so they can be free, not so we can be heroes!”

    KLYCE: Wait—did you write this scene?

    VINAKAYAM: Obvious, isn’t it? Yes, I personally wrote a seven-minute scene of Lord Byron’s friends saying no to him. It was cut.

    KLYCE: Did they say why?

    VINAKAYAM: Yes. First of all, they wanted to cut the K-graph down to two and a half hours at most. Second, they said the scene distracted from the story—that it was too persuasive, it made the hero look like too much of a moodin[8]. I thought it was an important scene. You know, as much as we honor freedom fighters, the key word is always “freedom,” not “fighter.” If you ever forget that… that way lies aristism. Not only that, there were some actors for whom that was their only scene in the K-graph. You can imagine how disappointed they were.

    KLYCE: That must have been hard for them. When we come back, more on the history behind One Last Adventure


    KLYCE: Returning to the history of the incident, Byron didn’t find help from his usual friends, but he did find…

    VINAKAYAM: Judah, yes. He wasn’t part of the Hidden Trails organization—in fact, from what I’ve seen of his writings, at this point he had no sympathy with the cause at all.

    KLYCE: Really.

    VINAKAYAM: Not everyone in Florida was a bishasto[9] abolitionist, and Judah grew up in the West Indies and the Carolinas. At this point, he was… he was a young man in search of adventure, is what he was. He might have already found some—I wasn’t able to pin down what he did to get thrown out of Yale. Whatever it was, he seems to have decided to lie low in Florida with his friends the Levy family.

    KLYCE: He still seems an unlikely choice for a mission into Spain. What was it about him that drew Byron’s interest?

    VINAKAYAM: It was probably the fact that he was a Jew and—officially—there weren’t any Jews living in Spain at this point, and if there were any they were keeping their heads down and probably moving to Morocco. Judah could’ve easily passed for a Christian. Instead, he spent the whole sea voyage growing his beard out and showed up in Madrid in his best clothes and a proper British accent, pretending to be a rich businessman, throwing money around and saying, “Hey, not everybody in Florida likes ghee, there’s a market for olive oil, act now before the new groves in New Spain start producing.”[10] Or “Why should the Americans, French and Italians corner the wine market in a British colony? Let’s get some good Spanish wines over there.” So wherever they went, everybody was focused on this rich Jew with his fancy clothes and big long neckbeard running around all over Spain praising their oil and wine. Nobody looked twice at the man acting as his servant. People who study espionage, infiltration, exfiltration—which is what this was—say that’s how you do it. Ideally you want to be as anonymous and forgettable as possible, obviously, but if that’s not going to work, you try to draw everyone’s attention to something else, someone else.

    KLYCE: And of course when the time came for him to escape, all he had to do was shave, change his clothes, take the padding out from under his shirt…

    VINAKAYAM: And put on a different accent. Obviously. Just another young American seeing Europe.

    KLYCE: That’s another thing critics have found unrealistic—the experienced rescuer of slaves got caught and the complete nove[11] was the one who escaped.

    VINAKAYAM: And yet it did happen that way. Byron was experienced, but it was the wrong kind of experience—helping a slave escape a farm in the backwoods is one thing, and getting a princess out of the Escorial and through the heart of a European nation is… something else again. As for Judah’s escape, I must admit we rewrote it for extra drama. Judah didn’t really change his disguise in the bathroom while the guards were searching the street, he snuck out of Madrid the day before Byron left for San Lorenzo[12]—which was the plan all along. Byron needed him in La Coruña, looking for a ship bound for Florida, so that when he and the queen got there they could board it and go. Of course, by the time he got to La Coruña Byron had been caught and the wedding was back on. They had good horses, but the best horse in the world can’t outrun the semaphore.

    KLYCE: When you think about it, the surprising thing is that it went as well as it did.

    VINAKAYAM: The reason it went so well is nobody was expecting it. All the guards at the Escorial were expecting trouble, but a different kind of trouble—either a coup attempt by liberal army officers or a mass demonstration in Madrid. One man, one foreigner, coming in to abduct María Isabella out from everyone’s noses—that was completely ow-kotow[13]. The other reason it worked is that Byron had her full cooperation. Which gives you an idea of her attitude toward the arrangement. Normally, a girl would scream and call the guards. In her case, she ran away with this total stranger—no servants or maids-in-waiting or anything, and going without these people was a major inconvenience for someone in the royal family—in a disguise that turned out to not even fit properly.

    KLYCE: She really must have wanted to get away from her… what? Uncle/great-uncle?

    VINAKAYAM: Great-uncle/uncle/husband/rapist.

    (3-beat pause)

    KLYCE: You know, I could’ve lived a long, happy life without ever hearing that phrase spoken out loud.

    VINAKAYAM: Sorry.

    KLYCE: Byron’s trial and execution—how much of that was taken from the historical record?

    VINAKAYAM: Almost all of it—heavily condensed, of course. The “Sword of Nemesis” could be very dramatic when he wanted to be.

    KLYCE: Authenticity. Good.

    VINAKAYAM: Yes. When you’ve got an American playing Lord Byron, a Frenchman playing Carlos, an Tripolitanian playing María Isabella and an Irishman playing Judah P. Benjamin, obviously you need all the authenticity you can get.

    KLYCE: Speaking of which, tell us more about the choices you made when depicting María Isabella.

    VINAKAYAM: Yes. I understand the controversy around that. Obviously, Iliana Kosor is nineteen, not fourteen. We cast her because she was the best actress out of the many who tried out, and also because no one wants to see a forty-four-year-old man and a fourteen-year… all right, some people probably do want to see that, but I’m not going to be the one to show it to them. And there are some very troubling aspects to the story. We don’t know what—well, obviously we do know what happened between Lord Byron and the Queen of Spain that night, but we don’t know the precise details. If we wanted full historical accuracy and emotional honesty, we’d have to say it wasn’t all that different from what Carlos did later—her age and the circumstances both made her consent meaningless. Presenting it as a free interaction between adults made it easier for us to make and more enjoyable for the audience.

    KLYCE: Most of the audience.

    VINAKAYAM: All of the audience we care about.

    KLYCE: There have been those who have criticized this K-graph’s depiction of Queen María from a feminist perspective—that in spite of your best efforts, she still seems too passive, that the world needs more stories of women who go on quests of their own instead of being the object of other people’s quests.

    VINAKAYAM: I’m aware of that. Here’s the thing. Focusing on the achievements of extraordinary women—that’s not feminism, that’s aristism in a dress. I’m not quipping here, I’m in earnest. Remember when Roxelana was a worldwide hit? Everyone in the free world thought it was this inspiring tale of the triumph of true love and the human spirit? And it turned out it was originally intended as aristist propaganda? The K-graph was basically saying, “This girl who got kidnapped and sold as a sex slave rose to become the most powerful woman in the world! See, if you’re truly worthy you too can do great things within the context of your social role!” María Isabella was not Roxelana. She wasn’t even Charlotte the First. Unlike her daughter, she wasn’t all that smart or strong-willed. She was, when you get right down to it, a fairly ordinary young woman who happened to be in an extraordinary situation, and at that moment, she needed help. That’s why her story matters. She was a mediocrity, but so are most people—if you think that means they don’t matter, you might as well put on a remer armband. She was a mediocrity, and at that moment, she needed help. The tragedy is that the only person who helped her didn’t plan it very well, and also took advantage of her himself.

    KLYCE: Is there anything you regret about the movie? Anything you wish you could have included?

    VINAKAYAM: Byron’s funeral. It was one of the great events of the 1830s, both for the literary world and for the political world. There was a good deal of controversy, at least among the Tories, around giving so much public recognition to a man who’d tried to cause so much trouble for a country that wasn’t an enemy. The conversation ran—not in these exact words, of course—“We buried Lord Castlereagh with a lot more ceremony, and look what he did.” “But Castlereagh was poggled.” “And you think Byron was sane?”…




    [1] Grandfather
    [2] Dark comedy
    [3] A Plori word for “having a mid-life crisis.”
    [4] An Elmarist term for one whose skills begin and end with social climbing and self-promotion.
    [5] IOTL she died of a miscarriage in 1818. Ferdinand first replaced her with Maria Josepha Amalia of Saxony, who for once wasn’t a niece but did have the idea that good Catholic girls were not supposed to have sex with their husbands (or possibly just didn’t want to have sex with this particular husband). After she died, Ferdinand went back to his nieces again, marrying Maria Cristina of the Two Sicilies. When he died, she became regent for her infant daughter.
    [6] IOTL Baldomero Espartero was Carlos’ greatest enemy in the Carlist Wars. Here, he’s been serving under Carlos for some years, and so respects the man if not his politics.
    [7] A Plori word for “crazy” which has entered into standard English. (Not meant as a direct quote. The Plori dialect didn’t exist in 1832.)
    [8] A Plori word for “fool.”
    [9] A Plori word for “dyed-in-the-wool, fully committed to a cause or agenda.”
    [10] In an example of the many and various goats that colonialism blows, Spain introduced the olive tree into Mexico in the 16th century, only to destroy the olive groves and the industry they supported in 1777 so as to create a captive market for Spanish oil. Francisco has managed to get away with replanting olives in Tamaulipas, Sonora and parts of Alta and Baja California, but it’ll take a few more years for the trees to start bearing fruit.
    [11] Newcomer. (Not Plori—just regular slang.)
    [12] San Lorenzo de El Escorial, site of the Escorial.
    [13] Plori for “out of nowhere.”
     
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    Winter is Coming (1)
  • The Class of 1822: Ten Years Later

    Paul Verdon turned 10 years old March 10. I’m sorry to say he’s getting bullied a lot. The other children have noticed he can’t stand contact with any kind of filth, and, well, this is Paris. Horse and dog poop are never hard to find. His parents aren’t especially sympathetic—they’ve apprenticed him to a surgeon because they’ve noticed he’s good at working with his hands and they’re hoping the work will strengthen his stomach. It’s not as bad for him as you might think. The sight of blood doesn’t bother him—he just really, really needs everything he touches to be clean.
    “Just think—that shy little man, frightened of his own shadow, has saved the lives of more women than all the heroes ever born put together.” —Napoleon II

    Anil Malakar turned 10 years old April 30. He speaks Bengali, passable English and a smattering of Hindi and Seminole. His family has a farm along the Hillsborough River, and his father sometimes works with the crews rafting hickory, pine and cypress down to Trafalgar.
    Anil is deeply curious about God, which worries his family more than you might think. They’re deeply versed in Sufi traditions, but they haven’t seen a teacher of Islam since they came to Florida, nobody in his tiny community even has a Quran and Florida is full of all sorts of weird idolaters that no one back in the Ganges delta had ever heard of. That, at least, they don’t need to worry about—Anil is already quite clear on the oneness of God.
    “Let those with voices sing! Let those with legs dance! Let those with minds meditate!” — Anil Malakar

    Jeremiah Frederick Dent turned 10 years old on October 11 in White Haven, Missouri. His father was involved in helping John Sergeant carry the city of St. Louis and the state of Missouri.
    DS election 1832.png

    Despite the Tallmadge Amendment, President Clay remains popular in Missouri, and St. Louis has done well. The National Road stops on the other side of the river, but that’s not so bad—thanks to the T&T, the Erie Canal, the Grand Southern, and the now-finished C&O and O&E, you can take a steamboat from St. Louis to Mobile, Savannah, Cleveland, Washington, D.C. or New York City. And likewise, of course, people from all these places can go to St. Louis, which is good news for both the Army trying to secure the West and the immigrants who want to settle it. (This is not, of course, good news for Native Americans. Few things are these days.) But the big infrastructure program is turning out to be a victim of its own success. It’s hard to make money running, say, a turnpike to Cumberland when travelers can take a boat to Baltimore via Pittsburgh, the Potomac and the Chesapeake. And this December the Dent family received a very bad Christmas present—the value of their shares in the Southern Inland Navigation Company started plummeting like passenger pigeon poop.
    “My state is not free, slave, Northern or Southern. My state is American, and woe betide the traitor who dares set foot in it.” — Lt. Dent
     
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    Winter is Coming (2)
  • In modern economic terminology, the term “panic” is used to describe the collapse of a crucial industry or stock market rather than the full course of a hiemal period[1]. Certainly, what happened to the canal industry in the United States, Great Britain and France in the winter of 1832-33 and the spring of 1833 fits the modern definition of a panic. The Southern Inland and Navigation Company had sold too many shares and incurred too much debt. The revenue SINC was collecting from the canals they had already completed was not and could not be enough to meet these obligations…


    The turnpikes and canals were in that gray area so familiar to economists and tributologists[2]: not so easily monetized that they were capable of turning a profit in hiemal times, yet far too useful and advantageous to be allowed to wither and die from lack of maintenance. And they would need maintenance, as they were still seeing use. Businesses could be shuttered and locked and their chattels secured in vaults, but with toll collectors laid off there was no way to withhold the National Road and the other turnpikes from the public. Settlers going west and farmers who lived near the road could effectively use them free of charge until their status was resolved.

    The canals were only slightly harder to exploit. To make use of the National Road one needed only a working pair of feet; to use the canals required a boat, some way to propel it (a steam engine, a pair of oars or a mule with a rope), a windlass and the knowledge of how to operate the locks. As of 1833 the canals were still receiving enough regular use to pay the canalkeepers and toll collectors, but only by delaying maintenance and deferring payments on the mountain of incurred debt…


    The New York state legislature shelved plans to enlarge the Erie Canal, and state governments held off on permits for the construction of new canals. At the federal level, Secretary of Domestic Affairs Joseph Swift organized a commission to triage the canals still under construction, determining which would be worth finishing and which would be best abandoned entirely. Unfortunately, in June Vice President Benjamin Tappan inadvertently revealed the names of some of the commission members (including Charles Mason and Robert E. Lee) to a friend, who shared these names with financiers for a price. Suddenly, the whole commission found themselves being bombarded with missives explaining why one project or another was vital for the economic and military well-being of the United States. (For the rest of his term, President Sergeant could not hear the name of his own vice-president spoken without muttering, “Tappan. That ass.”)

    In the end, the only unfinished canals to be judged worthy of completion were the Illinois and Michigan Canal, which would be of inestimable value to the growing town of Chicago and other towns on the upper Great Lakes, and the Brunswick Spur, which was nearly useless for anything beyond military purposes but was within six kilometers of completion and would support military action aimed at British Florida…


    With the benefit of hindsight and analysis, the modern economist can discern that by the date of President Sergeant’s inauguration the long aestal period[3] which his predecessors had enjoyed had come to an end. At this point, however, contemporary observers considered the problem as one confined to the canal industry. Businessmen still came to Philadelphia[4], New York, London and Paris to seek investors not only for railroads, but speculative land purchases, shares in riverine and canal shipping and such projects as the on-again-off-again proposal to establish a major city on the floodplain peninsula between the Ohio and the Mississippi—a proposal that would eventually lead to the founding of Cairo, Illinois.[5]

    By the summer of 1833, however, these investors had begun to realize that the same speculative forces that had driven canal shares up had also raised land prices to unrealistic heights. Average land prices in Illinois and Indiana fell from $8-9 an acre in January to around $5 in December. Despite these lower prices, federal land sales in the last quarter of the year were 24 percent lower than they had been in the last quarter of 1832.[6]

    The chain reaction of deflation spread through the American economy. From Boston and Savannah to Pittsburgh and Coffeesburg, small shops cut their hours of operation or closed their doors entirely. Farmers sold their crops for whatever they could get, and vowed to plant less next year. Many independent druggists in Virginia and Maryland were compelled to place their businesses under the partial or complete ownership of the expanding Stabler empire. Apart from Stabler & Sons, only the railroads continued to grow, the shortage of investment capital offset by the lower price of land…



    No discussion of pre-Troubles America, even from a strictly economic standpoint, would be complete without considering the institution that served as both engine and legiron to the economy of nearly half the nation. As the abolitionist and anti-slavery[7] factions within the DRP grew, the Second Bank of the United States took greater and greater pains to avoid mentioning the degree to which it was involved with the sale and exploitation of slaves. A letter from bank president Nicholas Biddle noted that if his investors in New England and Pennsylvania understood the degree to which their own highly fungible money was entangled in “what is going on down in Mississippi… they might not be happy about these relationships.”[8]

    The fact remained, however, that in the states where slavery was legal, the Bank considered them exactly as it would any other form of movable property. It factored their presence and condition into its estimates of slaveholders’ wealth when evaluating loan applications. It accepted them as collateral in these loans. It allowed slaveholders to take out mortgages on them. (It also involved itself in less direct ways, selling bonds to brokerage firms such as Thomas Biddle & Company which also invested in plantations and collateralized slaves, and which could re-sell the bonds anywhere in the world, even in nations where slavery itself was illegal.[9]) The net result was that whenever a slaveholder fell into bankruptcy, the Bank found itself the legal owner of one or more slaves—human beings who it would dispose of at auction in accordance with standard practice. And with more plantations and small farms falling into bankruptcy every month, this was happening more and more often and becoming impossible to ignore. Even before the violent and tragic events of December 1833, the Bank—and Biddle himself—would find themselves subject to the ire of both abolitionists and slaveholders…

    -Thomas N. Wingrove, An Economic History of the United States, Vol. 2



    [1] Depression
    [2] Tributology is the study of taxation and public expenditure, a branch of economics.
    [3] Economic recovery; period of sustained growth
    [4] The Second Bank’s headquarters is here.
    [5] The first proposals for Cairo predate the POD.
    [6] This crash and depression is modeled roughly on the OTL Depression of 1837. It’s not quite as severe and won’t last as long because TTL doesn’t have the wildcat banks and Jackson’s war on the Second Bank.
    [7] The author is drawing a distinction between those who wish to abolish slavery and those who would be content to diminish and curtail it wherever possible.
    [8] Biddle sent this letter IOTL.
    [9] All OTL, including the fact that Thomas Biddle is a cousin of Nicholas Biddle.
     
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    Winter is Coming (3)
  • Edward Stabler died on January 17, 1833. He left behind five sons—Robinson Stabler. Thomas Snowden Stabler, and their half-brother Edward Hartshorne Stabler, all fairly young men, as well as Henry Hartshorne Stabler and Richard Quincy Stabler, who were sixteen and thirteen[1], respectively. The senior three were now the masters of what was currently known as “Stabler & Sons Quality Dyes, Medicines & Goods,” an already large and growing commercial empire. The two younger brothers’ shares in the firm were held in trust. America and the world waited to see what the heirs to this empire would do with it. Robinson would run the Lynchburg branch and expand the firm further south and west, while Edward H. would have the full-time job of running the New York branch, but Thomas was the one everyone would remember.

    The initial impression of Thomas Stabler’s career would suggest a real-life example of the combination of invention and entrepreneurship occasionally seen in the nineteenth century and far more often seen in bad aristist novels of the twentieth century. The secret of being such a person, of course, is having someone to whom one can delegate those tasks that aren’t one’s strongest point. In the case of Thomas, his brother-in-law Abdiel Crossman[2] (a man of the same age as himself) was in charge of sales, and his friend John L. Leadbeater (who would become his brother-in-law in 1835 when half-sister Mary married him[3]) was in charge of managing the firm’s day-to-day business. This left the development and testing of new medicines and other products to Thomas.

    Thomas had also learned from his father how to use a reliable source of income to finance research that might yield more income. The War Department and the Navy always needed niter, for instance, and the budget shortfalls in Washington meant that they could no longer afford the imported niter from India and had to use Stabler’s product, which was not yet of such consistent quality but was less expensive. Just as Edward Stabler had used money from the regular sale of Republican Purple dye to pay for the research that led to the first indigine[4] dyes, Thomas now used the money from Kentucky niter to finance his own researches for the War Department…


    Even in a hiemal period, of course, people still got sick or hurt and would pay any price to be well, or at least feel relief from pain. Thomas was not the first person—not even the first person named Thomas—to cultivate Papaver somniferum in America. Thomas Jefferson had done so at Monticello many years earlier. Now Thomas Stabler was encouraging farmers who were struggling with still-high debts and low prices to do so on a larger scale. Beginning in 1833, his signature appears on many purchasing contracts for raw opium poppy. Officially, this was also for the War Department, to supply the army with “morphia,” or morphine, in the event of war. But the war had yet to begin, and Stabler was already starting to turn a profit…


    An overseas trade good that China was happy to accept was American ginseng. Thomas began cultivating this on a larger scale as well, shipping it to the Far East along with “rhinoceros horn” which was, in fact, finely ground human nail clippings[5]. Along with every shipment, of course, was a certain amount of raw Stabler opium, generally sold in quiet deals by certain sailors rather than openly traded, to avoid the wrath of the Qing government coming down on Stabler’s agents, who were his eyes and ears in China.

    These agents were also learning more about the traditional herbal medicines the Chinese favored, and relayed this information to the home office in Alexandria. Although Thomas was understandably reluctant to trust the medical lore of a nation that was buying his discarded toenail clippings at many times their weight in silver, he did not dismiss such lore entirely. He had samples of herbs from China and other nations brought home. The most successful of these was Artemisia annua, or Chinese wormwood, although it would take well over a decade for Thomas Stabler to find a way to extract the active ingredient[6] reliably and in quantity…

    -Sharon-Rose Nicholls, For the People[7] (Who Are Still Alive): The Long and Sometimes Honorable History of Stabler, Inc.



    [1] Slightly different from Thomas Stabler’s IOTL half-siblings, although IOTL Edward Senior did leave two sons with the middle name “Hartshorne.”
    [2] IOTL a successful businessman and mayor of New Orleans despite being from Massachusetts. ITTL he’s married to Anna Stabler. (I can’t find any mention of either of these two marrying IOTL.)
    [3] As IOT
    [4] OTL aniline, ITTL first discovered in 1825.
    [5] Human fingernails and rhino horn are both made of keratin.
    [6] Artemisinin, a powerful antimalarial drug.
    [7] In decades to come, the corporation that Stabler & Sons Quality Dyes, Medicines & Goods is evolving into will adopt a linked series of slogans for products meant for household purchase and use: “Beauty for the People” (cosmetics), “Health for the People” (pharmaceuticals), “Hygiene for the People” (soaps, shampoos, etc.), “Refreshment for the People” (soft drinks), etc.
     
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    So Who Did Start the Fire? (1)
  • “It was a Friday night, as I recall, near the end of my seventeenth year. To facilitate my care of the horses, my master had granted me a bed in the barn loft, which meant I was plagued with flies in the summer but enjoyed a fair amount of warmth in the winter, as I kept it well fortified against drafts. As on every other night, I had gone to bed aching from the labors of the day and fell quickly into slumber; but I was not to sleep through the night.

    “I cannot say at what hour of the night I was awakened by the restless noises of the horses and mules. I thanked Providence that I was in the habit of keeping the barn well-ordered, so that I might go about in in pitch darkness with no fear of mishap, letting memory be my eyes as blind men do; for I had no lamp-oil handy. By the sound of them, the horses were uneasy, but far from panic.

    “I descended the stairs, and saw at once that the shutters had fallen open on the window facing the south. When I went to close them, I was taken aback by what I saw. The moon had long since set, leaving the world outside lit only by winter stars—yet there was an unaccustomed glow on the horizon between the trees, a glow of an ominous red.

    “It was a chill night, near cold enough for frost, and I had only my shirt on; therefore I did not wish to leave the warmth of the barn for a better look. I consoled the horses and set them at ease, then returned to the window and watched. The glow grew no brighter, so I secured the shutters and returned to my bed, but sleep was slow to return to me that night.”

    From Narrative of the Life of John March



    “This morning everybody in town went down to the docks and we saw a long cloud of smoke on the horizin to the south. I was scared it would come closer but it just kept on going further out to sea. Papa took me home and said not to talk about it to anybody especially where the n_____s could hear. They didn't say what it was but somebody must have lit the biggest fire in the world to make a smoke like that…”
    From the journal of Elizabeth Miller (age 9), December 14, 1833.
     
    So Who Did Start the Fire? (2)
  • Good guesses, everybody! (Content note: racial epithet.)

    The controversy over the question “Who burned Savannah?” began before the embers had gotten cold, and has never ended. Although existing accounts provide us with a rough idea of where at least three of the fires began, they say nothing of how—and the sort of forensic investigative tools that might have helped answer the question would not be invented until long after the physical evidence was gone. Of those who have tried to solve the mystery, very few—then or since—could be said to have been acting without an agenda.

    And even historians with the same agenda can disagree over how best to further that agenda. As Fessler notes in her chapter of An Anthology of American Historiography (1997), “many of the great controversies of the history of the American South are not between Northern and Southern historians, but between Southern historians arguing among themselves over which interpretation of their history inspires the greatest pride—or, it might be better to say, the least embarrassment.” Certainly the question of the burning of Savannah could be described this way. Is it worse, from a Southern white perspective, to say that a slave uprising with little planning or organization was able to burn down a vital port, or to say that Southern whites torched it themselves by accident while suppressing the rebellion? It may have been an attempt to salvage some dignity from the situation when Governor Berrien claimed that the fire was the work of British agents “in retribution for the death of the Negro named John Glasgow[1], a radical abolitionist from British Florida who perished after taking up arms against the lawful government of the State of Georgia.” He offered no evidence for this, and as abolitionists like Benjamin Lundy were quick to point out, there was no way to determine if any of the fires had been set before or after Glasgow’s death. (Moreover, although Glasgow almost certainly was a radical abolitionist at the time of the incident, he had never distinguished himself as such until he had been arrested and was facing the prospect of enslavement.)

    But it is not only Southerners who disagree over this point. At the time, abolitionists, both black and white, were divided on the question of whether to cite the destruction of Savannah as a dire warning of the horrors that the continuation of slavery might yet bring to the republic, or to accuse the city authorities of trying to place the blame for their own fatal blunders on a handful of Negroes. To put it another way, they were divided on the question of whether it was most useful to the cause to present the slave as an object of pity or an object of terror. As for the legal decision that triggered the rebellion within which the fire occurred, Daniel Webster placed the blame on the conveniently late Judge Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus Lamar, calling his decision in Second Bank v. SINC (Georgia) “mischievous in its intent and disastrous in its consequence.” William Lloyd Garrison, on the other hand, denounced “the Philadelphia man who has become the single greatest and most callous slaveholder in the United States, Nicholas Biddle.” For his part, Biddle insisted that the first he’d heard about the case was reading about it in the papers in the days following the rebellion and fire…


    With or without slavery, major fires had struck American cities before—Boston in 1760, New York in 1776, Detroit in 1805 and several cities during the War of 1812[2]—and would continue to do so long after the death of slavery. To see a growing, hopeful city like Savannah burn to the ground was a terrible blow to Southern pride, but Savannah was vulnerable to fire precisely because it was a boom town. Its population had expanded from 7,520 in 1820 to 25,739 in 1830.[3] A crowded belt of shantytowns had sprung up all around the city in the last decade, and building cheap housing was a much simpler process than it is today. There were no building codes, no water and sewer planning, no zoning laws to balance housing and commercial space and keep heavy industry separate from housing, no tributological studies to confirm that future property taxes would cover infrastructure maintenance—and above all, no fire codes. And the smallest, most closely packed and most fire-prone shacks were inevitably those belonging to the trusted slaves hired out by their masters to work in the city.

    And in December, these shacks were half-deserted, because winter was the time when the slave population of Savannah was at its lowest. In Savannah, as in most southern cities in the pre-Troubles, pre-frescador[4] era, free labor was highly seasonal. The only people willing to perform heavy labor in that kind of heat and humidity were people who were either being coerced into working or had no other options. Because of this, the population of Savannah increased to at least 27,000 during the summer. And because of this, while city authorities had planned for a slave insurrection, all their plans were based on the assumption that it would take place during the summer when slaves were at their most numerous and (presumably) most angry. No one anticipated trouble in the winter…


    Judge Lamar’s decision—that the wages SINC had held in trust for its slaves should be considered as attached to the slaves and included in their auction price—was not atypical of pre-Troubles jurisprudence in the slave states, but for the slaves themselves it was a disaster. The money they had spent years working for was to be used not to release them, but to make manumission difficult if not impossible for whoever purchased them.

    The only surviving account of what happened next comes from William Wilberforce Byron[5] one of the SINC slaves who had fallen into the hands of the Second Bank. Byron, at the time simply known as “Fed,” was one of several slaves who had been cynical enough to fear that either SINC or the state of Georgia or Alabama would find some pretext to keep them in bondage. These slaves had obtained a set of handcuffs from “Wild Joe” Baldy, who showed them how to pick the lock with a small, flattened piece of metal, such as a specially hammered nail…


    Another point of contention is whether the Savannah authorities intended to release John Glasgow once his court costs were paid, or whether they intended to condemn the the free-born black British sailor into slavery no matter what money was offered. No records exist of what money was even offered. Crewmen from the British East Indiaman Ogle Castle, who survived the fire by abandoning ship and rowing far out to sea, swore that their captain had offered to pay the full cost, but that (as the Manchester Champion would put it) “Shylock-like, the American court preferred man’s flesh to any amount of money.” Byron, on the other hand, stated in his memoirs that the captain had refused to pay the exorbitant costs demanded…


    As of 6 p.m. that Friday, the group of “some thirty or forty” rebels had taken over the new courthouse, but were well aware that they could not afford to be cornered in there—they had only eleven guns between them, and a limited supply of powder and shot. At this point, they were divided as to what to do next. Eighteen of them—some with family among the Gullah—chose to take five of the guns and follow Byron in fleeing the city and heading down the coast to Florida. Although one member of this group was killed and two others were recaptured after suffering injury, sixteen remained to board the Trafalgar-built clipper Jubilee in Blackbeard Creek and escape three nights later.

    Of those who remained with John Glasgow, none survived. Nor did the much larger group of militiamen and volunteers who tried to overcome them, or most physical evidence of the fight. According to Byron’s account, Glasgow’s plan had been to return to his ship shortly before midnight, when the tide was rising and the ship would be able to escape into international waters. But with the city already on the alert, this would have been impossible.

    So was born the myth of a group of twelve to twenty-two men with six guns among them, led by a man born in freedom, choosing to make a heroic last stand in the warehouses near the riverfront and destroy the city around them like Samson in the temple. The best-known depiction of this is the K-graph American Masada (1977), in which John Glasgow not only shoots Judge Lamar off his horse, but, in the culmination of the firefight with the Georgia militia, throws a flaming bottle of zark[6] into a stolen cache of gunpowder and “experimental incendiaries,” creating a firestorm which destroys the city.

    There is simply no reason, beyond romanticism, to believe that anything like these dramatic events ever happened. Most obviously, zark would not be available for this or any other purpose until the late 1840s. In addition, Judge Lamar had left the courthouse two hours before the revolt. His corpse was fortunate enough to escape burning or trampling, and showed all the marks of death by traumatic injury to the head and neck caused by falling or being thrown from a panicking horse—as would be expected to happen in a burning city wracked by occasional explosions. These explosions were caused by several illegal caches of gunpowder that did in fact exist in various parts of the city.[7] In addition, a local apothecary reported the loss of a crate of “Dr. Prometheus’ Authentic Greek Fire” which was intended for the War Department and had been kept in a warehouse near the harbor. The fact that investigators were unable to determine from the rubble which warehouse it had been kept in, however, suggests that whatever its composition, it was only marginally more hot-burning than many other things kept in those same warehouses.

    This is a key point. Raw cotton was Savannah’s largest export, and it was stored in bulk in all the warehouses, along with bulk hemp, flax fiber and dried tobacco. Textile firms in the Girard-Alpheus area sent bolts of cotton cloth and linen to Savannah for export to countries with less of a textile industry than Britain or France, and casks of cottonseed and linseed oil went with them. Not only exports, but imports were stored near the riverfront, including rum from Florida and the West Indies, brandy from France and palm oil from Pays-Crou. The boatyards and shipyards always had great quantities of lumber, cordage and sailcloth on hand, and steamboat companies maintained supplies of coal and charcoal for the boats that plied the Grand Southern. In short, when Glasgow and his men were cornered near the riverfront, they and their assailants were surrounded by mountains of flammables. A single spark, a bit of still-burning gunpowder landing in the wrong place, would have been enough to burn the harbor.

    It would not, however, have been enough to burn the city. The wind on the night of December 13 was blowing almost due northeast, carrying the smoke and flames over the mouth of the river (according to eyewitnesses, the smoke was visible as far away as Charleston) and destroying much of the shipping, including Glasgow’s own ship. To understand what happened to the rest of Savannah, one must remember the shantytowns on the outskirts of the city, and at least attempt to understand the mindset of those who lived there. Their cardinal rule was this—if there’s trouble, especially violence, run away from it. Their only defense against being savagely attacked by militiamen—or any random armed white man—was to be somewhere else. The trouble was that an individual Negro, or a small family of them, could secure their own safety by heading for the fields and woods until things calmed down. But when a thousand or more of them tried to do this, it looked to the militia very much like further escape attempts if not insurrection.

    Here is yet another point of controversy. No one has been able to confirm a source for the quote “Do y’all think we’re stupid? We only burned the nigger part of town!” and it is most likely apocryphal, but it seems likely that at least some of the fires started on the southwestern edge of the city were started either by the militia or by white men hastily deputized to suppress the “insurrection” in this part of town. It was once common for Southern historians to blame the fleeing Negroes for burning their own neighborhood out of malice or carelessness, and there may have been a grain of truth in this. When over a thousand people flee a city at once, after all, accidents happen. Lamps are kicked over, candles dropped, cooking-fires not fully extinguished—and with all the residents fled and half the houses in these neighborhoods abandoned for the winter in any case, a fire could spread very far with no one to fight it.

    Whatever the case, the inferno at the harbor was hot enough to create its own winds which pulled oxygen into it from all directions. In the process, it pulled the fires from around the edges of Savannah into the heart of the city…

    Robert W. Derek, Great Controversies of American History



    [1] John Glasgow existed and experienced similar misfortunes IOTL, although ITTL his story has a more violent end.
    [2] Including Savannah itself in 1820 IOTL, but not ITTL. This, of course, means that more older wooden buildings survive and the resulting fire is worse when it does happen ITTL.
    [3] If you’re curious, Mobile is about the same size. This means they’re roughly tied for eighth largest city in the United States, the seventh being Northern Liberties, a suburb of Philadelphia. With New Orleans out of the picture, Charleston is the largest city in TTL’s South in the 1830s with over 30,000 people.
    [4] OTL air conditioner
    [5] IOTL he named himself “John Brown.”
    [6] Short for “Ozark brandy” or “Ozark whiskey,” a triple-distilled mixture of corn and grape alcohol. Often stored (at least temporarily) in pine barrels, which makes it taste like a cross between moonshine and brandy with a hint of Lysol. Not an upper-class beverage.
    [7] A cache like this caused the Great Savannah Fire of 1820 IOTL.
     
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    Winter of Discontent (1)
  • I'll have more on the aftermath of Savannah later. I've been very busy lately with an entirely different AH novella, "Investigation Into the Velazquez Shooting," which I'll be posting here over the next few days.

    The Class of 1823: Ten Years Later


    Prince August Wilhelm turned 10 on New Year’s Day. At the moment, he has a bad case of the croup, but he doesn’t mind. He feels like this is the most attention he’s had in years.

    “The time has come, as the great philosopher of Scotland has said, to cast down the last of the Mock-Authorities so that the Real-Authorities may emerge and rule.” — Prince August Wilhelm


    His Grace Prince Christian Adolphus Alfred turned 10 on Feb. 9, and his best friend Henry James Brougham turned 10 on March 15. The weird young Duke of York is an endless source of frustration for his tutors—brilliant in some respects, slow on the uptake in others, and absolute rubbish at the task of maintaining personal poise and elegant conversation while wearing uncomfortable clothes, which is practically the job description of half the aristocracy. The one who’s best at communicating with him is young Henry James, who has social skills enough for two and has more or less gotten a sense of how his mind works.

    “All a man needs in life is love and the ability to pursue his interests.” — Prince Christian Duke of York
    “Well, that and money.” — Henry James Brougham



    Satinder Singh turned 10 on September 9. This is also the year his family moved from Jind State (a British protectorate) to Lahore. Satinder is delighted. He’s heard all sorts of stories about the great Ranjit Singh.

    “Your Company and your nation will come no further. We will paint the border with your blood and ours.” — General Satinder Singh


    Johann Feuerbach turned 10 July 9. His hometown (called Spire on the maps and Speyer on the ground) is an interesting little place. It’s in the Mont-Tonnerre department of France, south of Mayence, but it’s not in any ethnic or linguistic sense French, and the people’s feelings about this are mixed. Paris has been its usual high-handed self here, widening streets and putting up French street signs, but after the war they generously agreed to stop stabling cattle in the cathedral. People here have a lot more freedom of expression than Germans in Prussia or Austria, and they’re very proud of that fact, but if they want anybody outside the vicinity to pay attention to what they’re expressing, they have to express it in French, which is annoying. And now there’s the kingdom of Hannover, which seems determined to prove that German people really can have nice things… only there’s a lot of Prussia between Speyer and Hannover.

    Anyway, when you’re the son of a philologist and archeologist, you get big Latin and more Greek at an early age, so picking up French along with them is less of a challenge. It won’t be long before young Johann is reading Plato in the original.

    “The Eldorado sought by Radicals (and by Liberals, if with less fervor) is a country where the State undertakes the evenhanded redistribution to all the peasantry, not of wealth, but of respect and importance; one where no man (nor woman, nor possibly child) ever finds himself constrained to a life not of his choosing.” — Johann Feuerbach, The Fatal Quest


    Jane Arundel Acland turned October 14 in Devon. The youngest of the Acland children is a smart girl, but with a stubborn streak. Her father, a moderate Conservative MP of the Peel/Ellenborough wing of the party, sometimes worries that she may find it hard to attract a good husband.

    “Not everyone has the innate powers of mind or hand to be a doctor. But Verdonian discipline can save at least as many lives as medicine at its best, and anyone can learn it.” — Jane Acland
     
    Winter of Discontent (2)
  • What was unique about the Savannah Fire of 1833 was its body count. Urban fires, as a rule, render thousands homeless but kill few. Most of the people in the path of the flames simply flee with whatever they can carry. Those who die are most often trapped in buildings, trampled by panicking mobs, or overcome by smoke and heat while attempting to save their own property. In the nineteenth century, evacuating residents were also in danger of being thrown from or trampled by a frightened horse, as happened to Judge Lamar.

    Estimates of how many died the night of the Savannah fire range from 170 to 200. The uncertainty reflects the disappearance of slaves—either because their bodies were never found, or because they took the opportunity to escape—including the uncertainty regarding the size of John Glasgow’s group. We know that 57 men died at the harbor fighting that group, either from the fighting itself or from heat and smoke inhalation. The nature of the fire—multiple conflagrations being drawn into the center of the city—created confusion among the people trying to flee and channeled them into the few remaining safe paths out of Savannah, which meant that more people would be trampled to death…

    Robert W. Derek, A History of Urban Disasters


    The painting for which Asher Durand is most famous, The Black Courthouse (1834) represents a departure from the bucolic landscapes that were his usual subject matter. The dire image of the Savannah courthouse—still standing after the fire, but coated and stained with dark gray ash against the backdrop of a ruined city and a winter sky seen through a lingering haze of smoke—captured not only the deepening gloom of the national mood, but the fear that greater devastation might be coming…
    Abdielle Kagan, Art and the American Story


    Every slave state, as well as Arkansaw Territory, reacted to Savannah in a slightly different way. Some sought to grapple with the issue of slavery directly, while others focused on preventing rebellion and fire, and still others dithered and debated and ultimately did nothing at all. Their reactions showcased the conflicted sentiments around slavery even in those places where it was the cornerstone of the economy. This is even true of slaveholding nations outside the United States—in Louisiana, an act passed in August 1834 gave police and the newly-formed gendarmerie new powers to enter citizens’ homes and businesses when investigating “the activities or well-being” of slaves.[1]

    In the case of Alabama, the primary concern was that although Mobile had not grown at quite the same headlong pace as Savannah, the city and especially its harbor had the same risk of war and insurrection and, crucially, the same vulnerability to fire. To make matters worse, fire insurance companies headquartered in the north had begun refusing to insure properties in the slave states. The various shipping companies set about protecting their investments by replacing wooden walls and shingles in the warehouse district with brick and tile. The city government widened streets where it could, to form more effective firebreaks, and commissioned a fire brigade authorized to put out fires in any building, insured or otherwise. The city also authorized the brigade to exercise “emergency eminent domain” to prevent larger fires from spreading—the justification for which was spelled out by Mayor Arthur P. Bagby, who said that he would “sooner raze a few Negro shacks than watch a thousand white men’s homes go up in smoke.”

    Arkansaw Territory was only a year away from statehood, and already on edge. To the west lay the land which this year would be officially declared Kyantine[2] Territory. Breaking down the 1830 census of the Unorganized Territory community by community confirmed what anyone paying attention already knew—this was a territory where three out of four settlers were free blacks. It seemed likely that Kyantine would become as much a center of abolitionism and Hidden Trail activity as Florida. With this in mind, the territorial government in Little Rock passed one law declaring that slaves could not be freed without the permission of said government, but also another law that no family moving into the territory would be allowed to import more adult male slaves than the number of white men in the family.

    Georgia, where the tragedy of Savannah had taken place, reacted in an entirely different way—with a fevered echthrophrenia directed at the British in general and Florida in particular. The chief instigator of this rising fear was of course then-Governor John Macpherson Berrien. To the accurate claim that Florida was a prime destination for escaped slaves and a center for espionage against the United States, he added the assertions that the authorities in Trafalgar had “granted citizenship to savages fresh from Africa as a reward for the murder of white men” (an allusion to the Paixão de Cristo incident at Cape Canaveral six years earlier) and that the Creeks and Seminoles in northern Florida were secretly plotting with the Cherokees in northwestern Georgia. He even cited Lord Byron’s failed attempt to abduct the Infanta of Spain as an example, not of one man’s doomed and quixotic crusade, but of the mischief and chaos that Floridians were capable of wreaking. Anti-British sentiment had of course been endemic in the United States since the War of 1812, especially in border states, and was growing stronger in response to increasing anti-American sentiment in London and elsewhere, but here it was being used with deliberate intent to deflect concerns about the viability of American slavery.

    Meanwhile, the city of Savannah was being rebuilt with broader, paved streets and fire safeguards in the harbor and warehouse districts similar to Mobile’s. In addition, the city commissioned recent immigrant Johan Ericsson to build a new line of fire engines. When philanthropists in New York City raised a sum of $18,000 “exclusively to the relief of all indigent persons, without distinction of color [emphasis added], who are dependent on their own industry for support, and who have been made sufferers by the late fire at that place,” Savannah Mayor W.W. Gordon returned it on March 24, on the grounds that “The conditions on this donation place an undue restraint on the exercise of our good discretion, and would have the effect of inciting sentiments that might place our city at risk of further disorders.” This prompted some northern cities and states to discontinue their own donations.[3]

    Kentucky had already passed a law forbidding the importation of new slaves. In the wake of Savannah, the state enlisted its militia to increase enforcement of this law. The state also forbade free blacks to move in. Some slaves were already being moved out, as their owners found themselves in dire financial straits and felt compelled to sell them to still-viable plantations in the Deep South. In January, bills were introduced to phase out slavery, but these eventually died in committee.

    In Mississippi and South Carolina, there could be no question of abolition—the states were dominated by plantation agriculture. As slaves were a majority in South Carolina and nearly an equal share of the population in Mississippi, these were also the states where the prospect of revolt was most terrifying to the white population. The legislatures in both states passed laws tightening restrictions on the movement of slaves. Both states also increased funding for the militia, but only by negligible amounts—tax dollars were in short supply, and state bonds were becoming unsalable.

    Missouri was unique in that it was a nominal slave state where everyone knew and accepted that slavery (at least in Missouri) was doomed. It was now in its fifteenth year of statehood, and all the immigrants to it in all those years had either been from the free states or at the very least, willing to leave the slave states behind. In another ten years, the first of the slave children born in Missouri in its statehood would gain their freedom—assuming their masters had not already taken them downriver to Arkansas or western Mississippi, as was too often the case.

    After Savannah, antislavery forces believed that the time had come to expedite the process. One proposal, championed by St. Louis Times editors Elijah Lovejoy and Benjamin Lundy[4] and tacitly supported by Governor Barton[5], was to establish a state fund for the manumission of slaves. This fund would purchase any slave at the price at which they had last been sold. Had it been introduced in the middle of an aestal period, this bill might have had a chance, but now there was simply no money for it.

    Another bill would declare slaves no longer heritable, thereby ultimately freeing all slaves without dispossessing a single living slaveholder. This proposal was almost immediately shot down. Antislavery legislators pointed out that slaveholders could easily thwart the intent of the bill by transferring ownership to a younger relative while they were still alive. Proslavery legislators objected that should the bill pass into law, every slave in Missouri would know that if his or her legal owner were to suffer a tragic accident or sudden fatal illness, all the slaves in that house would be granted their freedom. “This ill-conceived proposal would make black mischief more likely, not less,” said State Representative William Barclay Napton. The result was that Missouri, ultimately, did nothing.

    North Carolina also did nothing, for a different reason—it was possibly the only state still dominated by old-line Tertium Quids, with former presidential candidate Nathaniel Macon in the governor’s seat and Richard Dobbs Spaight Jr. presiding over the House of Commons.[6] What did happen was that the news of Savannah became entangled in the debate over a proposed state constitutional convention. The western half of the state was growing in population and was not yet properly represented.[7] As it happened, the western half was the part that had the least use for slavery.

    To the immediate west, Tennessee was similarly divided. The eastern half of the state had little use for slaves, but the western half depended on them. Leading the charge against slavery was Elihu Embree, editor of The Emancipator, one of the most outspoken abolitionists in the South and one of the few whites in pre-Troubles America willing to openly say that he had “never been able to discover that the author of nature intended that one complexion of the human skin, should stand higher in the scale of being, than another.”[8] He responded to Mayor Gordon’s refusal of the New York donation by saying that “I pitied their circumstances when I first heard of their late calamity; I now am truly ashamed that they are human beings, as this act of theirs disgraces human nature”[9] and compared the destruction of Savannah to that of Sodom and Gomorrah, calling it “a warning of the judgments of Heaven which the monster slavery may yet draw down upon our guilty land.”

    It was partly an effect of Embree’s ten years of activism that Tennessee was one of the few places in the South where abolitionism was a widely accepted opinion and freedmen could (theoretically) still vote.[10] In 1834, with a constitutional convention underway, he won what he considered to be a partial success. The new state constitution decreed that at the end of 1835, no further slaves could be imported into the state of Tennessee. This would have been seen as an impressive blow against the institution, but what happened in Virginia put everything else in the shade…

    Charles Cerniglia, The Road to the Troubles: The American South, 1800-1840


    [1] What this author is leaving out is that the new law passed in Louisiana was at least partly motivated by local events that will be covered later.
    [2] Named after the Kyantine [IOTL the Canadian] river.
    [3] IOTL, Savannah burned in 1820, a (smaller) donation from New Yorkers was returned for exactly this reason, with considerably less temperate language.
    [4] IOTL, Lovejoy was eventually driven out by an angry mob. ITTL, with the proslavery forces weaker, he’s seen violence but hasn’t been driven out by it.
    [5] Joshua Barton, who was killed in a duel in 1823 IOTL.
    [6] This was what the lower house of the North Carolina state legislature was called at the time.
    [7] The constitution of North Carolina was amended IOTL in 1835.
    [8] An OTL quote.
    [9] Another OTL quote.
    [10] IOTL, Tennessee freedman who met the property requirements had the vote, but lost it in 1834.
     
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    Winter of Discontent (3)
  • Nice to see this back with a strong update going into the aftermath of what happened. I take it that slave power is somewhat weakened in this timeline compared to OTL?

    Thanks. Yeah, slave power is definitely getting weaker—and they've noticed. (Content note: more n-bombs.)


    Virginia Governor John Floyd had long favored an eventual end (with emphasis on the eventual) to slavery in the commonwealth. His response to the Savannah Fire was to propose a mix of immediate repression—forbidding slaves from leaving their masters’ estates—with gradual emancipation. Floyd also sought “the immediate expulsion” of free blacks from the state. This last was impossible—the Army and Navy had already barred all slaves from shipyards and coastal fortifications[1], but these same shipyards and forts still had a need for certain forms of manual labor which (in slave states) were often scorned by whites as “nigger work” and would go undone if there were not low-paid freedmen available to do them. Floyd, however, entertained hope that the newly emancipated could be deported either to Haiti or to Pays-Crou “if our French allies are willing.” These opinions were echoed by State Senator Thomas Jefferson Randolph, grandson to the late President Jefferson. (Like many Americans, they held a false conception of Pays-Crou as entirely subordinate to Paris.)

    Opposition to these measures came mainly from the eastern half of the state, particulary from Delegate John Thompson Brown of Petersburg and State Senator William O. Goode. The loudest in opposition was not a legislator, but a professor of history and metaphysics at William and Mary College, Thomas Roderick Dew. He pointed out in various pamphlets that, if history were viewed as a totality, slaveholding society could not be viewed as an aberration—rather, it was the abolition of slavery that was an experiment, and one which could not yet be called a success. “Let us admit that slavery is an evil, and what then? Why, it has been entailed upon us by no fault of ours, and must we shrink from the charge which devolves upon us?”[2] (Many historians believe that Dew’s writings—too prolix for the average reader even in the nineteenth century—were as much an influence on George Fitzhugh as those of his fellow “Wise Man” Thomas Carlyle[3].)

    It seemed in early 1834 that the majority of the state’s opinion makers were behind Dew, Goode and Brown. During the month of January, the Richmond Times had presented the fire as a tragedy for which it would be in poor taste to lay blame. However, the editorial of the February 16 edition suggested that SINC’s policies of manumission were at least partly responsible: “It is not slavery itself that agitates the simple mind of the Negro, but the promise of freedom that cannot be kept—something that Virginians would do well to bear in mind.” The Richmond Compiler had already denounced the “malaria of agitation wafting north from the swamps of Florida.” The recently re-founded Virginia Gazette blamed the Bank, which “has neither the firmness nor the gentleness of a true master, considering its charges with no more true feeling than a Yankee stockbroker views his shares,” but added that “we cannot ignore the risk posed to our citizens by troublemakers either from the north or the south.”

    What all of these editorialists—and many politicians—had in common was that they emphasized the danger that servile insurrection might pose in Virginia, and even in the District of Columbia where slavery was likewise legal, in the hope of persuading the general public that abolitionists needed to be pressured into silence for the good of the commonwealth. “Nothing can be done about Yankee agitators from Boston and Philadelphia,” said Brown, “but let the fanatics among us remember at least that they walk the same streets, live in the same towns and are threatened by the same catastrophes as their neighbors.”

    This was about to come back to bite them. Charles J. Faulkner had recently been elected to the Virginia State Senate. His district included the counties of Berkeley and Jefferson, and his signature issue was placing a greater share of the tax burden on major slaveholders. He believed that the small, free-labor farms he represented were paying more than their share. And now, after Savannah, it was increasingly difficult for even free-labor farms and businesses in slave states to obtain fire insurance at a reasonable rate.

    In his March 10 speech to the Virginia State Senate, Faulkner put forward his argument thus: slavery was inherently dangerous, more so than any other form of labor. “A steam engine is dangerous,” he said. “The mighty locomotives that now thunder their way from Boston to Philadelphia can crush the life from a man without slowing their pace. Even on our own Virginia farms, we have bulls, boars, restive horses and savage dogs, and all these creatures may kill. But the slave is the chattel that thinks, and pits his wit against that of his master, ceaselessly plotting to escape his bondage at whatever the cost.” Moreover, he argued, the danger posed by slaves extended to the entire community: “How many of the homes that burned in Savannah were homes where none had ever labored in bondage? How many of the innocents who perished there had never in their lives owned a slave?” Faulkner, a slaveholder himself, was not proposing an end to slavery. Rather, he held that if slavery was indeed worth the risk to the commonwealth as its proponents claimed, then it would only be just for those who most benefited from it to shoulder the cost of dealing with the risk. Slaveholders had long enjoyed lower taxes on their human property. Now, Faulkner argued, it was time for them to pay higher taxes.

    This was an argument that held a good deal of force—not only with the farmers of western and northwestern Virginia, but with some of Virginia’s most powerful citizens, especially Thomas Snowden Stabler. His dyeworks and medicine factories in Alexandria, Leesburg and Frederick depended on skilled and knowledgeable labor; slaves were of no use beyond janitorial duties. The new factory in Charlottesville for the processing of opium poppies made no use of slaves at all—like the Norfolk shipyards and coastal forts, freedmen were hired to do any work that white Virginians saw as beneath them. The reason for this was simple. The drugs made in Charlottesville were extremely valuable and easy to conceal and smuggle in one’s clothing, and as one foreman bluntly put it: “A slave knows if he steals anything worth less’n his own hide, they won’t whup him so hard he can’t go back to work. But a free nigger dasn’t[4] ever steal—he knows what the law’ll do to him.” And of course Martinsburg, which Faulkner represented, was the site of the facility where Thomas Stabler conducted his most dangerous research, and the place where civil unrest of any sort could least be tolerated.

    Faulkner’s district also represented the northern tip of the wine belt—the “long hills that catch the light of dawn/To grow the blessed vine”[5] where slavery was of little use. This business was dominated by Italian immigrants or those taught by them, especially in the Shenandoah Valley where the Frescobaldis held sway. Like the Antinoris[6] in the Yadkin Valley of North Carolina, this family had a few domestic slaves, but they regarded the work of grape-growing and wine-making as a joy and a privilege not to be shared with slaves, and their attitude had spread throughout the industry. And, of course, all of these people felt overtaxed in comparison to the tobacco plantations of eastern Virginia.

    Faulkner’s proposal had the effect of turning the whole debate upside down. The same politicians and editorialists who had been speaking and writing of the dangers of a slave revolt now began downplaying that same threat. “The more we learn about what happened at Savannah,” said the Richmond Compiler, “the less it appears to be the result of malice, and the more it appears to be the result of accident.” “The only lesson Virginians should learn from Savannah is to be more careful with our lamps and candles,” wrote the Gazette.

    Then Floyd stepped in, pointing out that this might be a necessary measure to prevent “this honorable commonwealth” from having to default on its bonds as so many states had done. He proposed a compromise—there would be an additional tax on slaves of $15 a head per annum, but there would also be a voluntary program of gradual emancipation, in which children of slaves born after 1836 could be declared free. Any slaveholder who took part in this would have the taxes on his or her slaves cut to zero. In effect, slaves that were no longer true property would no longer be taxed as such. Floyd also proposed that freed children of slaves who had reached their majority be put into work gangs to pay for their eventual passage to Haiti.

    With some modification (the tax was reduced to $10 a head, and the work-gang proposal was shelved until there was some notion of how many freed children there would be) this passed on June 4. Under other circumstances, it might have had little impact, but in the hiemal year of 1834 it was a great relief to many small farmers in dire financial straits who happened to own a slave or two. (Indeed, as abolitionists noted with chagrin, under this law a farmer with one elderly slave could pledge this slave’s nonexistent future children to freedom and get a tax break for nothing.) Maryland, which had already defaulted on its bonds and desperately needed more money, passed a similar tax hike without the emancipation program. Delaware went further, narrowly passing a gradual emancipation plan that would first take effect at the beginning of 1836.

    To slaveholders in the Deep South, the laws passed in Tennessee, Virginia, Maryland and Delaware were as much a wake-up call as the Savannah Fire itself, or Queen Charlotte’s emancipation. They were surrounded. And later that year, Congress began debating the admission of Michigan to the Union, which would neutralize the benefits to them of adding Arkansaw. They would need to expand or die, and time was running out…

    Charles Cerniglia, The Road to the Troubles: The American South, 1800-1840



    [1] A side effect of emancipation in the British Empire and British Florida becoming a hub of abolitionism is that even outside Georgia, slaves are seen as a potential fifth column for the British.
    [2] An OTL quote.
    [3] In the future of TTL, aristists will refer to Thomas Carlyle, George Fitzhugh and Johann Feuerbach as the “Three Wise Men.”
    [4] Note that dasn’t isn’t a regional variation of doesn’t, but a contraction of dares not.
    [5] The author is quoting the Green & Poe opera Susan Grace, first performed in 1847.
    [6] The Frescobaldis and Antinoris are old and proud Tuscan families known for wine-making. ITTL, branches of them settled in the U.S. during the Other Peninsular War. They haven’t anglicized their names, and won’t.
     
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    Winter of Discontent (4)
  • Happy Easter, everybody!

    June 22, 1834
    Becksville[1], Kyantine Territory

    The rye harvest had ended last week, and the ache was just starting to go out of Denmark Vesey’s shoulders. Being 67 years old (give or take a few month) and the mayor of the largest town in the Kiamichi meant that people nodded respectfully at you while you swung a scythe like everybody else.

    The church stood on a hill northeast of the center of town. The traveling preacher was standing on the front steps. People had been hearing about him, and had come from as far away as Cavanal[2] and the farms down along the Red River to hear him speak. There were nearly two thousand people here—much too many for the church.

    Most of the men, and maybe a quarter of the women, were black. Earning your freedom working for SINC was a path open to far more men than women. There was a reason the people here had balked at letting him name it “New Charleston,” after the town he’d spent most of his life, but had agreed to the name “Becksville.” More than half the men here had had to leave a Beck[3] behind somewhere in the quicksand of the slave states. But there were about as many women around as men—remnants of Caddo, Sauk and Fox chiefdoms whose men had mostly fallen in battle with the Army.

    And there were a few white men—very poor, with a permanent air of embarrassment that life had dropped them here. They were useful people to have around when you needed someone to talk to the garrison that the garrison might actually listen to, but everyone kept a discreet eye on them for the first year or so to make sure they weren’t working for slave catchers or looking for particular fugitives.

    There were even a couple of soldiers from the garrison. Whether they were religious, curious or keeping an eye on people here Vesey couldn’t say. He did know that if it weren’t for the food grown in this part of Kyantine, the Army would never be able to keep so much as a company stationed here, let alone a regiment. And so it would remain for the next ten years, or however long it took Shreve to finish clearing the Raft.

    For all his fame, the preacher had arrived in time for the rye harvest to begin, and had worked as hard as anybody. When he raised his hand, the crowd went quiet.

    “Welcome, my brothers and sisters,” he said. “Today I take my text from the Letter to the Ephesians…” There was a murmur of shock through the audience. There were perhaps half a dozen Bible verses that masters wanted their slaves to know, and one of them was in Ephesians.

    “Chapter 6, verse 12: ‘For we wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against principalities, against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this world, against spiritual wickedness in high places.’” So not as bad as “servants obey your masters,” but it still seemed like an odd message for a community that mostly wrestled against rocky soil, bad weather and Indian raids. Denmark was starting to wonder where this Nat Turner person was going with this.

    Turner went on to talk about Paul writing from prison, about the repressiveness and injustice of the Roman Empire, in ways that made it all sound very familiar—familiar even to Vesey, who knew himself to be much, much luckier than most men born slaves. The darkness of this world. Spiritual wickedness in high places. There were very few here who needed to be told what these things meant. Perhaps even the white men understood. Every one of them who’d come to Kyantine and wasn’t in the garrison had claimed to have lost everything, and to be on the run from creditors. And it could be that they were all telling the truth. (Or some of them might have been on the run from the law, for other reasons. Another reason they needed a little watching.)

    “These principalities and powers,” Turner continued, “have been around for a very long time—before the time of the Romans, even. The Book of Job speaks of Behemoth and Leviathan, beasts that cannot be killed by mortal hands. I ask you now, my brothers and sisters, where in the land or in the sea is there a beast of flesh and blood that men cannot kill? But the Lord knew what Job did not—there are far worse monsters roaming this earth than any of flesh and blood. And the worst of these, my brothers and sisters, is the Serpent.

    “You may never have seen the Serpent, but you know its touch. It is everywhere. Its body runs all through this land, holding white men in its coils and Negroes in its belly. Its bones are law. Its flesh is custom. Its blood is money. Its scales gleam with false religion. We were all of us born into the war against it, and we will die with that war unfinished…”


    * * *


    NO ONE CAN BE TOLD
    WHAT THE SERPENT IS


    YOU HAVE TO SEE IT
    FOR YOURSELF
    -on the gateposts at the main entrance to Turnerite Methodist University, Spartacus[4], Kyantine.
    [1] OTL Talihina, Oklahoma
    [2] OTL Poteau, Oklahoma
    [3] Vesey’s wife, now deceased, whom he was unable to buy out of slavery.
    [4] OTL Oklahoma City
     
    Interlude: December 23, 1834 (1)
  • Last time I broke down the interlude into the Western and Eastern Hemispheres. Given the horrendous size of this one, I've decided to break it down further .
    DS 1835 world.png

    The Dead Skunk
    December 23, 1834


    Twenty years ago today, Major General John Keane saw something in the Louisiana woods that caused him to make a different decision than he otherwise would have.
    Let’s take a look at the general state of the world.​


    The general state of the world sucks.

    In a way, this is a mark of progress. Never before in history have international trade and investment been so widespread and interconnected that this much of the world can suffer an economic downturn at the same time.

    At the moment, nobody even knows what to call this situation. Last year, commentators called it a “panic” or a “crisis,” but it’s starting to seem silly to use those words to describe something that has lasted most of two years and shows no sign of getting any better. Lately they’ve just been calling it “hard times.”

    Even the poets in England’s out-of-the-way Lake District are feeling it. William Wordsworth’s family lost a lot of money investing in U.S. state bonds.[1] In his cold little writing hut on the grounds of Rydal Mount, Wordsworth is putting pen to paper, drawing inspiration from the snow-covered fields around him and his own grief at the recent death of his old friend, Samuel Taylor Coleridge[2]. Next year, he’ll publish a poem called “Life in Winter,” which will begin “Grey days of hiemal hunger, dark and cold,” and end “…to bring/This dismal wintry period into spring.” A lot of people will feel that this poem speaks for them, once they’ve found the unabridged dictionary and looked up “hiemal.” They will, however, get into the habit of misquoting it, which is how the mid-to-late 1830s will become known as “the Hiemal Period” and later the “Hiemal Period of 1833” to distinguish it from later ones. Thus economists will end up borrowing a term from poets, to the embarrassment of both.

    But that’s next year. For now, they don’t have a word for what this is.


    [1] The same thing happened to the Wordsworths IOTL.
    [2] He died this year IOTL as well.
     
    Interlude: December 23, 1834 (2)
  • Russian America
    With the general collapse in trade, the string of little trading posts along the northern rim of the Pacific that comprises Russian America are living off salmon, cattails and whatever cabbage and potatoes they can grow. But they have a new and distinguished family in residence. Alexander Sergeyevich Pushkin, his wife Natalia, and their daughter Ivana have moved to Sitka.

    This wasn’t exactly their idea. Pushkin’s early plays and poems have made no secret of his politics, which although they wouldn’t stand out much in Paris or Philadelphia are pretty out there in St. Petersburg. Everybody who was anybody in Russia already knew this, and accepted it because he was such a great writer. Then in ’32, Pushkin wrote Caiaphas, a thinly-veiled allegory of Tsar Alexander’s increasingly theocratic rule. After reading the poem, the aging tsar decided that Pushkin and his wife needed to be not just exiled, but super-duper exiled, pretty exiled with sugar on top. Siberia was not far enough.

    Natalia is not happy with her husband. She married him on the understanding that he wouldn’t go too far and get them in trouble with the government, and then he went and did this. The journey here was so long she gave birth to Ivana en route, and now they’re so far east that it would actually be a shorter journey to go east back to St. Petersburg, if the rest of the Americas weren’t in the way. Speaking of which…


    The Canadas
    Earlier this year, Robert Owen returned to the British Isles. He leaves behind a community not exactly thriving, but at least surviving. Port Harmony’s grand socialist experiment has evolved into a tighter-knit version of the sort of farming cooperative which is already found in many parts of the world and makes a lot of sense in a marginal place like this. Trade may have stagnated, but at least nobody’s going hungry—or not very hungry, anyway.

    Port Harmony is surrounded by the friendly but wary Ojibwe. Even they’re feeling the pinch of this economy—the collapse in the fur trade has left them without a good source of cash. What money they do have is going for muskets, powder and shot, to fend off the attacks by desperate Potawatomi crossing Lake Superior. For the rest, the Ojibwe persevere as they always have, hunting as much as the forests can sustain and growing wild rice and the hardier varieties of corn, short-season summer squash and various cold-weather European crops wherever it’s possible to do so. (In addition to the short growing season, this land is at the southern edge of what will one day be called Prince Rupert’s Shield[1] and good soil is at a premium.)

    Others are doing worse. Properly cared for, a fur coat or hat can last for many years. In New York, London, Paris, Anvers and other such places, even those who are still well-to-do are reducing their purchases, hanging on to the old coat that’s starting to shed in places, buying one secondhand from a ruined investor who really needs the cash, or just finding some other way to stay warm and dry. Very few people are in the market for a new fur. So even though the Hudson’s Bay Company now has a monopoly on furs, they still have to lower their prices if they want any customers at all.

    But from the point of view of Canadian trappers, the HBC is a monopsony, and they have no such bargaining power with it. The factors are only willing to buy about ten percent of the number of furs they were buying three years ago, and they aren’t paying that well for them. The Native Americans, for whom trapping is more of a lucrative side gig than a career, can just about survive this, but the white men who do it full-time can’t afford to stay in business any longer. Hence the numerous unwashed men with atrophied social skills roaming the streets of York[2] and Montreal looking for work and making everyone feel vaguely uncomfortable.

    The timber industry is doing a little better—they’re producing something the world needs a steady supply of—but even they are stagnating rather than growing. What would really give them a boost is a Canadian railroad industry like the ones in Britain or the United States, and they’ve been lobbying Montreal like crazy for some investment in that regard, but with money so tight, nobody’s committed to anything yet.[3]

    Which brings us to the government. Robert Owen isn’t the only prominent Briton to have left. Prince-Viceroy Edward, Duke of Kent and Strathearn, returned to London this spring… in a cask of preservative alcohol, having passed away at the age of 66. The elderly Madame de Saint-Laurent accompanied the body, and is now living in London. Her own health is poor. She won’t make it to spring, and will be buried alongside her husband.[4]

    Prime Minister Grey and Queen Charlotte soon found that they couldn’t replace Edward. Of the queen’s surviving aunts and uncles, Ernest Augustus Duke of Cumberland was hanging out in Hannover[5] with King William, Augustus Frederick Duke of Sussex was very much attached to his various duties in London (especially running the Royal Society) and none of the royal princesses wanted to move so far away. Grey, Brougham and Russell counseled her that it was only ever dumb luck that the royal family had a prince they could spare to such a distant post in the first place, and that they should never have expected it to last. Time for the Canadas to get used to having a mere governor-general and lieutenant-governors again. The man they chose was George Eden, 2nd Baron Auckland, an honest, decent and fairly competent man whom they judged unlikely to screw up too badly.

    There are a couple of problems with this. The first, of course, is that the people of the Canadas have gotten used to the privilege of having a member of the royal family in charge, and having that taken away from them is a bad blow, even if technically it’s only a change in the name of the office. The second problem is that Auckland arrived in Montreal not knowing much of anything about the land or people he was put in charge of. So he’s done the normal thing—he’s turned to the people who already seem to be running the show and is listening to their advice.

    In Upper Canada, these people are commonly called the “Family Compact,” but that’s a misnomer. While a few of them are related to each other, most of them are bound by ties of friendship and business. A better name might be “the Country Club,” since they’re an unofficial private club that happens to be governing a country. But for better or worse, “Family Compact” is the name that has stuck.

    First, a quick digression on the structure of the Canadian governments. The lower house of the legislature is the Legislative Assembly, which is elected. The upper house, the Legislative Council, is appointed for life by the sovereign’s representative, either the governor-general or Prince-Viceroy. The Executive Council is the equivalent of the Cabinet, and is also appointed, usually from the Legislative Council. The Compact dominates the Legislative and Executive Councils. Lower Canada’s equivalent to the Family Compact is the “Château Clique,” and, on top of everything else, it’s ethnically different from the majority of the people in the province. Lower Canada’s own Legislative Assembly is dominated by francophone Canadians, but the Clique is mostly anglophone and is constantly trying to replace French-inspired civil and property laws with English-inspired ones.

    One day Guillaume Georges Elmar is going to devote a whole chapter of his masterwork, The Governing Elites, to these people. The reason he’s going to give them so much attention is that the Compact and Clique, unlike most of the elites he writes about, are not exactly traditional landed aristocracies. Many of them are of humble origins, and got where they are today at least partly because of their own business acumen, such as brewer John Molson[6] of the Château Clique, whose 71st birthday is just five days away. As early as 1806, Robert Thorpe was calling the Compact a “Shopkeeper Aristocracy.” That actually makes it worse. These are people who understand the value of commerce, and are doing everything they can to monopolize it in Upper and Lower Canada. They’ve even been extending their business reach into the eastern provinces, buying up land for speculative purposes—although with land prices crashing even harder than in America, this has come back to bite them.

    Previous governor-generals and lieutenant governors encouraged this, because they could be certain of the loyalty of the Compact and Clique—no small concern after the American Revolutionary War. Some of them, like Bishop John Strachan of the Family Compact, even saw this sort of oligarchy as a feature rather than a bug, a way of warding off the democratic ideals Americans were always talking up.

    As for Edward, he always did his best to govern like a good king in the constitutional-monarch tradition, not overturning existing institutions but being as merciful and as forward-looking as possible within them. Better still, he lived there long enough to get a feel for when to listen to the Compact and the Clique, and when to smack them down like the petty bullies they were. For example, in 1819 he pardoned outspoken reformist Robert Fleming Gourlay, who’d just been convicted on legally dubious charges of sedition. Edward’s pardon spared Gourlay from banishment to the U.S., proved the Prince-Viceroy’s own benevolence, and let him assert his authority over the Compact-dominated courts in Upper Canada while sparing them the humiliation of one day having their bad decision overturned by a higher court in London.[7]

    This sort of thing happened a lot over the next fourteen years. In Upper Canada, as the Compact tightened its grip on the courts and the Legislative and Executive Councils arrogated more and more power to themselves, those who fell foul of their displeasure turned to Edward, and he often came through for them. What he didn’t do was back the sort of structural reform that would actually threaten the Compact’s power. Cynics like Gourlay (currently living in Port Harmony and trying to breed better cold-weather crops) and York newspaperman William Lyon MacKenzie began to suspect that Edward was acting entirely out of a desire to be needed.

    Edward played a similar role in Lower Canada, blocking the efforts of the Clique to disadvantage the French language, the Catholic Church and the French population in general (being involved with a Frenchwoman may have made him more sympathetic) but never actually doing anything that might lead to the Clique being driven from office, or weakening the offices they held. So again, a majority of the population had to invest all their hopes for justice in one man who has now, as they say, joined the majority.

    And the new guy is no help at all. His personal advisors are Bishop Strachan and Col. Thomas Talbot, founder of the town of Kent-Strathearn[8] and another Compact member. He’s appointed Strachan’s protégé John Beverley Robinson, mayor of York, as lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada. For lieutenant-governor of Lower Canada he’s gotten our old friend Sir Neil Campbell recalled from Cayenne. Technically this is a demotion for Sir Neil, but being lieutenant-governor of Lower Canada is a little more prestigious than being full governor of Cayenne, so he’s not complaining[9]. More importantly, his roughly seventeen years in Cayenne have left him very fluent in French and given him a lot of experience in governing an unhappy French population and bringing them around to British rule. But in Montreal, Campbell has the same problem as Auckland—he doesn’t know the territory, and the people he’s taking advice from have their own agenda.

    Boy, do they ever. The Compact and Clique are not even slightly grateful to the late Prince Edward for leaving them secure in their power. From their privileged perspective, his occasional restraints on them were a meddlesome tyranny. Now that it’s over, they’re making up for lost time, cracking down on reformist voices like Mackenzie and Lower Canada’s Louis-Joseph Papineau.

    In addition, Strachan and Talbot are taking advantage of their new positions to pursue their personal hobbyhorses. In Strachan’s case, that’s discouraging settlement further west. Yes, really. This is for several reasons:
    • Strachan is, to his credit, genuinely concerned about the fate of the First Nations. At the very least, he wants them converted to Anglicanism, not corpsehood.
    • Again, the Compact and Clique have gotten into land speculation in a big way, and have been losing money on it lately. It’s hard to get people to bid up the value of land when there’s an endlessly expanding frontier.
    • From the perspective of the Compact and Clique, it’s better that Canada stay small and controllable than grow large and uncontrollable. (Elmar will one day use this as an illustration of his “First Law of Governing Elites.”[10])

    Talbot’s personal cause is preventing the Americans from taking over. The Canadas have seen a little bit of immigration from the United States over the past twenty years—fishermen in the Atlantic provinces taking advantage of the great fisheries, farmers in Upper Canada. Most prominent of these is the York brewer William Morgan[11], a friend and ally of MacKenzie. Talbot sees these people as a fifth column infiltrating Canada on behalf of the United States, and is doing everything he can to keep them from having a voice in Canadian affairs, and if possible to drive them back where they came from.

    Auckland himself isn’t doing all this just out of meanness or idiocy. As he sees it, he needs people he can trust holding things down, watching his back while he watches the border to the south. He just got here from London, where hostility to the U.S. has never been higher. Now he’s seen the maps of the growing U.S. railroad network, and he’s just smart enough to grasp the implications. The network doesn’t reach the border yet, but it won’t be more than a few years before it does. And since trains at this point generally move at a speed of 40 to 50 kilometers per hour, the United States will then be able to transport a regiment from Pennsylvania or Virginia to the edge of Canadian territory in a mere 24 hours. The “pond” he crossed to get here is starting to feel very, very wide.


    [1] The Canadian Shield IOTL
    [2] The city we know as Toronto
    [3] The first railroad in Canada was opened in 1836 IOTL.
    [4] Even so, they’ve both lived longer than they did IOTL.
    [5] Where nobody hates him
    [6] Yes, the founder of Molson’s.
    [7] Gourlay was sentenced and banished IOTL, and his sentence was annulled in 1836.
    [8] OTL London, Ontario.
    [9] And well he shouldn’t—IOTL he had been dead for seven years by now, having gotten sick while serving as governor of Sierra Leone.
    [10] Basically the same as what we call the Iron Law of Institutions.
    [11] IOTL Morgan is remembered as the guy who had a break with the Freemasons and then disappeared, resulting in the rise of the Anti-Masonic Party.
     
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    Interlude: December 23, 1834 (3)
  • The United States
    Francis Boott has returned from Italy to enroll in Harvard. He already knows more about music than his teachers. He misses his friend Jeff, who’s still in Italy studying, but it was with a certain relief that he returned home—his teachers in Italy couldn’t help seeing him as a mediocrity by comparison to his friend the obvious genius. He’s made a small amount of money for himself by publishing the hymns and love songs he’s been writing over the past few years, but the only song of his that’s caught on with the public is “Thimmon, Thimmon, Thimmon Our Lives Together,” the title of which will make sense in a moment.

    Boott also sold his account of his and Jeff’s adventure in the Austro-Italian War to Horace Greeley’s New York News & Literature, where it appeared alongside a new poem by Edgar Allen Poe, who is starting to realize that leaving the Army was a mistake. This is not a good economy to be a full-time writer in, and he has to look after his brother Henry, who used Stabler’s morphine to help him overcome his addiction to alcohol… and is now addicted to morphine.[1] Being the designated functional adult of the family is a new experience for Edgar, and it won’t get easier next year when he applies for a license to marry his 15-year-old cousin Virginia.[2]

    As for Boott, wherever he goes in Cambridge or Boston, he sees shops closed and boarded up, grand homes likewise boarded up or advertised as rental properties, people begging for spare change in threadbare clothes that were once fine. Even merchant ships linger by the docks for weeks or months, waiting for a commercial voyage. It seems like the biggest events are the sheriff’s auctions where the property of the bankrupt can be had at a third or a fourth of its estimated value. And those auctions might be part of the problem—if you’re a woodworker or a horse dealer, or anyone in a number of different trades, how do you sell your product at any kind of reasonable price when so many people are willing to wait and see if they can get it at the next auction for less than you paid to make or obtain it?

    Sure, if you can afford a railway ticket you can go to New York or Philadelphia, or up into Maine or New Hampshire, in a matter of hours, and that will change life for everyone in ways no one realizes yet. But right now, things are just as bad in those places. And the story is the same in Baltimore (where Poe is living with his brother), Charleston, Mobile, and Savannah—especially Savannah, which is trying to rebuild itself at a time when investment capital is in short supply and insurance can hardly be found at all. The one bright spot in the economic gloom is the introduction of the Thimmonier machine, or just “thimmonier,” which France started exporting to the United States two years ago—and that’s only a bright spot if you have money enough to afford one and don’t wish to pay a tailor or seamstress. If you are a tailor or seamstress, it’s one more piece of bad news. Professional sewing takes long experience, but what the anglophone world now calls “thimmoning”—sewing by machine—produces a more reliable seam, and anyone with a machine can do it. (Isaac Singer and Elias Howe are making their own versions, of course, which are resulting in some very nasty letters from the French consulate in New York.)

    On the larger scale, everyone knows something has gone terribly wrong, but no one knows what. President Sergeant’s Secretary of the Treasury, Martin Van Buren, is trying to expand his department. He wants the Treasury to be independent from the Bank, and he also just wants to be able to collect enough information to assess the damage. He wishes he had a machine like these “difference engines” he’s been hearing about, that the Exchequer and the Bank of England are using in London. As it is, he feels like a doctor trying to diagnose an illness by listening to screams of pain from outside the house.

    One thing he’s figured out is that canals weren’t the only bubble swelling the U.S. economy through all those happy years. Land prices were rising steadily—cotton land in the South, timberland in Maine and general-purpose farmland everywhere. This not only made a lot of people rich, it served as an engine for pushing settlers further and further west in search of something they could actually afford. The Army made this possible, destroying many Native societies and killing a lot of people to open up everything east of the 95th meridian and a fair amount west of it to settlement. Some of this land was sold, mortgaged or speculated on based on the idea that it was going to be the site of a town or city someday. (Even with canals and railroads, it’s still impractical for investors to send somebody out there to look at every single site.)

    Not all of the planned towns were fake. Investors are still doing everything they can to make Cairo, Illinois happen. The site is (at least on a map) just too perfect—the junction of the Mississippi and the Ohio, the perfect place to build the greatest city in America. Sure, it’s a flood-prone spit of land that needs levees around it before they can even build anything on it, but as they say in real estate, location, location, location.

    To this end, Kentucky senator and former President Henry Clay arranged for the course of the Raleigh & Mississippi Railroad (which when complete will link the state capital of North Carolina with the Mississippi by way of the Cumberland Gap) to run through southern Kentucky, where the land was cheaper anyway. He also arranged for the site of the third USNU campus (after D.C. and Charleston) to be at Wickliffe, KY, at the western end of the R&M and right across the river from Cairo. The next five, for which sites haven’t been purchased yet, are going to be in Charlotte, North Carolina; Autherley, Georgia; Girard, Alabama; Knoxville, Tennessee; and Chickasaw, Mississippi. It’s not a coincidence that three of those are canal towns (four if you count the Santee Canal) and two of them are along planned railroads—the students have to get there somehow.

    In addition to the land business, there’s the cotton business. For a long time, cotton was an investment where you couldn’t lose money if you tried. With mills in Lowell and Liverpool, Manchester and Mulhouse all needing raw fiber, cotton planting could expand as far as the climate allowed into Mississippi and Arkansaw. But a deflationary spiral sucks everything in—when all the potential customers are short of money, cotton dealers can either offer their product at a lower price or feed it to goats. Cotton has dropped from 31¢/kilo at the end of 1832 to 22¢/kilo now[3]. For most of the past year, Nicholas Biddle has been trying to deal with this by using the Bank’s resources to buy enough American cotton to corner the market and stabilize the price.[4] This is not winning him any friends overseas.

    In fact, between Biddle playing Monopoly on the world stage and state governments defaulting on their bonds, the only man in Washington whose job is as rough as Van Buren’s is Secretary of State Albert Gallatin. The mood in Great Britain is furious with the United States, more so than at any time since the ARW—much more so than during the War of 1812, when Lord Liverpool’s government saw Cousin Jonathan’s hissy fit as a minor distraction from the real war against Old Boney. Having what is basically the greatest power in the world angry at you is a scary thing—Secretary of War Thomas Hart Benton has to report that right now the U.S. isn’t ready for any kind of conflict with Britain. Joseph Henry and Walter Hunt, up in Albany, have come up with an invention that may equalize things slightly, but right now it’s still in the prototype stage and nobody’s ready to bet a war on it.

    To make matters worse, America’s most loyal ally, France, has also turned rather cold—they lost money on U.S. canal stocks and state bonds too. In Spain, ideological opposition to American ideals has gotten stronger since Carlos took the throne. So the elder statesman Gallatin finds himself spending a lot of time with Italy’s young ambassador to the United States, Massimo Taparelli Marquess of Azeglio. What investment capital Italy has, they mostly use to develop their own country, so they haven’t lost enough in the U.S. to be mad about it. (Also, Massimo d’Azeglio is just a really cool guy to hang out with—soldier, statesman, artist, writer and general Renaissance man.)

    It should be noted that when it comes to transatlantic rage, Americans are giving as good as they’re getting. In state legislatures from Maine to Mississippi, legislators are denouncing the British investors who purchased their bonds as foreign leeches trying to use money and debt to achieve the conquest their army and navy failed to accomplish. At first, the British government tried sending lobbyists to state capitals to make sure they didn’t repudiate their debts. All this did was give the state governments somebody to yell at. Arkansaw was the first state to default on its bonds, which is actually kind of impressive when you consider that it only became a state this year.[5] Pennsylvania, Mississippi and Georgia have followed suit, and everyone’s just waiting to see which state defaults next. In Mississippi, state Speaker of the House Alexander G. McNutt was thoughtful enough to introduce an element of anti-Semitism into this already toxic debate. In his denunciation of major bondholder Nathan Mayer Rothschild, McNutt said that “the blood of Judas and Shylock flows in his veins, and he unites the qualities of both his countrymen.”[6] Fortunately, this hasn’t led to any violence against America’s small and uninvolved Jewish community, but it did let the state of Mississippi feel that much more self-righteous about not paying their debts.

    The situation is the same with American lending institutions. Nobody ever became a banker for the free hugs, but at times like this they’re especially unpopular. Some plantation owners are simply fleeing, but others are organizing mobs to fight the sheriffs when they come to foreclose. Even the small, free-labor farmers are getting in on the act—Joe Baldy and his Charcoal-Burners are expanding their repertoire from freeing slaves to helping poor farmers organize against foreclosure. (This does create some conflicts of interests, as even small farms sometimes have a slave somewhere on the premises.)

    It isn’t just foreigners and bankers that Americans are angry at. The Democratic-Republican Party has held the White House since March of 1801. Even if you count the post-War of 1812, post-Gadsby’s Tavern party as a different party than that of Jefferson and Madison, it will still have had a 20-year run when Sergeant runs for reelection. To give just one example of how enmeshed the DRP is in U.S. institutions, promissory notes issued by the Bank of the United States are mostly printed in black ink, but with the denomination numbers printed in Republican Purple ink (one guess which company manufactures that ink) even though, technically, Republican Purple is a symbol of the Democratic-Republican Party, not the Bank, the Treasury or the nation.

    In the aftermath of Bloody May and Wellington’s peace treaty, the alliance that the Dead Roses represented seemed like the thing that would preserve the nation and save the very concept of freedom in the world. At the moment, it seems like a sclerotic and unresponsive political machine that has failed the people it was meant to serve. Add to this everyone who believes their state or locale is losing out in the fight for railroad service due to political shenanigans—Tennessee, for instance, is feeling shafted by the decision to run the R&M through southern Kentucky for the benefit of a possible future metropolis when Nashville and Memphis were already right freaking there.

    And then, of course, there’s the backlash against the spate of anti-slavery legislation in various parts of the South. In Port Royal, Virginia, a highly intellectual young man named George Fitzhugh (part-time attorney, part-time recluse) was badly shaken by the rather mild anti-slavery legislation passed in Virginia this year. He’s tried to get in touch with Thomas Roderick Dew, who wrote so eloquently—he might in fact be the only person alive who read Dew’s hundred-plus-page manifesto all the way through. Alas, Dew has come down with a case of pneumonia and is in bed, being cared for by his wife until he can get his strength back and start writing his latest essay, which will be on the fundamental weakness of women and their need for men to look after them.

    In the rest of Virginia and elsewhere in the nation, the Tertium Quids are not only consolidating their hold on the South, but expanding elsewhere. But for those who don’t want to be in a party that champions slavery and has Calhoun for a leader, there are a couple of third parties. There would probably be more, but it takes money to build a party organization, and (it bears repeating) money’s in short supply. For example, the number one backer of the Liberation Party is Levi Coffin, a former member of SINC’s board of directors and the guy most responsible for making sure SINC’s manumissions went through. He’d be a much bigger backer if he hadn’t lost so much money in the SINC stock collapse. The Populists are doing better—their primary backer is railroad magnate Erastus Corning, who’s been going from rich to richer even now.

    The result? In the outgoing 23rd United States Congress, the Democratic-Republicans had 186 House seats and the Tertium Quids had 53 seats. In the incoming 24th Congress, there are 110 Dead Roses, 107 Quids and 23 third-party candidates. Nobody’s going to have a majority.

    So who’s in these third parties? The Liberation Party, of which William Lloyd Garrison is the founder, has only one issue — slavery. Yes, farmers are struggling to stay afloat and the poor are suffering, but unless they’re being horsewhipped, watching their wives get raped or having their children sold to strangers, they can take lots of seats as far as the Liberationists are concerned. And as for foreign policy, the big bad boogeyman Britain is abolishing slavery, which is a lot more than the U.S. can say right now. The Liberationists have elected two candidates to the House—a good first try, especially for a party dedicated to winning the votes of white men by telling them to shut up about their problems, but not enough to give them any clout to speak of.

    The real clout lies with the Populist Party’s 21-member delegation. This party is also anti-slavery, like its founder, Pennsylvania’s Joseph Ritner[7], who is now preparing to run for governor against incumbent George M. Dallas. This was inevitable—Ritner himself is an abolitionist, and anyone who isn’t hostile to slavery finds it much easier to run as a Quid than as a member of a party that hardly anyone has heard of.

    But unlike the Liberationists, the Populists have positions on other issues too. On a lot of things, they’re not that far apart from the DRP—their disagreement is more with the machine than with the agenda. Their main point of contention is debt relief. The theory that the DRP has been operating under is that the Second Bank of the United States and the various state banks must be kept as whole and healthy as possible, so that they can be the engines of recovery. The Populists believe that if blacksmiths and carpenters can just pick up their tools again, fishermen can return to their boats, and especially if farmers can return to their fields, everything else will heal of its own accord. (The Liberationists’ position on the banks is that they’re SEIZING AND AUCTIONING SLAVES, in case you were wondering.)

    In Congress, House Speaker Nathaniel Claiborne of Virginia knows he can’t stay in the job even if the DRP manages to form a majority—he barely won reelection himself, and this disaster happened to the party on his watch. The party whip, Rep. John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts, suggests that he use his remaining time in office to form a governing coalition with the Populists, which the Liberationists can join if they don’t feel too unclean about it. The problem is that nobody in the DRP really knows how to do this anymore. It’s been a long time since they had to share power.

    Serving as consultant in this matter is one more job for Albert Gallatin, who was ambassador to France and has seen multi-party politics in action. His friend d’Azeglio can’t take part in this, of course—ambassadors of friendly nations are not supposed to assist one party over another—but he introduces them to Alexis and Gustave, two well-educated Frenchmen who’ve spent the last couple of years touring the U.S. and writing down their observations.

    Alexis and Gustave have plenty to warn them about. When one party controls the legislature, the key to growing in power and helping your constituents is to be a loyal and reliable party man. When the parties are almost evenly divided, it’s a completely different dynamic. The handful of people whose votes can’t be counted on, who could go either way, who you need to make a deal with to get them on board… those are suddenly the most powerful people in the legislature. In his correspondence with incoming Quid freshmen John Niles of Connecticut, Lewis Cass and Jonathan Sloane of Ohio, and James Buchanan of Pennsylvania, Calhoun is starting to realize this as well—especially on the issue of tariffs.

    That’s the House. The Senate (31 DR, 11 TQ) hasn’t changed yet, because senators are still elected by state legislatures. But a lot of state legislatures have changed hands, and a third of the Senate will be up for reelection when they reconvene early next year. So some of the Dead Rose senators are feeling like Wile E. Coyote in the moment when he looks down and realizes he’s over the edge of the cliff.

    It isn’t just in Washington that the shock of the midterms is being felt. Newspapers don’t even try to be nonpartisan, and nothing like modern opinion polling really exists yet. Nobody saw this coming, certainly not a 25-year-old lawyer in Vandalia. Between marrying Ann Rutledge and getting his legal career started—all these bankruptcies and cases of land fraud are perfect for keeping a young lawyer busy—Abraham Lincoln hasn’t had much time for politics this year. The closest he’s come has been arguing politics with his younger friend and co-worker Stephen, a recent convert to the Northern Quids. But Lincoln is a loyal Dead Rose, working in the state capital does get you some connections, and seeing the defeat of his party has made him worry about the future of the country.

    And it’s not just the loss of the Dead Rose monopoly that bothers him, it’s the setback for the anti-slavery movement. Yes, there are now explicitly anti-slavery parties, but the explicitly pro-slavery party has more than doubled its delegation. Part of the reason for this is that although the northern states are free from slavery, they aren’t free from racism. There are a lot of people from Maine to Illinois who don’t want blacks as slaves, but would rather not have them as neighbors either.

    This attitude has gone west with the northern settlers. Despite the best efforts of President Sergeant and his cabinet, the territorial government of Ioway has forbidden further black settlement after the end of 1835. Mennisota has done the same thing, but has made an exception for those moving to the Zoar[8] area—working, growing ports are just too useful in an underdeveloped area. Kaw-Osage Territory has limited black settlement to three communities, Freedmansville, Jericho and Wrightsburg[9]. And the newest territory, Astoria Territory[10], has entirely forbidden nonwhite settlement—which is particularly unfortunate as this is the territory that comprises the entirety of the U.S.’s Pacific coast.[11]

    One of the local leaders of Astoria Territory is Stephen Austin. Although he was one of the settlers who worked to being slavery into Arkansaw in the ‘20s, he’s always been of two minds about the institution. On the one hand, it’s made him a lot of money. On the other hand, he’s really scared of black people. (I said he was of two minds. I didn’t say either one was any help.)

    For him, Savannah changed everything. It convinced him that the South, and much of the north, was doomed—servile insurrection and vengeance would one day destroy American civilization. He decided that there had to be at least one territory to serve as a safe space for white people, come the day. (Yes, Astoria already has nonwhite people in it—people who were in fact here first—but Austin doesn’t plan on those people staying there.)

    Of course, at this point there aren’t even that many white settlers that far west, especially with so much land suddenly so cheap east of the Mississippi. Those that do come most often come by sea to Fort Clatsop and up the Columbia to Symmes’ Landing,[12] even though this means sailing clear around the tip of South America. Various explorers (including Austin himself) have mapped out a usable overland trail, which people are now calling the Astoria Trail. But even for traders, let alone prospective farmers or settlers with families, this is a very hard road—especially at this early stage. Stockades for protection are few and far between, if your wagon breaks down you have to fix it yourself, if an ox breaks down you can’t even do that much, there’s rivers to cross, measles, dysentery, food shortages, bad weather, inadequate water and grazing, snakebite, dysentery, and for some reason if you shoot a 900-kg bison you’re only allowed to bring 45 kg of meat back to the wagon. Okay, not really, but it’s still a hard, hard road, and if you’re planning to travel it you’d better buy as many supplies as you can right at the start. Ironically enough, the trail happens to begin in Freedmansville, as far up the Missouri as a steamboat can go—so in a small way, the black community will see some benefit from it in years to come. But in the meantime, it’s clear to most that if blacks are to be free and live free in America, most of them will have to do so right where they are. Kyantine is only so large.

    Seeing the mighty Dead Roses brought low (or at least medium height) has got some people dreaming big. One of the most important men in the mill town of Alpheus, Georgia is Mirabeau Lamar, publisher of the Alpheus Enquirer, head of the local Tertium Quid party and correspondent and confidante of the governor. Despite having these responsibilities, and being a widower with a 7-year-old daughter, he’s taken in his nephew and nieces, 10-year-old twins Marcella and Lucius Jr.[13] and their 6-year-old sister Aelia. Their own mother died giving birth to Aelia, and of course their father, Judge Lamar, died in the Savannah Fire. The good news is Uncle Mirabeau is treating the three Lamar orphans with great kindness, and isn’t devising any elaborate plans to steal their fortune. His plans have much larger goals. That’s the bad news.

    And the really bad news is north of Alpheus, in the mountains of Georgia. Last year, gold was discovered, and this year they’ve found that some of it is on Cherokee land. The urge by Governor Berrien and his supporters to dispossess the Cherokee of whatever territory they still possess within the state has gotten that much stronger. Men are (off the books) disappearing from the Cherokee regiments on the Alabama coast so they can go north to protect their families. This is a headache for Secretary of War Benton. As a proponent of westward expansion, he tends to see Native Americans as an obstruction to be cleared aside, but he knows damn well you can’t ask men to guard a nation whose citizens are driving their women and children out of their homes.

    Out west, of course, it’s a different story. The tribes in what is now Ioway Territory have been broken. The Quapaw who once lived in Arkansas have been driven west beyond Kyantine, except for a remnant of women, children and the elderly and wounded who couldn’t move that far and are now farming a bit of land near the junction of the Arkansas and Verdigris alongside a company of ex-SINC slaves. The rest of them have invaded the lands of the Kiowa and Witchita. Their allies in this war are the Kaw and Osage, who can see the writing on the wall and are beginning to realize they won’t be able to stay much longer in what is officially called Kaw-Osage Territory. There are so many white men, and they just keep coming. If the tribes could just get far enough west, get a breather, trade space for time, build up their strength… it’s a pretty forlorn hope, but it’s what they’ve got.

    And this war is brutal and ugly, with women and children being massacred[14]—the main reason the Quapaw left so many of theirs behind in what Kyantinians are now calling Quapawtown[15]. To white men (and, in all honesty, to the black men of Kyantine) it looks like a bunch of savages savagely savaging each other. Don’t mistake this for a justification, but all the tribes involved are hunter-gardeners, subsisting on a mix of wild game and agriculture. It’s the only way they know how to live, and while it is a good healthy lifestyle that comes with a protein-rich diet and lots of exercise, it has no margin for error—the buffalo herds aren’t getting any larger, and in this dry climate you can’t just plant a few extra fields of corn and beans if you want to feed a whole bunch of new neighbors. Everyone involved thinks of this as an existential conflict, and so desperate are the Kiowa and Witchita that they’ve called on the Comanche for assistance—something normally no one ever does. (The Comanche have their own problems which will be discussed later.)

    In western Mennisota Territory, nobody’s looking too hard at the Dakota, and they don’t mind one bit. Their biggest problem right now is an absence of white men—specifically trappers, who used to bring steel knives and other useful things to trade with, but who, like their Canadian counterparts, can’t stay in business in this economy. The Dakota themselves aren’t making much from trapping either, although they’re better off than their former enemies the Ojibwe since they at least can find more than one buyer.

    Back east, just when the dust was beginning to settle from the midterms, the Supreme Court issued its last decision of 1834, and it was a doozy. It ruled against Ohio in the border dispute State of Ohio v. Michigan Territory, which means Ohio has to cede the northwestern sliver of land called the Miami Strip[16], a strip of land that will be valuable if the canal-building business ever starts up again. (One of the canal projects that Sergeant’s group decided to abandon was the Miami and Erie Canal[17], from Cincinnati to Miami.)

    The one bit of comfort that Ohioans are taking from this is that Miami is the headquarters of a strange new religious movement[18], currently called the Restored Church of Christ (it’s gone through some name changes already) which outsiders generally call the Cumorists, because one of their first publications was a flyer announcing the finding of holy artifacts at some place called “Hill Cumorah.” Officially, the Cumorists (and whatever it is Nat Turner is doing out in Kyantine) are not a problem—religious toleration is the law of the land by virtue of the First Amendment. Unofficially, in most parts of the U.S. even the Catholic Church is seen as strange, foreign, and vaguely threatening.[19] And the Catholic Church is very, very old. The Cumorists are a new thing under the sun, and people really don’t know what to make of them.

    Preoccupied with other matters is Captain Sydney Smith Lee of Norfolk, Virginia. His ship is the USS Representation. and its adventures are as exciting as its name. The last and most seaworthy demologos ever built—which is not saying much—this summer she undertook an epic 180-km voyage to Sinepuxent, Maryland, and then another one back again. This was as much as the Navy could afford. Demologoi burn a lot of coal. The rest of the year was spent in dock, keeping the paint in good condition so the iron-plated hull didn’t rust.

    So the 32-year-old Captain Lee has a lot of time on his hands. He uses it to keep in touch with the unofficial head of the family, his older brother Charles Carter Lee, who manages the various estates and is trying to decide if they’ll need to free any of the children of their childbearing slaves for the tax benefit. And of course there’s their kid brother Robert, who’s been having a rough time of it—he had to go through the whole canal commission fiasco while mourning his wife, Mary Anna Randolph Custis, who died two years ago giving birth to a daughter, Martha Mary Custis Lee. One sore point with the family is the loss of Stratford Hall Plantation, which was in the hands of their half-brother Henry and was lost due to his affairs and ill-advised financial dealings. Now it’s owned by a Marylander, former governor Thomas King Carroll, whose 19-year-old daughter Anna Ella is possibly the most outspoken abolitionist in Virginia. Embarrassing.

    Speaking of 19-year-olds, up in Martinsburg, Crawford Long is working for Stabler & Sons, trying to earn enough money to finish getting his medical degree. He’s still in correspondence with his old friend from Franklin College, Alex Stephens[20], who’s currently in Britain and complaining about how awful it is there. Long figures it can’t be that bad over there—Alex always was a bit of a whiner. Anyway, there isn’t much for him to say in response, since he can’t talk about the work he’s doing now—it’s as top-secret as anything in the early 19th century can be. And because of the stuff he’s working with, he doesn’t have a lot of attention to spare. One mistake could leave him dead or horribly mutilated.

    But in this economy, anybody who has a well-paying job has no reason to complain.


    [1] IOTL Henry Poe died in 1831, so he’s still ahead of the game.
    [2] I’m not trying to get him cancelled or anything, but IOTL she was his 13-year-old cousin.
    [3] Cotton took a similar fall in the 1837 depression IOTL.
    [4] He tried this IOTL too.
    [5] IOTL, the first state to default was the newest state, Michigan.
    [6] This is a direct quote of something Governor McNutt said IOTL about Nathan Rothschild’s son Lionel in 1841.
    [7] IOTL he was elected governor as a member of the Anti-Masonic Party.
    [8] Duluth, MN and Superior, WI
    [9] OTL Independence, MO, Joplin, MO and Moran, KS, respectively. Jericho was founded by an escaped slave from New York State (back when it still had slavery) named Sojourner Truth, formerly known as Isabella Baumfree. Wrightsburg is named for Benjamin Wright, Clay’s Secretary of Domestic Affairs.
    [10] So named to distinguish itself from British Oregon to the north.
    [11] This was also true of Oregon Territory IOTL.
    [12] OTL Portland
    [13] Allohistorical brother of OTL’s L.Q.C. Lamar Jr.
    [14] This sort of thing happened IOTL as well.
    [15] OTL Muskogee
    [16] IOTL the Toledo Strip. Note that the stronger position of the federal government vis-a-vis the states means that state governments are willing to see this sort of dispute resolved by something other than force.
    [17] IOTL this canal was built, but eventually declined.
    [18] At this point IOTL, the church that would later be named the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints was headquartered in Kirtland, Ohio.
    [19] This is much, much better than the situation IOTL. It helps that TTL’s Catholic Church is a little more liberal, and the U.S.’s biggest allies are Catholics. It might also help a little that those Catholics who are not at all liberal in their views are more likely to go to Lima.
    [20] They were roommates IOTL.
     
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