The consequences of an errant shell(story only thread)

1 January 1905, Vladivostok, Russian Empire

Admiral Zinovy Petrovich Rozhestvensky contemplated his command. He now had eight battleships, which he had divided into two divisions, split according to speed, along with his armoured cruiser squadron.

1st Division(Rozhestvensky)
Battleships
Imperator Alexandr III, Tsarevitch, Retvizan, Peresvet, Pobeda, Oslyabya
5 protected cruisers
10 destroyers

2nd Division(Vitgeft)
Battleships
Poltava, Sebastopol
Armoured Cruiser Admiral Nakhimov
4 protected cruisers
9 destroyers


3rd Division(Jessen)
Armoured Cruisers Rossiya, Gromboi
2 protected cruisers
7 destroyers


When the Japanese sortied, which they must do, he intended to use his First Division to stand them off with the support and assistance of Jessen's cruisers, whilst Vitgeft destroyed the Japanese main convoy which must surely accompany the fleet with his two slower battleships.
 
5 January 1905, Putilov Plant, St Petersburg, Russian Empire

Boris Viktorovich Savinkov watched with satisfaction. Last night's rally had gone well and after only three days of campaigning the giant plant, employing over 24,000 workers, lay largely idle, the initial small scale strike in protest spreading rapidly throughout the factory.

The combination of the 65 hours per week of work for the average monthly salary of 16 rubles per month was a powder-keg waiting to be lit for a skilled orator, and Boris was certainly that. Ironically, it was the sacking of a worker who was found to be underage, contrary to the new government laws to stop the exploitation of workers, that had provided the spark.

In March 1902, strikes in the Caucasus had broken out, starting in the railway, drawing in other industries and culminating in a general strike at Rostov-on-Don in November. Daily meetings of 15,000 to 20,000 had heard openly revolutionary appeals for the first time, before a massacre defeated the strikes. But reaction to the massacres added political demands to purely economic ones. In 1903 in seemed the whole of South Russia in May, June and July was aflame, including Baku, where separate wage struggles culminated in a city-wide general strike, and Tiflis, where commercial workers gained a reduction in the working day, and were joined by factory workers. In 1904, massive strike waves had broken out in Odessa in the spring, Kiev in July, and finally Baku in December. This all set the stage for the start of strikes in St. Petersburg.

Nicholas II had made a move to fulfill many of the demands presented, appointing liberal Pyotr Mirskii Minister of the Interior after the assassination of Plehve, an assassination Savinkov himself had been involved in. On 25 December 1904, the Tsar had issued a manifesto promising the broadening of the Zemstvo and local municipal councils' authority, insurance for industrial workers and the abolition of censorship.

However, the crucial point of a representative national legislature was missing in the manifesto. Ironically, the pardoning of many political prisoners on the same day had led to many well known agitators drifting back to St Petersburg in early 1905, precipitating more problems. It was what Savinkov was aiming towards.
 
11 January 1905 Kure, Empire of Japan

Vice Admiral Dewa had the fleet at sea. The new units had little time to train with the remainder of the fleet as the army badly needed the contents of the 36 merchant ships that had been assembled for the passage to Pusan.

General Iwao had already indicated that the Russian were clearly making preparations for a renewed offensive at some stage during the next 2-3 weeks, so the contents of the convoy were badly needed for the now poorly equipped, poorly fed and under-strength Japanese field army.

How he would keep the Russians off the back of the convoy was another matter all together. It would be the responsibility of the 1st and 2nd Divisions to keep the main Russian Fleet at bay whilst the 3rd Division supplied close escort. Another failure and the war may well be lost.
 
1158 12 January 1905, Yellow Sea

As the midday sun rose so the Russian Fleet had hove into view. Dewa had positioned his forces to directly intercept any attempt to break through to the vulnerable 7-8 knot convoy, with the vulnerable 3rd Division as a guard against any Russian ships that did break through.

As he looked at the looming shapes of what seemed like eight battleships, he could scarcely say in his heart of hearts he was confident, never the less he had a duty that he must fulfill.

It was the Russian who opened fire first, at the longer range of 7,200 meters. It was clear already that his flagship was facing the combined fire of six Russian battleships, with the rear ship in his column, the armoured cruiser Nisshin, being targeted by two such ships. He held his own fire, having only the four twelve inch guns of the Fuji, his next gun down the 10 inchers on Tango and Mishima being at extreme range. He had attempted to draw ahead and cross the Russian "T", but was surprised to see that, although their rear ships seems to lag in line and fall off the back of their fleet, their speed matched his own and instead the two fleets were sailing parallel and the range was instead gradually falling. When it had fallen to 6,200 meters he gave the order to open fire. By that stage Fuji had already been hit three times, the cruiser Nisshin once.

1444

It had been a long and brutal pounding match that had come at a cost, but Admiral Vitgeft felt that his fleet had now started to gain the initiative. The Russian fleet had been handily gaining the initiative early, pouring fire into the leading enemy battleship from six of their own ships and after only an our the distress of the Japanese ship was palpable, billowing smoke, slowing and falling out of line.

As his own ships had moved closer to press the attack Rozhestvensky had ordered his own second division to try and break through to the convoy. At that point disaster had struck. Imperator Alexandr III, closing the Japanese had suddenly suffered a serious hit. A large volume of flame and fire shot up almost 100ft on the air and the stricken battleship pulled out of line, eventually slowly turning turtle 30 minutes after, taking
Rozhestvensky with her.

In the confusion, the Japanese had launched their own torpedo attack and although the other five battleships had escaped, the cruiser Gromboi, at the rear of the Russian line, had been struck twice and also left in sinking condition, at a cost of three destroyers to the Japanese.

Since then, Vitgeft had steadied the fleet and they had reengaged the Japanese, who were themselves badly battered. They had had the satisfaction of seeing one Japanese battleship sink at 1438 and two of their armoured cruisers were in major trouble, one badly on fire at the rear of their formation and another immobile, down by the bow and listing heavily to port, whilst one of their two remanding battleships also looked badly damaged and was firing only fitfully using one turret.

His own battleships had suffered, but not too badly, most of the initial fire being directed at Imperator Alexandr III, however, in the last hour both Poltava and Tsarevitch had taken serious damage, but both were still combat capable.

With the enemy having only one functional battleship left and with their light forces suffering damage, he intended to try and reform and push through to the convoy, finishing their fleet as a threat.

1517

As the Russian had swung back toward his fleet over ten minutes ago, Vice Admiral Kamimura aboard Izumo knew they were in major trouble. Of Vice Admiral Dewa's First Division, Fuji had sank some time ago, taking Dewa with her. The armoured cruiser Nisshin had capsized just four minutes ago, survivors clutching piteously at her sides. The second battleship, Mishima, was a wreck, slowed to eight knots and had only one operational 12 inch gun. Another armoured cruiser, Kasuga, was in similar condition. Only the battleship Tango was still in fighting condition.

Aside from Tango, that left only his own Second Division, with it's six armoured cruisers, a poor impediment to the seven battleships charging back into the crippled ships. He noticed that this time it was the Russian light forces that lead the way and directed his own reduced compliment of destroyers, with his protected cruisers, to block their passage so as to prevent a torpedo attack.

1614

The Russians had reengaged and after a brief, bitter, battle that mainly involved his light forces Kamimura had been forced to disengage and was falling back to Kakaoka's Third Division and his convoy escort. If they could hold the Russians for another 90 or so minutes, they could scatter the convoy and order them to proceed independently in the dark. He could see little else in the way of options. It was that or turn back.

He weighed the options as he turned back. He had had little other option but to leave the crippled ships to the Russians, a bitter fact. Hopefully, both Mishima and Kasuga would delay their pursuit somewhat. One of his own cruisers, Iwate, was also badly battered, as was the battleship Tango, but at least their speed was unimpaired. His light forces had lost a cruiser, two torpedo boats and a destroyer in exchange for perhaps four Russian destroyers and he was now down to a battleship, six armoured cruisers, 6 protected cruisers, 8 destroyers and two torpedo boats. The lighter 8 inch and 6 inch shells of his armoured cruisers did not seem to be enough to hurt the heavy Russian battleships.


1701

Vitgeft's battle line had delayed long enough to pound the armoured cruiser, battleship, and protected cruiser into scrap before he set course towards the main prize, the Japanese convoy.

Despite losing a battleship himself, with heavy damage to another two capital ships, he knew the enemy was in even worse shape. He was no longer in a position to fight a prolonged engagement, with ammunition starting to run low, but he should have enough for the remaining time between now and sunset, some 80 minutes away. As he closed the range down to 6,400 yards and opened fire yet again, he could see that the Japanese had been reinforced by another large ship.

1818

In the deepening half darkness Vice Admiral Kamimura had pulled his battered forces back and scattered the convoy, advising ships to proceed independently to Pusan or indeed any Korean port.

He had been forced to use Kakaoka's Third Division, full of older and obsolete ships to defend one flank of the convoy when the Russian's had split their own forces. Although they had suffered badly they had held the Russian's at bay long enough to ensure that no more than two of the thirty eight transports had so far been sunk(in fact one of these two was still afloat, but stationary, on fire and clearly sinking).

It had come at a cost, but in fact it had been Kakaoka's Third Division, in conjunction with one of his own destroyer divisions, that had finally turned the Russian's away. Fire from the Chinen had had detonated a spectacular explosion aboard the trailing Russian ship, which had duly rolled over and sunk. This had been after the torpedo boats and destroyers had launched an attack that had cost then four of their number but had succeeded in hitting the leading Russian battleship with a single torpedo.

They had lost the armoured cruiser Maya, two of their five protected cruisers, a destroyer and 4 torpedo boats.

From Kamimura's own division, the battered Iwate had been finished off, as had the protected cruiser Suwa.

Overall, the battle had cost the IJN:
Sunk:
Battleships Mishima, Fuji
Armoured cruisers Nisshin, Kasuga, Iwate, Maya
4 protected cruisers
5 destroyers
6 torpedo boats
2 transports

Badly Damaged:
Battleships Tango, Chinen
Armoured cruisers Tokiwa, Izumo, Atago
1 protected cruiser
1 destroyer

All he could hope was that now, in the darkness, most of the ships would find their way to Korea of their own violation. They were only 89 nautical miles from Pusan, so most should be able to find their way under the cover of darkness.

1839

Admiral Vitgeft had pulled his battered forces back from the engagement. He had badly battered, although he had decisively defeated the Japanese, however, the scene was now one of darkness and the Japanese had scattered the convoy without his having the opportunity to really come to grips with it.

They had sunk a number of the large Japanese ships, indeed at least two, possibly four battleships. His own losses, however, although lesser, had not been insignificant. He had pulled back after the Admiral Nakhimov had exploded, quickly followed by the battleship Poltava being torpedoed. He considered his losses:

Sunk:
Battleship Imperator Alexandr III
Armoured cruisers Admiral Nakhimov, Gromboi
Protected cruiser Diana

4 destroyers

Badly damaged:
Battleships Tsarevitch, Poltava
4 destroyers

He had made the decision to pull back his battered fleet, mindful of the Poltava, which was very badly damaged, but had authorized his cruisers, led by Admiral Jessen in Rossiya to stay at sea to try and round up as many Japanese transports as possible. Jessen would lie off Pusan, whilst the other six cruisers would patrol in groups of two, each with a destroyer to accompany them, in the hope of sinking or taking prizes.
 
15 January 1905, Kure, Empire of Japan

Vice Admiral Kamimura scanned the last of the telegraphs and finally the last of the damage reports. It did not make pleasing reading. Firstly, in regards to his own fleet for the next two months he would only be able to field the armoured cruisers Azuma, Asama and Akumo, plus four protected cruisers and ten destroyers.

There was little left even of
Kakaoka's obsolete ships, just two protected cruisers and two old destroyers. In all, between both forces, just nine cruisers and 12 destroyers. It was grim reading indeed.

Of the convoy so desperately needed by the army, only exactly half, ie: 19 ships had found their way to Korea, of those only six to Pusan. The remaining twelve had been dispersed to Ulsan(7), Pohang(2), Sunchon(4) and a lone ship at Kunsan. Two had returned to Japan. Two more had been sunk in the battle. The remaining 15 had failed to reach the safety of a friendly port, either captured by Russian forces or sunk at sea. In men alone, of the 24,212 dispatched, only 11,812 had made it to Korea, many without equipment and scattered at various ports, with another 1,356 safe back in Japan. 1,289 had been later rescued by Japanese light forces. Almost 10,000 lay mostly at the bottom of the Yellow Sea.

Kamimura felt the weight of it, an almost unbearable burden. For a rational man, it seemed the war was lost.
 
28 January 1905, Sandepu, Manchuria

On 17 January, General Kuropatkin had issued orders for General Gripenberg's Second Manchurian Army to attack in a maneuver to outflank the Japanese Second Army and to drive it back across the Taitzu River, despite the freezing winter.

On 23 January 1905, the battle began with an attack by the 1st Siberian Rifle Corps on the fortified village of Heikoutai, which the Russians took with severe losses. The Russian 14th Division, which was intended to attack the fortified village of Sandepu, failed to coordinate its attack with the 1st Siberian, and attacked on the following day, 24th January, instead. Hampered by a lack of maps and reconnaissance as well as poor weather conditions that included occasional blizzards, the Russians also attacked the wrong village, occupying the neighboring hamlet of Paotaitzu, which came under a strong artillery barrage and counterattack from Sandepu, which was occupied in strength by the 5th Division. Gripenberg did not attack in support until the afternoon of the 25th. None the less, 1st Siberian under General Stackelberg pushed forward on the morning of the 25th, but the attack failed, losing almost 5000 men. Stackelberg was forced to fall back.

By the morning of 26 January, Gripenberg found that he was separated from Stackelberg's forces by the village of Sandepu and surrounds, which prevented any attempt to link forces. However, as he still outnumbered the Japanese defenders by seven divisions to five divisions, he insisted on continuing the offensive. His decision was not supported by supreme commander Kuropatkin, who acted with his usual caution and hesitation, and ordered Gripenberg’s forces back. Stackelberg, again ignoring orders, continued to attack, and with the help of Cossack cavalry, took part of Sandepu village. Simultaneously, the Russian 10th Army Corps under Lt General Konstantin Tserpitsky, with Gripenberg’s consent, succeeded in forcing their way through and securing positions to the rear of Sandepu, cutting off the Japanese.

Despite Kuropatkin's caution, major victory had been achieved, with 8,000 Japanese troops cut off, troops that the under equipped and poorly supplied Japanese could neither rescue nor supply. By the end of February, the 3,817 freezing, starving remnants were to surrender to the Russians, marking a battle that had cost the Russians 4,012 killed and 14,765 wounded, but had cost the Japanese 12,180 killed, 4,167 captured and 7,019 wounded. More importantly, the road to relieving Port Arthur was now opened to the Russian forces.
 
28 January 1905 St Petersburg, Russian Empire

Father Georgiy Apollonovich Gapon looked forward to tomorrow when they would get a chance to state their case, for the workers and peasants to finally be heard.

The decision to prepare and present a petition had been made in the course of discussions during the evening of 19 January at the headquarters of Gapon's movement - the "Gapon Hall" on the Shlisselburg Trakt in Saint Petersburg. The petition, drafted in respectful terms by Gapon himself, made clear the problems and opinions of the workers and called for improved working conditions, fairer wages, and a reduction in the working day to nine hours. Other demands included a negotiated end to the war now that victory seemed nigh and the introduction of universal suffrage.

The idea of a petition resonated with the traditionally minded working masses. In the 15th to the early 18th centuries individual or collective petitions ("chelobitnaya") were an established means of bringing grievances to the attention of the Tsar's administration. They could be submitted to the Petitions Office in Moscow, or directly to the Tsar or his courtiers when the Tsar was making an appearance outside the palace. The march on the Winter Palace was not to be a revolutionary or rebellious act. Political groups, such as the Bolsheviks, Mensheviks, and the Social Democrats had disapproved of the procession due to its lack of political demands. Gapon had encouraged his followers to tear up their leaflets that supported revolutionary aims. The majority of Russian workers still retained their traditional conservative values of Orthodoxy, faith in the autocracy, and indifference to political life.

The workers of St. Petersburg, however, wished to receive fair treatment and better working conditions; they decided, therefore, to petition the Tsar in hopes he would act on it. In their eyes, the Tsar was their representative who would help them if he was made aware of their situation. God appointed the Tsar, therefore the Tsar had an obligation to protect the people and do what was best for them. Their petition was written in respectful terms, and ended with a reminder to the Tsar of his obligation to the people of Russia and their resolve to do what it took to ensure their pleas were met. It concluded: "And if Thou dost not so order and dost not respond to our pleas we will die here in this square before Thy palace". It was to prove all to sadly prophetic.

Gapon had sent a copy of the petition to the Minister of the Interior together with a notification of his intention to lead a procession of members of his workers' movement to the Winter Palace on the following Sunday.

Gapon was not to know that troops had been already deployed around the Winter Palace and at other key points. Despite the urging of various members of the imperial family to stay in St. Petersburg, the Tsar had left on Saturday 21st January for the Alexander Palace and was not expected back until Monday 30th. A cabinet meeting, held without any particular sense of urgency that same evening, concluded that the police would publicize his absence and that the workers would accordingly probably abandon their plans for a march. It was to be a fatal combination of events, a series of bad judgement calls that totally underestimated what could go wrong with a "peaceful" gathering.
 
29 January 1905 Alexander Palace, Tsarkoye Selo, Russian Empire

Nicholas could hardly believe the reports. Although the Interior Ministry wanted to reduce the figures of dead and wounded, the real figures were 213 dead and 546 wounded, although many wounded would not have reported the fact and even those numbers were probably light. It was a tragedy. Nicholas himself was not a violent man and had many times thought himself that he was ill suited to be Tsar.

Just when things had been going so well in Manchuria, now this. He had only just replaced his Uncle Sergei with Trepov as Governor General of St Petersburg and now this of all things. Imperial Guard troops, as well as Cossack's, had fired into the demonstrators, the Cossack's also using their sabres to disperse the crowd. It was the wrong approach, the approach of panicked men.

His eldest, Olga, had asked him why he was crying earlier. How does one answer that question? He knew full well what it had meant. The social contract between the Tsar and the people had been broken, which de-legitimized the position of himself and his divine right to rule, perhaps irrevocably.
 
15 March 1905 Tokyo, Russian Empire

Emperor Meiji had given instruction to start sending out peace feelers through both Japan's British allies and also through the U.S.A. Control of the sea lanes had been lost and although Port Arthur was still technically besieged, control of the heights had not been achieved in the army's last offensive on 1st March 1905.

Deeper into Manchuria, the two main armies had also clashed. The Japanese had bravely held their own, but the loss of over 16,000 killed and over 80,000 total casualties, along with the 3,200 killed and 8,000 wounded in the Port Arthur attack had bled what was left of the army white. It was estimated that the Russians had suffered 7,000 killed and nigh on 50,000 wounded, but it was not enough, with the battle ending 11th March.

If they were to achieve a peace, it had to be when the Russians were glad to end the war. With daily protests in Moscow and St Peterburg, the Tsar's Uncle killed by an anarchists bomb in February and unrest across the country, now seemed like as good a time as any.
 
6 July 1905, Moscow, Russian Empire

Nicholas had received the Zemstvo deputation from St Petersburg, as had had received one from Moscow a month before. Like he had in Moscow, he had confirmed his promise to convene an assembly of people’s representatives. He had little choice in the matter, the situation was spirally out of control with non stops strikes and demonstrations around the country.

He was determined hang on long enough to bring the Japanese treaty, due to be negotiated at Osborne House on the Isle of Wight on the 16th July, to a satisfactory conclusion. He had given explicit instructions on the minimum he would accept. Despite his wife being pregnant yet again, hopefully this time with a boy, he needed to take his own steps to secure the succession. The fact that Alexandra was pregnant at all was a miracle considering her poor physical and mental health. With his wife being so sick, he had spent more time with his children and knew how capable his eldest could potentially be. Before the election of a constituent assembly, he would repeal the Pauline Law, at the same time slightly relaxing the previous provisions governing Imperial marriages. Alex was right, he needed to ensure the thrones stayed away from the Vladimirs.

Witte had indicated the situation was bad enough that their was no real choice. He was sick with shame at this betrayal of the dynasty- but what could one do. He also served the people and Russia itself and this level of chaos, violence and upheaval could not continue.
 
20 July 1905, Osborne House, Isle of Wight, UK

Sergei Witte applied his signature to the document to formally end the Russo-Japanese war. The Japanese had agreed in the end. Of course they had little real option in the matter, being decisively defeated militarily at sea and on the verge of another decisive defeat on land.

Russia had been prepared to surrender it's military presence in Manchuria in compensation for achieving all her other aims and these had indeed been achieved. The salient points of the treaty were:
  • an immediate cessation of hostilities
  • an increase in the lease terms for Dalien and Port Arthur from 25 years(from 1898) to 55 years(from 1905)
  • Korea to become Russian protectorate, still under the Yi Dynasty
  • Russia to continue sole ownership and operating privileges for both the South Manchurian Railway and the Chinese Eastern Railway
  • Russian mining concession were to be retained but Japanese future concessions were not ruled out
  • Russia would withdraw all troops from Manchuria aside from 500 "security troops" for it's two railway branches. There was no limit on Russian troops in their two leased areas, however.
  • Japan were to turn over to Russia by way of reparations, their two battleships Tango and Chinen, plus other ships, by way of repayment for Russian ships lost
He had not insisted on monetary reparations, as this would have prolonged the treaty negotiations and he needed something concrete to return to Russia with that would take some of the heat out of the domestic situation, which was still only partially in control. The truth was they had no desire for Manchuria as a whole, being too vast a territory to try and control and with too many non Russians. Ethnic issues were the source already of many problems within the empire. They simply needed the ability to exploit the resources contained within the borders of Manchuria and Korea.
 
12 October 1905, Winter Palace, St Petersburg, Russian Empire

With the Japanese war brought to a conclusion, Nicholas II again looked at the blue folder containing the manifesto brought to him by Witte yesterday. He knew he had no choice but to sign. Officially entitled The Manifesto on the Improvement of the State Order, he could only hope that it would quell the tide of revolution sweeping across Russia.

The Baltic Fleet had mutinied, the Black Sea fleet's loyalty was now in doubt. Only the victorious Pacific Fleet remained loyal of the navy. Over 2,000,000 workers were on strike. There had been a full insurrection in Lodz with hundreds of casualties, now another was brewing in Warsaw. The key was how long the army would remain loyal.

He next looked at the document brought to him by Maksim Kovalevsky via the law office, titled "Changes to the Statute of the Imperial Family and House Law for the Romanov Family". There were three major changes, all certain to be bitterly unpopular within the family as well. Firstly, male-preference cognatic primogeniture would replace Salic Law for the purposes of succession to the throne, with any female monarch's spouses required to take the name of Romanov. Secondly, Imperial Grand Dukes and Duchesses were required to marry only with the Tsar's consent, not specifically a spouse deemed to be of equal rank, although if the said spouse was not Russian Orthodox(even with the Tsar's consent for marriage), any children were to be excluded from succession. Lastly, the title of Grand Duke and Grand Duchess, and the access that gave to funding via the Tsar, was now to be restricted only to those born as children and grandchildren of a reigning Tsar.

He would sign and publish the later on the 15th, before finally signing Witte's constitution on 1st November, its publication being able to be delayed no further.
 
17 October 1905 Ali-Tor House, Yalta, Crimea, Russian Empire

Xenia mused on how thankful she was to be away from Petersburg. She had avoided the worst of the fallout from the dynastic changes published by her brother. She had already been inundated by a storm of protesting telegrams from her Uncles in the last two days.

The succession had altered greatly and now stood at Nicholas's four daughters, Olga, Tatiana, Marie and Anastasia, then her younger brother Michael, followed by herself, her sons Andrei, Feodor, Nikita, Dimitri and Rotislav, her daughter Irina and then her sister Olga in 13th place. That covered all the descendants of Alexander III. Beyond that point were the descendants of Alexander II.
 
8 November 1905, Vasilyevsky Island, St Petersburg, Russian Empire

Boris Savinkov looked over the published contents of the new constitution. It was not enough, yet already some people were calling for calm and the continuation of negotiations through less proactive means.

The Russian Constitution of 1906 contained an introduction and eleven chapters: comprising a total of 124 articles:
  • The Introduction (Articles 1-3) declared that Russia was "one and indivisible", and mandated the use of Russian in the armed forces and other public institutions. It also acknowledged the Grand Principality of Finland and the Kingdom of Poland as "inseparable parts of the Russian state", while ambiguously acknowledging their special legislative and political status, but guaranteeing the usage of their own languages.
  • Chapter One (Articles 4-24) concerned "the essence of the supreme autocratic power", declaring that the Emperor possessed "supreme sovereign power", and that obedience to his commands was mandated by God himself. It provided for the ruler's prerogatives, while making them personally inviolable. The Tsar possessed an absolute veto over all legislation, legislative initiative on all matters, and the sole prerogative to initiate any revision of the constitution itself. The Emperor had charge over Russia's administrative and external affairs, and sole power to declare war, make peace and negotiate treaties, as well as the supreme command of the armed forces. The Emperor also retained authority over the minting of money, as well as the right to grant pardons and quash judicial proceedings. He appointed and dismissed his ministers at will, and decided the nature and scope of their duties.
  • Chapter Two (Articles 25-39) regulated the order of succession to the throne. The thrones of Poland and Finland were declared "inseparable" from that of Russia, while precise rules on succession to the throne were spelled out. Females were eligible to succeed, though they were placed behind their male siblings in order of succession. A female ruler was guaranteed all the prerogatives and privileges of the imperial office, though her consort was not to take the title of "Emperor". Children born to a marriage involving any person who inherited the throne while ruling over another nation or whose state religion was not Orthodox, if unwilling to renounce that other throne and/or faith, were excluded.
  • Chapter Three (Articles 40-82) concerned issues of regency and guardianship, if the emperor was a minor. The age of majority was established at sixteen, and instructions were given concerning the appointment of a regent and a mandatory regency council, together with the prerogatives exercised by the same.
  • Chapter Four (Articles 53-56) concerned accession to the throne and the Oath of Allegiance to be sworn by all male citizens of the empire, aged eighteen and above, each "according to his faith and law".
  • Chapter Five (Articles 57-58) concerned the coronation and anointing of a new sovereign, which was to take place "according to the rite of the Greco-Russian Orthodox Church."
  • Chapter Six (Articles 59-61) concerned the many formal titles held by the Russian sovereign, together with the precise makeup of the Russian state coat of arm and seal.
  • Chapter Seven (Articles 62-68) concerned the relationship of the Russian state to the various religions professed by its subjects. The Orthodox faith was declared the state religion, and both the Emperor and his or her consort were required to profess that religion. The Tsar was named as the "supreme defender and guardian" of the Russian Orthodox Church, while those of other confessions were promised full religious liberty, which was also extended to "Jews, Muslims, Buddhists and heathens."
  • Chapter Eight (Articles 69-83) concerned the "rights and obligations" of Russian citizens. Citizens were guaranteed protection from arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, the inviolability of their domiciles, protection from illegal search and seizure, the right to travel (subject to restriction), and the right to own private property. Other rights promised in the document included freedom of assembly, freedom of expression, to organize unions and similar organizations, and freedom of religion. Military service was mandatory for all male subjects called to it, regardless of social rank, and payment of taxes and performance of "other duties in accordance with lawful decrees" was required.
  • Chapter Nine (Articles 84-97) concerned the promulgation of laws. Article 86 required the approval of the Emperor, Duma and State Council for all laws, while Article 87 permitted the Tsar and his cabinet to issue decrees during times when the Duma was not in session. However, these lost their validity if not introduced to the new Duma within two months of its convocation, or if the new Duma or Council refused to confirm them. This article furthermore prohibited the Emperor from using this authority to change the Constitution itself, or to change the laws for election to the Duma or Council.
  • Chapter Ten (Articles 98-119) regulated the modus operandi of the State Council and Duma. Both were required to meet at least twice per year, though the duration of their sessions and the length of their recess were the Emperor's prerogative. The Tsar was granted the right to appoint up to one-half of the membership of the State Council, while members of the Duma were to be elected for a five-year term according to the state election statutes. Both houses possessed equal rights in legislative matters, while either or both of them could be dissolved at any time by the Emperor, though new elections for the Duma must be announced at the same time as its dissolution. Both houses possessed the right of legislative initiative, save in respect to the constitution itself; amendments to the constitution could only be proposed by the monarch. The Imperial Court Ministry was not subject to the Duma's control. Securing of governmental loans was also beyond the legislature's purview, nor was it permitted to refuse or reduce funds to repay such obligations. The Duma was equally prohibited from using its budgetary power to deny manpower requests from the Army or Navy; should the legislature not approve such a petition, the military was allowed to call a new number of draftees equal to the previous year's number.
  • Chapter Eleven (Articles 120-124) concerned the Council of Ministers. It established the office of Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and made all members of this council responsible to the emperor for their actions. "Regulations, instructions or orders" issued by this council, or any member thereof, could not contradict existing law. Ministers could be interrogated by either the State Council or Duma for their actions while in office, but only the Tsar could remove them.
 
9 November 1905 Port Arthur Naval Base, Russian Empire

Admiral Vitgeft looked over his "prizes". They were a shambolic lot, of not much use except for scrap metal in many cases. The ancient turret ship Chinen was of strictly limited utility, the battleship Tango of more use. Of the three armoured cruisers only one, Asama, was a useful addition, the other two small 1880's or early 1890's designs. The two protected cruisers and six torpedo boats were also ancient.

They had been largely sold a pup, with only two ships of real value. None the less, their former opponents were severely weakened, with a navy consisting of only three armoured cruisers and six protected cruisers plus light forces.Russia controlled the Yellow Sea.
 
14 February 1906 Alexander Palace, Tsarkoye Selo, Russian Empire

The baby was small and well formed, despite the trauma of birth. However, it was also another girl, to be named Victoriya. Sadly, instead of being overjoyed, Nicholas could only foresee more problems. He had almost lost his beloved wife, who had bled badly and would require much recuperation. He still did not have a male heir and was facing if what was no longer a storm of protest in regards to succession laws changes, at least a seething anger that was barely contained within many sections of his own family. With his wife's condition, it was clear there would be no further children.

Elections were due in just over two weeks and the first Duma due to sit in April. In the meantime, revolutionary activity had abated to some extent, but was still full of life, particularly in Poland and the Baltic States.

In May he would take his family back to Livadia, where he could surround himself with a simpler lifestyle that could not be obtained in St Petersburg.
 
1 July 1906 10 miles South of Azov, Russian Empire

Nicholas had retreated to Livadia in the Crimea three weeks after opening the Duma on 29th April. Although unrest still claimed the country, it's tide had receded. What had replaced it was a series of provocative speeches, reported daily in the paper, as well as impudent demands for information and even power sharing, addressed to both himself and his ministers. Most of these were reported daily in the papers.

The composition of the Duma was wide ranging after the March elections and consisted of:
Constitutional Democratic Party(Kadets) 180 seats(liberals)
Trudoviks(Laborers) 99 seats(moderate labour)
Socialist Revolutionary Party(SR's) 34 seats(more moderate leftist revolutionary)
Octoberist Party 18 seats(conservative-liberals)
Russian Social Democratic Labour Party(Mensheviks)(leftist revolutionary) 13 seats
Union of Landholders (rightest reactionary) 9 seats
Russian Social Democratic Labour Party(Bolsheviks)(far left revolutionary) 5 seats
Monarchist Party (rightest) 2 seats
National Minorities 65 seats
Independents 54 seats

It had proven itself to be a fractious body and difficult to control, for both himself an his ministers, so much so that he felt he had little choice but to dissolve it. The difficulties posed by the Nationalist minorities were even worse than those caused by many of the more extreme socialist parties.

He watched as his middle girl, Marie, nursed the baby, Victoriya, as the difficulties of the next few weeks came to mind. How he hated heading back to St Petersburg after the peace found at Livadia, the beach, sun and playing with his children. Falling back into musing as to the issues he would likely face, he was disturbed by the sudden rocking of the carriage before it started to tip over. As the carriage shot down the embankment, he thought of the accident involving his father 18 years ago and about how his father had saved the family by supporting the weight of the ruined railway carriage on his massive shoulders. But Nicholas II was no Alexander III, either mentally or physically and he stared in horror as the carriage collapsed apart around him.

The boy had watched the train derail and the carriage slip down the side of the embankment and turn over at speed. When 20 year old Ukrainian field hand Pavel Vlasenko climbed through the fence and ran the two hundred meters to the train, looking inside the wreckage, it was scene of chaos. A young girl was outside the carriage, a livid cut upon her forehead, holding a crying baby. Inside another was assisting a girl with a broken arm. As he pushed deeper into the carriage he came across the body of an older woman and a younger girl, until finally his eyes alighted on a figure he did recognise, the crumpled body of the Emperor and Autocrat of all the Russia's, Nicholas II.
 
17 July 1906 Peter and Paul Fortress, St Petersburg, Russian Empire

Michael had made every effort to avoid the throne and yet now he found himself unwittingly thrust back into the role, being confirmed as Regent for his niece Olga. As he looked at the final rights being given to Nicholas II, Alexandra and his niece Anastasia, he gazed across at the three girls, aged 10, 9 and 7, particularly the ten year old with her arm in a sling. Her life had also changed rapidly. For Olga, she would be thrust into the spotlight at far too young an age. Thankfully she was a perceptive girl, one who seemed cognisant of the fact that the dynasty as a whole seemed to be less than loved by many of their subjects. He had not always agreed with his brother, but he owed it to both him and Russia to protect the girl as much as possible. Yet she, like himself, would have to play their part in the coming years and her face could certainly soften the dynasty's tarnished image. All things being equal he would be Regent for almost the next five and a half years, a long time in anyone's terms.

One thing the tragedy had done was quell all revolutionary activity, which seemed to have completely ceased at the shock of recent events. His sister Olga had taken over care of the four surviving girls, having no children of her own(her husband Peter Alexandrovich of Oldenburg was a well known homosexual-although they still lived together and had an entirely amicable relationship). This was all to the good, as it would stymie the all pervasive influence of his own mother and the children's grandmother.

Michael himself was unsure as to what all this would mean in regards to his own relationship with Alexandra Kossikovskaya, his beloved "Dina", whom he had been preparing to ask Nicholas to give special dispensation to marry. Dina herself being only a commoner, her father a lawyer.

Of one thing he was certain, changes would have to be made from his brothers previous inflexible policies, changes to be more inclusive. Russia had much going for it. Education and basic health care were free. The country had the lowest rate of taxation in the developed world. Russia produced more than 50% of world oil. It exported 50% of the world’s eggs, 70% of its butter and 80% of its flax. It also produced over 25% of the world’s wheat, oats and potatoes, 40% of its barley and over 50% of its rye. The country's average rate of growth was more than 9%, more than the other developing new power, the U.S.A.
 
19 July 1906 Admiralty, St Petersburg, Russian Empire

General-Admiral Grand Duke Alexei Alexandrovich of Russia was a happy enough man. Despite the deficiencies so obviously shown by the army during the Japanese war, the navy, and therefore himself, had come through with it's reputation enhanced.

He was aware of what they said about him, his critics talked of Alexei's life as consisting of "fast women and slow ships", referring to his womanizing(he was a lifelong bachelor). He had fought hard for the navy, though, and had introduced much new equipment, like submarines, of which the navy now had 12. The navy now had twenty four battleship(although eight were battleships in name only, being obsolete), with four more building, and was third behind the Royal Navy and France, although Germany was fast outbuilding both Russia and France.

As for the political upheavals, it had left him untouched. He had liked his nephew and been saddened by his death, but he had never been active politically. As to succession and dynastic changes, it left him untouched. He had two bastards only, a daughter in New Orleans, U.S.A, and a son in Moscow. They had no capacity to inherit anyway and he himself was uninterested.
 
15 November 1906 Alexander Palace, Russia

It had not taken long for the Duma to start pushing a more radical agenda. The two pieces of legislation in front of Michael were more than evidence of that. Witte had been reluctant to approve either, but Michael felt there was little choice. They needed to show that they were prepared to make concessions and work together with the Duma to achieve mutual objectives. These two pieces of legislation were dear to the heart of the two largest parties in the Duma, the Kadets and Trudoviks. It was the only way the gap between the two parties could be bridged and mutual suspicions lessened.

Firstly, the issue put forward by the Kadets - an increase in the basic wage. It had been argued that this would stifle industry, but in reality Russia's industry was booming and a reduction in strikes was the main blockage to increased production, not increased wages. They had asked for a reduction in working hours from 11 to 8. It had taken over a month of careful negotiations, both sides initially suspicious, but in the finish a figure of 9 hours was settled on. Likewise, an increase in the basic wage had been asked from 16 rubles to 30. This had been negotiated at 22 rubles, 50 kopecks.

The issue most dear to the heart of the Trudoviks and their leader Victor Chernov and party "brain" had always been agrarian reform. Whilst it was true that the percentage of land held by nobles had fell from 96.3% in 1867 to just over 55% in 1906, it still represented an enormous amount of available land held in a small amount of hands. The legislation was simple and radical. Many noble estates had failed as inheritance laws had split them up or their owners had made unwise decisions, however, many of the great families still held vast tracts of land. For instance, there were still 159 estates of over 50,000 desiatiny. These estates, and the Czarina's own personal land holdings, would be required to forfeit 20% of their said holdings back to the state, effective 1 April 1907. Estates of 5,000 to 50,000 would give up between 5% and 20% of their land, on a sliding scale. Estates of less than 4000 desiatiny were exempt. This would then be on sold to peasant farmers only, low interest loans(1%) to be provided by the State. Repayments were to be funneled back to the original owners, less the interest and another 1% administration fee. It would, of course, be unpopular with the great noble families, but their power had been broken a long time ago by Peter the Great. Land given from the monarch's personal holdings would not be paid for by the state, however, the state would in turn assume the cost of funding certain charity and cultural activities that were previously the paid responsibility of the Tsar, such as the Imperial ballet. What had also been proposed was providing land grants for those willing to move beyond the Urals to Siberia, with State land being provided at a virtually nominal sum. It was to see 1.9 million people emigrate in the eight years from the end of 1906, a huge population redistribution that took the heat out of many otherwise disaffected and landless men, of which many were younger sons, who would otherwise be moving to the urban areas of Moscow and St Petersburg.

What had also been proposed by Michael was a massive cut in the number of Imperial palaces and their consequent supporting staff, maintenance and the like. Currently from 22 Imperial residences, it was proposed to cut the number to 11, with the remaining estates being offered to the state or sold privately. Buildings slated to go included Babolovo, the Summer Garden Palace, Gatchina Palace, Pavlovsk Palace, the Tauride Palace(already the home of the Duma), Anichkov Palace(slated to be the St Petersburg Museum), Ropsha, Massandra Palace in the Crimea, Kadriorg Palace in Estonia, Bialowieza and Skierniewice Palace in Poland. In almost all cases infrequently used, the upkeep of these buildings and the staff therein was costing a fortune, a fortune that could be better spent elsewhere. The buildings would be gradually sold or transferred when a suitable purpose or buyer was found for them. Retained were two residences in Poland, one in Finland, one in the Crimea, one in Moscow and six in and near St Petersburg.

In other areas the Duma was more supportive, much to Witte and Michael's surprise, actually proposing larger expenditures to correct the army's shortcomings that were exposed in Manchuria than had actually been asked for by the Council of Minsters.

He had taken the time today, before his niece's 11th birthday party, to explain these things to her and why they were necessary. She was a perceptive enough girl, saying "I am well aware that we are less than popular at present, Uncle. Perhaps this will see the family as champions for some sort of change."
 
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