An all too predictable collapse of Scottish Labour. I kind of question whether Ian Murray would have ended up in a leadership position without the clout of being 'the sole survivor', but I don't know enough about his pre-2015 or the internal working of Scottish Labour back then to comment with any certainty.

Surprising to see the Scottish Socialists making a come back. What's fueling that? In OTL the Scottish left is either in the SNP, the Greens or dead as a dodo (bar YouGovs occasional weird poll).
 
An all too predictable collapse of Scottish Labour. I kind of question whether Ian Murray would have ended up in a leadership position without the clout of being 'the sole survivor', but I don't know enough about his pre-2015 or the internal working of Scottish Labour back then to comment with any certainty.

Surprising to see the Scottish Socialists making a come back. What's fueling that? In OTL the Scottish left is either in the SNP, the Greens or dead as a dodo (bar YouGovs occasional weird poll).

A regional Senate President isn't really a senior role in Commonwealth politics, most Senate President's aren't "full time" they tend to share it with another regional cabinet job, most Senior Scottish Labour politicians tend to be still in the Senate or Parliament, their high place on the electoral list shielding them from the collapse.

As for the SSP OTL it started to see some resurgence in the late 2014s/early 2015s, it's membership increased and it began polling around 2%/3% (admittedly this is mostly through YouGov).

In this TL the SSP never imploded like it did in OTL, having a PR system at all levels of Government meant it had several MPs, MSPs, Senators and Councillors, so it became less of a one-man band around Sheridan, so when it all kicked of with him it didn't destroy the party like in OTL. Also since the SNP surge came a few years later than OTL, the nationalist vote is a lot more diverse, the SNP isn't the only gig in town unlike in OTL. This coupled with the PR system means left-wing nats feel comfortable voting for the SSP.
 
2016, Part 2, Deal with the Devil
1602503733057.png

Campbell announced his retirement plan days before the budget vote

“House of Commons Speaker Sir Ming Campbell has announced he will stand down as Speaker and as an MP at the next general election, due in May 2017. Menzies, or Ming as he is known, said he had written to President Miliband to inform him of his decision. He has served as a Scottish MP since 1987 and was leader of the Parliamentary Lib Dems from 2002-05. Campbell said it had been "an enormous privilege" to serve as Speaker. During his career representing his "wonderful" Scottish constituency, he said: "My wife and I have made many friends. It is always a regret to begin the process of retiring from the House of Commons but now is the time to start." Ed Miliband said Campbell was "a towering presence" in British politics. He added Campbell had "served this country with unparalleled distinction". "As well as being an outstanding Speaker, Menzies is a brilliant orator and someone who commands both attention and affection. Of his many achievements in politics, I suspect he will be most remembered for his passionate and articulate opposition to the war in Iraq."
- Menzies Campbell to stand down as Speaker in 2017, BBC News (2016)

After several hours of debate, House of Commons Speaker Ming Campbell rose to announce the results of the budget vote.

"The ayes to the right, 329. The noes to the left, 311. The ayes have it, the ayes have it. Unlock!"



1602503782220.png

The budget passed through the Commons with a decent majority

The Commons was the easy part, the coalition still had a majority in the Commons even without the help of their confidence and supply partners in the SNP and Plaid. In total seven Labour MPs, two Lib Dems, one Green and one SNP had voted against the Government. Umunna's appeal to national unity and the greater good fell flat on its face, not a single Tory or UKIP MP dared cross the floor to support the Government, now the Government faced it’s greatest challenge, the Senate. As Presiding Officer Nigel Evans rose to announce the results the collective punditry held its breath.

"The ayes to the right, 171. The noes to the left, 180. The noes have it, the noes have it. Unlock!"

For the first time in Commonwealth history a budget had been voted down. Three Labour Senators, one Lib Dem, one Green and one SNP Senator had broken ranks with the coalition to vote against the budget, more than enough to overturn the coalition’s majority of one. The debacle was quickly condemned as an “omni-shambles” by the opposition, Senate Opposition Theresa May delighted in hanging Douglas Alexander out to dry. Polling showed support for the coalition began to plummet. Voices from across the political spectrum called for Umunna’s head, Tory Senator Liz Truss tabled a motion of no-confidence in Chancellor Umunna, which Umunna survived. Despite this, his reputation and image was shattered, alongside his chance of being Prime Minister. Oddschecker had Umunna at a one in four odds of being the next Prime Minister before the budget, after the "omni-shambles" this dropped to one in thirteen.

“When you ask Umunna — as I did, as everyone does — whether he believes it’s his destiny to be a party leader or even prime minister, he always replies a similar way. It never felt possible, growing up, that he could do anything like that; even becoming a member of parliament seemed an outrageous fantasy. It’s a deft way of swerving the question, but it makes a valid point. Back then, there were only four MPs out of 650 in the House of Commons from black or Asian backgrounds, people who, in Umunna’s words, “looked like me”. Labour MPs Paul Boateng, Bernie Grant, Diane Abbott and Keith Vaz were all elected for the first time in 1987. South London was not the gentrifying spot of today. It was the Brixton riots and Del Boy and Rodney with their comical dream of becoming millionaires. “I didn’t have time to do a lot of politicking,” he sighs.” - Is There Any Way Back For Chuka Umunna?, Tim Lewis, Esquire (2016)

Unable to pass a budget, the Commonwealth was now in deadlock. Miliband pledged to pass the budget by “any means necessary” and opened his doors to anyone willing to talk. His salvation came from the most unexpected place, a delegation of 14 UKIP Senators, led by Patrick O’Flynn, met with Miliband, Balls and Umunna. These 14 Senators made up the “Social Democratic” caucus of UKIP, dubbed “redkip” in the press, these were UKIP Senators, mostly from Labour areas in the North of England and Midlands, who had grown increasingly disenchanted with the Libertarian streak of UKIP. They had three demands, firstly a turnover tax for foreign companies, secondly a freeze to local government cuts in the most deprived parts of the North, finally, and most controversially a “migrant worker clause” that would legally mandate Commonwealth companies to fill vacancies with British workers, only being able to advertise abroad if they could prove the vacancy could not be filled by a British worker. If these amendments were added they would support the budget.

1602503411261.png

The UKIP rebels acted independently, moving without the blessing of Farage or central leadership

Umunna and Balls both wanted to seize the opportunity, the fourteen UKIP rebels would easily allow the budget to pass the Senate, not only this but it would publicly split UKIP, perhaps permanently if James chose to withdraw the whip. More than this it would show Labour was listening to the concerns of Labour/UKIP swing voters in the North, two birds with one stone. Miliband was more hesitant, teaming up with UKIP rebels would not be a good look for the party and would enrage the Greens. On a personal level Miliband distrusted UKIP and was a supporter of free movement. Despite his hesitations, Miliband had very little options. The deal with the devil was finalised and on the budget’s second vote, fourteen UKIP Senators voted with the Government.

"The ayes to the right, 181. The noes to the left, 171. The ayes have it, the ayes have it. Unlock!"


“The narrative that local government has been able to absorb cuts without detriment to services has been widely repeated. The reality is that despite the efforts of local government the poorest places and the poorest people are being the hardest hit. Those least able to cope with service withdrawal bearing the brunt of service reduction. The analysis demonstrates that cuts at the scale and pace This report finds a marked shift to reductions in front-line services. Local authorities in England lost 20 percent of their spending power between 2009/10 and 2014/15 in real terms. Some services, such as planning and ‘supporting people’ have seen cumulative cuts to the order of 40 per cent. People are beginning to notice the impact of the cuts. An increasing proportion of households are finding services inadequate. Local government is working under intense pressure to develop long-term sustainable responses. There is a clear appetite to deliver more effective as well as more efficient services.” - The cost of the cuts, Joseph Rowntree Foundation (2016)

1602503689651.png

UKIP was keen to hold onto it's support in deprived areas of the North

One Labour rebel, Grahame Morris, returned to the fold, meanwhile four more coalition Senators crossed the floor to vote against the budget, outraged at the deal with UKIP, bringing the total number of rebels up to ten. Despite this, fourteen UKIP Senators were more than enough to get the coalition over the line, the budget had passed, the Government lived to fight another day. UKIP’s leadership was furious at the public spat, all fourteen Senators faced disciplinary action. Farage wanted them expelled entirely, but cooler heads like Steven Woolfe and Paul Nuttall convinced James not to withdraw the whip, worried the rebels would form a new political party. The UKIP civil war, so long in the background, was now officially out in the open.

However the coalition wasn’t out of the woods yet, enraged by the budget deal, young Green Environment Secretary Amelia Womack resigned from the Cabinet, to be replaced by the moderate Jonathan Bartley. Womack was praised by Green Senator and fellow Eco-Socialist David Williams as a "woman of principle". Williams said Womack had taken the job because she "believed in environmental justice". Labour-supporting Journalist and pundit Clive Lewis said that Womack had been "as important a Environment Secretary as I can think of". "It is concerning that a woman of the standing of Amelia Womack should be pushed into this position," he added. Opposition parties welcomed Womack's resignation and called for Umunna to resign as well. George Osborne said: "The resignation of Amelia Womack reveals a government in disarray. The Chancellor has failed the British people. He should follow the honourable course taken by Amelia Womack and resign."

Eager to control the narrative, both Labour and Conservative spin doctors began to make the story of the budget one of third party chaos. Looking towards the 2017 Parliamentary Elections, both major parties argued that the country needed to unite behind the major parties to curb the power of the third parties. The idea of a “chaotic Senate” would frequently appear in both party’s political broadcasts. Stability became the name of the game as the Commonwealth grew increasingly deadlocked.

“Without a majority after 2015, party discipline frayed. The coalition government became vulnerable to pressure from its different factions, as well as from the SNP. Balls has been a stubborn leader. Ed Balls is a cautious, pragmatic politician, who will not want to be remembered for breaking up his party. But it is becoming very hard to see how the present Labour party can be reunited again as a broad centre‐left party. Its different factions cannot agree on what form of country they want. However the deadlock is resolved, a divided party seems inevitable once Balls departs. Some Labour columnists have already begun calling for primary challenges. The hard left wing feels that time is on their side, left-wing politicians have been slowly climbing up the electoral lists in internal primaries. This alongside Miliband's growing influence points to the fact that the next leadership election, when it comes, will deliver a more left wing leader.” - The Realignment of British Politics, Lecture by Andrew Gamble, University of Sheffield (2016)

1602503584387.png

Third parties would be hit hardest by the deadlock at Westminster

To what extent was the 2016 “omni-shambles” budget caused by “out of control third parties demanding the earth”? (30 Marks) - 2019 A Level Politics Exam
 
Closer Look, 2015 Yorkshire Senate Election
Yorkshire was ruled by Premier Yvette Cooper and First Minister Karl Turner, leading a traffic light coalition of Labour, Liberals and Greens. The Labour group was led by former Sheffield Council Leader Clive Betts. Betts based his campaign around affordable housing, Betts himself had little impact on the election and was fairly anonymous amongst Yorkshire voters, but the popularity of Premier Cooper allowed the party to pick up an extra seat.

The Tories were led by Scarborough Senator Robert Goodwill, who built his campaign around appealing to coastal parts of East Yorkshire, Goodwill strongly benefited from the decline of UKIP, the BNP and the English Democrats. This alongside the strong Tory performance nationally allowed Goodwill to lead a 6% swing, the largest swing of the night, netting the party two extra Senators

UKIP was led by Senator and former science teacher Gary Shores, an ally of Gerard Batten from the "identitarian" right of the party, Shores ran a traditional UKIP campaign, railing against immigration from Romania and Bulgaria. Shores also crusaded against Green energy, saying in one speech: “Household energy bills are soaring due to liblabcon ‘green tax’ policies. This along with the old party’s obsession to desecrate our countryside with the ineffective wind turbines. This must stop, now."

As for the minor parties, both the Lib Dems and Greens got battered from the coalition with Labour, either declining or stalling. The BNP very nearly fell out the Parliament, Yorkshire had once been the party's stronghold, now it had just one Senate seat.
2015 yorkshire senate election.png

"Whilst the country was celebrating Christmas, many Yorkshire people have been suffering, wrecked by flooding. The dramatic scenes and stories were upsetting for me having been born, bred, educated and now a farmer and MP in God’s own county. This is also about getting people the support they need as they repair their homes and rebuild their businesses. Ensuring everything possible is done to stop floodwaters wreaking havoc again. I was lucky, my farm in North Yorkshire escaped the rising waters, but neighbouring farmers have been hit. The scale of devastation for those who lost homes, businesses and livelihoods in places such as York, Leeds and Tadcaster, has been awful. It comes as no surprise to me that Yorkshire spirit has been on full view over recent days. People have stood strong, supporting their friends and neighbours, and refusing to be beaten. I also pay tribute to the local highway authority crews. It is this spirit, combined with the excellent work of the emergency services, that will see Yorkshire bounce back. I expect stronger than ever." - Robert Goodwill's speech on boxing day floods (2014)
 
Yvette Cooper is both Yorkshire Premier and Foreign Minister in the national level? I’m asking because in most countries (US and Italy for example) its not possible having two political offices at same time, while few others (as France) allow that.
 
Yvette Cooper is both Yorkshire Premier and Foreign Minister in the national level? I’m asking because in most countries (US and Italy for example) its not possible having two political offices at same time, while few others (as France) allow that.

Coopers no longer Foreign Secretary, she stood down as Foreign Sec in 2014 when she was elected Premier, to be replaced by Vince Cable and then later Danny Alexander
 
Are there any places where UKIP and Labour are in coalition with each other?

What's the most bonkers coalition in the Commonwealth?

Apart from the occasional rogue local Government coalition there hasn't been a Labour/UKIP coalition, typically if Labour is unable to form a Government with the other progressive parties it will look to a coalition with the Tories.

In terms of incumbent coalitions probably one of the grand coalitions, in the North West there is a grand coalition of Labour and Tory. It is currently led by First Minister Luciana Berger and DFM Rory Stewart (the centrist dad dream). In the East Midlands there's a grand coalition led by Edward Garnier of the Tories and Chris Leslie of Labour.

Historically Jim Murphy's unionist coalition of Conservatives, Labour and Liberal Democrats in Scotland was probably the most dysfunctional, it pretty much damned all parties involved.

Tbh the current national government might be the most bonkers, a Lab/Lib/Grn coalition propped up by the SNP, Plaid, Alliance and SDLP, essentially a seven party Government with a tiny majority.

But if you want some truly mental stuff you want to look locally where anything goes. For example between 2008-2011 Leeds City Council was run by a Tory led coalition including Liberal Democrats and the Greens. Basildon also currently has a Labour/UKIP coalition in charge. In Norfolk there was an "anyone but the Tories" coalition of Labour, Liberals, Greens, UKIP and Independents
 
2016, Part 3, Batten Down the Hatches
1602591007972.png

British steel had been hit hard by the coalition's green taxes

“The industry is clear what it needs: lower business rates and relaxation of carbon emissions targets. The government held a steel summit in Rotherham last October to discuss what could be done. It says it has already taken "clear action" to help the industry, "through taking action on imports, meeting key steel industry asks." But Commonwealth Steel says it still needs to do more. Labour Senator Heidi Alexander, said on Radio 4 that the government was determined to ensure that Port Talbot continues to make steel. Despite this, some predict that steel production itself faces a bleak future in the Commonwealth. Academics forsee steel employment to fall as low as 20,000 within a few years. The world faces a huge supply of steel - currently only two-thirds of the steel being produced is actually being used. Energy intensive businesses face higher electricity prices in Britain than other countries. The industry has been calling for urgent action on this.”
- Does the steel industry have a future in the Commonwealth?, BBC News (2016)

Commonwealth industry took another hit as major British steel producer Tata Steel announced plans to sell its loss-making Commonwealth business, putting the jobs of thousands of workers at risk. The company said it was "exploring all options for restructuring". This included the partial or entire sale of its Commonwealth operations. Union leaders travelled to Mumbai in a bid to persuade Tata to keep making steel at plants including Port Talbot. The National and Welsh governments said they were working "tirelessly" to ensure the future of the British steel industry. Meanwhile, Plaid Cymru's Leanne Wood called for the Welsh Parliament to be recalled to discuss the crisis. Tata's restructuring decision would also affect workers at its other Commonwealth plants. Tata had English plants in Rotherham, Corby and Shotton. Tata said trading conditions had "deteriorated" in the Commonwealth and Europe. They attributed this to a global supply of steel, imports into Europe, high costs and currency volatility. "These factors will continue into the future and have harmed the competitive position of the operation," it said.

1602591057657.png

Unions took to the streets in force to save Port Talbot steel

Ed Miliband told Tata Steel workers they were "not expendable on the altar of a global corporation" and said ministers would intervene to save jobs. Business Secretary Caroline Flint said the government would step in and buy the steel plant's strategic assets if no buyer could be found. "The government knows that if this industry is left to die it will cost a lot more in the long run… It will devastate those communities," she added. During his visit to Port Talbot, President Miliband said the livelihoods of thousands of workers were at stake. He called on the potential buyers to guarantee that steel made in Port Talbot was used in public procurement projects, such as the railways. He also called on the Chinese government to end its "disgraceful" dumping of cheap steel in European markets. His Green partners went even further, accusing the PRC of breaking world trade regulations. Flint insisted that she had been in contact with Tata Group executives and believed a buyer could be found. She hinted that the Commonwealth would be willing to provide "commercial support" to help a deal.

Decline of British industry was slowly becoming a staple of Miliband’s Premiership, and once again the coalition was divided. The unions and the left of both Labour and the Greens wanted the Government to commit to nationalisation for both financial and strategic reasons, me. Meanwhile the moderate wing of the Greens and some within the Liberal Democrats believed Tata should be allowed the fail, removing another polluting industry. Balls and the Cabinet wanted to try and chart a middle way, to find a buyer for the declining steel, Umunna especially was anxious around nationalisation, worried it would invoke the “bad old days”. Whichever decision they reached, the steel industry would be left in limbo for months if not years.

“Tata employs more than 5,000 people at its Port Talbot plant and about 4,000 more contractors and agency staff work there, Community said. Staff at Port Talbot have been told there will be a 50-day consultancy over the proposed cuts. Alan Coombs, a Port Talbot steelworker and the president of Community, said: “Port Talbot is a town built on steel. My father and grandfathers worked here but we risk losing these jobs forever. Thousands of other families here in Port Talbot rely on the steelworks.” In Port Talbot, small businesses also warned of the knock-on consequences of cuts. Alison Mizen, 50, who runs Bro’s Cafe behind the steelworks, said: “We had a few lads in at lunchtime today feeling down and completely left in limbo. There is going to be some number crunching now over the next month or so and everyone is waiting to learn of their future. “For us it is a worry of course. Our business is kept going by hungry steel workers! We want to keep them in bacon sandwiches for many years to come.”” - Tata job cuts, Sean Farrell, The Guardian (2016)

1602590771213.png

The job loses would have a knock on affect across steel communities

In order to provide the economy with a much needed financial boost, Miliband announced a "fairer" programme that included an independently set national living wage, likely to be £10 an hour by 2020. The President said his tax strategy would shift the burden away from wages and promised to intervene to assist business. Midland's speech won a standing ovation from delegates at the Labour conference. He concluded with the rallying cry: "that's or vision to rebuild and transform Britain. The most striking new policy in his speech was the proposal for a national living wage with the amount set by an independent review body. "Independent forecasts suggest that this will be over £10 an hour by 2020". This will be a fundamental part of our new bargain in the workplace," Miliband said, prompting cheers and clapping. Miliband had before called for a £10 an hour minimum wage, but this speech was the first formal outing of the plan. Steve Turner, general secretary of the Unite union, said Miliband's living wage plan was "music to the ears of millions of low-paid workers."

Whilst age and experience in office tended to mellow most politicians, for Miliband it radicalised him, his primary and election victory had given him the confidence in his convictions he had so long lacked. With both Balls and Alexander set to leave the stage Miliband wanted to assert his soft radicalism and his control over the Labour Party, much to the horror of members of the Blairite faction like Umunna or Reeves. Several Labour figures complained that Miliband seemed more comfortable with Greens like Natalie Bennett or Caroline Lucas, then he did with his own party. Even more worrying for some was the growing influence of Steve Turner and the unions.

1602590932783.png

Moderate Labour MPs warned of the growing influence of the UNITE union

“The first principle is to keep the collective link between the trade union movement and the Labour Party. The relationship of individual trade unionists is vital but we must also keep the collective link. In the past the possibility of an erosion of the trade union link has caused unnecessary uncertainty. I will protect the link. It provides the Labour Party with an essential link to millions of people in their workplaces and communities. One of the important steps of the last 5 years is that we celebrate the role our affiliated trade unions play in our party and in the lives of millions. Our unions founded our party and we must ensure that they continue to play a key role as we rebuild and fight to bring about a Labour government once again. That means working shoulder to shoulder with our unions. Working with them not just at election time when the calls go out for money or activists, but throughout the year. The link our party has with our unions gives us a unique insight into the challenges faced by working people. This will be vital in helping to hold the trust of communities across the country.”
- Ed Miliband interview in TUC magazine (2016)

Miliband's perceived radicalism wasn’t just due to his personal politics, he also had one eye north of the border. A new chapter in the Scottish story was about to be written - as the country entered into the official campaign period. Scottish voters were to go to the polls on 5th May when they would be asked the "Yes/No" question: "Should Scotland be an independent country?" The Scottish people were given 16 weeks to listen, watch and read all the arguments - from both sides of the campaign - in order to make up their minds. The "yes" campaign for independence called on one million Scots to sign a declaration of support. Scotland's Premier Nicola Sturgeon said independence would happen if that milestone was achieved. The pledge was made at the launch of the Yes Scotland campaign in Edinburgh. But, pro-union supporters stressed independence remained unpopular among the Scottish electorate. The Scottish National Party took the leading role in the campaign, which included other parties and celebrities. Sturgeon said: "We unite behind a declaration of self-evident truth. The people who live in Scotland are best placed to make the decisions that affect Scotland."

Polling showed the “yes” campaign with a narrow lead of three points in the BBC’s poll of polls, 47% to 44% with 9% of Scots undecided on average, with the insurgent campaign only gaining ground amongst Scotland’s dissatisfied youth. Miliband and Balls refused to be the men who lost Scotland, and all the stops would be pulled out to ensure Independence did not happen. After a talking to by the board of directors, the no campaign’s unpopular chair, former Premier and Scottish Secretary Jim Murphy, was unceremoniously sacked. With just months to go Miliband and Balls turned to the one man who could save the union. Seeing the dire state the no campaign was in, and thanks to the persuasion of his old proteges, Gordon Brown reentered British politics, as the new chair of the no campaign.

“Gordon Brown launched a passionate and last-ditch attempt to save the faltering Union last night. In a dramatic return to front-line politics, the former prime minister seized the chairmanship in a coup against Jim Murphy. His intervention came as another poll confirmed surging support for independence and the pound took another beating. Billions of pounds were also wiped off the value of Scottish-based firms in what experts warn is a taste of things to come. Trying to revive the lacklustre Better Together campaign, he said: ‘The future that is being decided is for ten, 20, 50, 100 years ahead. We are making a decision that is irreversible. I’m thinking about the children of Scotland and future generations of children. It’s more important than one voting decision in an election." Amid panic in the No camp, Cabinet ministers warned that Ed Miliband’s future will be ‘very difficult’ if Scotland votes for independence. After a weekend poll showed the Yes camp moving ahead, another survey today confirms a late increase in support for independence.”
- With 'No' campaign in chaos, Brown leads desperate fightback, James Chapman, Daily Mail (2016)

1602590888614.png

Brown had retired from politics when he stepped down as an MP in 2014

“To what extent was Miliband responsible for the decline of British industry 2014-2019? (30 Marks)” - A Level Politics Exam (2019)
 
Scottish Independence Referendum, Part 1
1602673884839.png

Pro-Independence marchers in Aberdeen

“MSPs have approved the terms of the vote in the SNP government's Scottish Independence Referendum Bill. This followed the signing of what became known as the Edinburgh Agreement, by Mr Salmond and Ed Midland. The agreement was a measure to ensure the referendum could be "made in Scotland" and held on a legal basis. There is no turnout rule for this referendum - that means a "Yes" vote of "50% plus one" would be enough to gain independence. The referendum itself is preceded by a 16-week formal campaign period. During this period limits will apply to the amount of money registered campaigners can spend. This will ensure a level playing field for both sides of the debate. The Agreement also commits both governments to working together in the best interests of the people of Scotland. Easier said than done.”
- Who is in charge of the referendum?, BBC Scotland (2015)

Whilst officially the Scottish Independence referendum had only just begun, in truth both campaigns had been fighting it out since the Government’s agreement with the SNP back in 2014. What had been a strong, but not insurmountable lead for the no campaign had shifted to a small lead for the yes campaign. The yes campaign, made up of politicians from the SNP, Greens and Socialists, as well as rogue members of the various unionist parties had run a hopefully populist campaign compared to the fairly dull and technocratic pitch of the unionists.

1602673947895.png

Miliband especially made a "soulless" pitch to the Scottish people

The unionists planned several high profile interventions, Gordon Brown’s dramatic return to front-line politics would not be the first major intervention, US President Barack Obama spoke out against independence. Barack Obama has said the interest of the US in the Scottish independence referendum issue was to ensure it retained a "united partner". But the US president told reporters in Brussels the decision was "up to the people of Scotland". In response, Scottish Premier Alex Salmond quoted Mr Obama's campaign slogan: "Yes we can". The president was speaking alongside President Ed Miliband at a media conference following the G7 summit. Obama was asked what the decisions on Scottish independence meant to him and the American people. Referring to the independence debate, Obama said: "There is a referendum process in place and it is up to the people of Scotland. The Commonwealth has been an extraordinary partner to us. From the outside at least, it looks like things have worked pretty well. We have a deep interest in making sure that one of the closest allies we will ever have remains a strong, robust, effective and united partner. But these are decisions that are to be made by the folks there."

Obama was a popular politician in Scotland, with a YouGov approval rating of 72% his intervention mattered. The no campaign learned that the mostly negative message they had used thus far hadn’t cut through and hoped Obama’s cheerful and upbeat nature could appeal to yes voters, especially the younger voters flirting with independence. The no campaign hoped to challenge the “progressive Scotland” narrative head one by emphasising the division independence would cause. No chair Gordon Brown said "President Obama understands that interdependence is a defining feature of our modern world. Building bridges, not putting up new barriers, is the challenge of our generation."

“So there is a way forward for Scotland that harnesses the good that has come out of the last two years while rejecting the bad. I have said nothing of abuse, insults and intimidation because I do not think that is the real Scotland of the many but the backward Scotland of a few. The nation that invited civility and prides itself in compassion, the nation true to the spirit of comradeship and community. Scotland has within it the capacity to unite and to become stronger. And this is where Scotland will look big and never look small in the international arena. We can point the way in this often divided world to how nations proud in their identity can champion interdependence. And for this confident Scotland, in a more unified Commonwealth is the next chapter of Scotland’s story and the next stage of Scotland’s journey.” - Speech by Gordon Brown in Dalgety Bay, Dunfermline

1602673718228.png

Gordon Brown had breathed new life into the no campaign

It was against this backdrop that the leaders of the two campaigns; Sturgeon and Brown, would go head to head in a TV debate. Scotland's Premier said the nation was being run by Westminster parties it did not vote for. Brown, said independence campaigners had failed to answer key questions. Sturgeon told the 400-strong audience that few people disputed whether Scotland could be a successful country. She said 50 of the 72 countries which took part in the Glasgow Commonwealth Games were the same size or smaller than Scotland. She condemned the fact thousands relied on food banks, while the Commonwealth was spending "obscene" amounts of money on nukes. "For more than half of my life, Scotland has been governed by parties that we didn't elect at Westminster. These parties have given us everything from the poll tax to the bedroom tax. They are the same people who, through 'Project Fear' are telling us that this country can't run our own affairs," said Sturgeon. "My case this evening is simple - no one will do a better job of running Scotland than the people who live and work in Scotland. "On 5 May, we have the opportunity of a lifetime - we should seize it with both hands."

Sturgeon’s debate performance was fairly typical for the yes campaign thus far, railing against Westminster and the major parties, she pointed out that less than a third of Scottish voters had voted for President Miliband. She also tried to warn voters of the dangers of a future Tory Government, frequently reviving the spectre of former President Micheal Howard (an extremely unpopular figure in Scotland). Sturgeon’s performance was fairly average, she wasn’t an emotional barnstormer like her predecessor but she exuded confidence and competency, a figure to reassure nervous voters.

1602673825919.png

Sturgeon was a popular figurehead for the yes campaign

“In 2009, Nicola Sturgeon told the people that she wanted them to vote for the Lib Dems rather than for a Scottish Labour President, but we will put that to one side. Let us agree on this: whatever the result, Scottish politics will never be the same again. If there is a yes vote, that seems obvious. But, equally true if there is a no vote. In one month, the constitutional question will be answered and the settled will of the Scottish people will be decided. Whether that is to go our own way or to continue to work in partnership with our neighbours. I have never claimed that a no vote will unlock a bounty of treasures and opportunity. Indeed, I welcome the comments of Nicola Sturgeon and John Swinney that independence is not a magic wand. Even Alex Salmond admitted that we would face serious challenges and that it would not be easy. To my mind, a constitutional arrangement is not an end in itself. We disagree about what the best arrangement is for delivering our ambitions, even though many of those ambitions are shared.”
- Johann Lamont’s speech to the Scottish Parliament (2016)

Brown said the referendum was about Scotland's future, not patriotism. "There are times that, for the love of our family and the love of our country, it's sometimes best to say 'No'. Not because we can't, but because it is not the best thing to do," he said. "We will make the biggest decision that we've ever made here in Scotland - and remember this, if we decide to leave, there is no going back - there's no second chance." The former Prime Minister said a referendum "No" vote was not a vote for no change. Hitting out at Sturgeon, Brown said: "We cannot make this decision on the basis of guesswork, fingers crossed or his blind faith. Let's say with confidence, let's say with pride, let's say with optimism, 'no thanks' to the risks of independence. Let's say 'let's have the best of both worlds, not for us but for generations to come." he two rivals clashed on a range of other issues during the two-hour programme, the issue of the pound was a major talking point. Brown said leaving the Commonwealth but keeping the pound was "a bit like getting a divorce and keeping the same joint bank account".

Brown was on top form during the debate making a passionate and emotional case to remain, often harking back to his children. Whilst he did discuss some technocratic issues like the pound, the thrust of his argument was a uniquely progressive and uniquely Labour one. Throughout the debate he spoke of the achievements the Commonwealth had made together, from the founding of the welfare state and NHS in the 1940s, to the foundation of a new democracy in the 1990s. Polls constantly hearealed Brown as the victor of the debate by a large margin, and the polls began to tip.

“The value of major Scottish companies has risen by billions of pounds after the stock market was buoyed by another poll giving the no vote a lead. Edinburgh-registered Lloyds Banking Group – shares rose by £1bn, or 3% by lunchtime. Nicola Sturgeon, Scotland's Premier, said that while YouGov had given no a lead of 1%, another poll had shown independence support 2% ahead. She suggested the race was still wide open. A third poll, by TNS, is due tomorrow. "There's no doubt at all the momentum is still with the yes campaign, but there is no sense of our campaign taking anything for granted." Sturgeon said, hinting at fears that yes camp expectations were raised too high. John Swinney, offered a yet more cautious view, telling the BBC that the independence vote was still neck and neck in the aggregate polling. "The momentum and movement in the campaign has been in our favour. But it's a pretty fair assessment of the polls to show that the campaign still remains neck and neck in general, it certainly is in the poll of polls." - Billions of pounds gained for Scottish firms after no vote leads independence poll, Severin Carrell, The Guardian (2016)

1602673781307.png

Yes' narrow polling lead was beginning to collapse

“Critically assess the following statement: “Barack Obama’s intervention was the most significant point in the 2016 Independence Campaign” (30 Marks)” - A Level Politics Exam (2019)
 
Last edited:
Closer Look, 2015 Welsh Senate Election
Wales had been run by Premier Alun Michael since 1999, the Commonwealth's longest serving Premier, overseeing a Labour/Plaid coalition. Welsh Labour's Senate group was led by David Hanson, a former junior Home Office Minister in the Brown Government who now served as both Wales' Justice Minister and President of Senate. Hanson was a loyal Brownite and ally of the Balls faction of the Labour Party, he had come under criticism from the left of his party for his support of the Prevent scheme but despite protests Labour's support remained steady at 31%

The Welsh Tories were led by Alun Cairns a former banker turned politician. Cairns hoped to emulate the success the Tories had seen on a national level but was dogged by allegations of corruption. Reporting by Wales Online showed that Cairns claimed the highest level of expenses of any Welsh politician, claiming well over £200,000 a year, higher than the Premier or First Minister. Accusation of expenses fiddling stopped the Welsh Conservatives from achieving the larger Tory swings seen in England

Plaid was led by maverick moderate Dafydd Elis-Thomas, one of the strongest supporters of the coalition with Labour, he had often clashed with more left wing members of Plaid Cymru such as Leanne Wood. He had been a strong critic of the "Progressive Alliance", endorsing Ed Miliband over Natalie Bennett in the 2014 Presidential race. These splits within Plaid's Senate caucus prevented it from making the major gains its Scottish sister party made, languishing on just three seats.

As for the minor parties, UKIP's singular Senator chose to retire before the election, leaving the party with no incumbents. Disgraced former English Tory MP Neil Hamilton was named the party's lead candidate. This saw controversy as Hamilton was imposed as Senate leader by UKIP's NEC in London, causing outrage amongst local activists. Despite this the party made significant gains, picking up two seats thanks to the collapse of the BNP. Neither the Lib Dems or Greens made significant breakthroughs. The BNP and Socialist Labour Party both fell below the 4% threshold, losing all their seats in the Welsh Senate.
2015 Welsh Senate Election.png

"Many UKIP branches in Wales plan to rebel if candidates from outside Wales are imposed on them for the Senate election. It follows a row over reports that party leaders want former Tory MP Neil Hamilton to be the lead candidate. Letters of objection have been sent to UKIP's national executive committee (NEC) ahead of a meeting on Monday. BBC Wales understands two local parties have indicated they are likely to fold. Other UKIP constituency parties in Wales are due to meet in the next few weeks with similar sentiments in mind, the spokesperson said. Some Welsh members have warned that selecting candidates from outside Wales would be damaging. UKIP Member of the Welsh Parliament, Kevin Mahoney, said he would quit the party if Neil Hamilton, and Alexandra Phillips topped electoral lists. Mahoney said he objected to having English candidates "parachuted in". A source claimed UKIP's governing body was "defying" Nathan Gill by refusing to approve the list of candidates elected in primaries." - UKIP faces rebellion over Welsh Senate candidates, BBC Wales (2015)
 
Could the UKIP break into a Welsh WIP?

The anti-federalism, pro-monarchy "Abolish the Welsh Parliament" Party (AWP), led by a former UKIP Welsh Parliamentarian and mostly made up of unsatisfied Welsh UKIPers broke 2% of the vote in the Senate and some predict it could become a real political force in the 2017 Welsh Parliament election, a few UKIP MWP are considering defecting. But most of UKIP Wales' major players like Nathan Gill are loyal to the central party and Farage.
 
Scottish Independence Referendum, Part 2
1602776616912.png

After his landslide defeat in 2009, the referendum had rehabilitated Brown

“The constitutional debate retains public interest with 85% saying that they are certain to vote in September (down 1 point from June). Nine in ten, 93%, of those aged 55 or over say they are certain to vote’ compared with six in ten, 63%. of those aged 16-24. Ipsos Director Mark Diffley said: With 5 days to go until the referendum the No campaign will be heartened that it continues to narrow the gap. It appears that the gains made by No are driven by undecided voters deciding to vote in against independence. The Yes campaign will take some comfort that it retains a lead with the referendum fast approaching.”
- “No” continues to make progress as we enter the final stretch, Ipsos MORI (2016)

As the campaign reached it’s last days, mass public action became the focal point of the referendum, both sides turning out their supporters to larger and larger rallies. Independence supporters attended a mass event in the centre of Glasgow, where they were urged to "vote 'Yes' for a prosperous Scotland". At the same time, pro-Commonwealth;th campaigners gathered nearby to insist the case for independence had not been made. Polls have suggested the result is too close to call. An Ipsos-MORI survey for broadcaster STV which was published on put support for "Yes" on 50% against 50% for "No" when undecided voters were excluded. A Panelbase poll suggested support for independence was on 49%, with 51% support for Scotland staying in the Commonwealth. This was the same figure as polls released by Opinium for the Daily Telegraph. The closeness of the referendum caused worries there could be disorder or even violence. The Police Federation dismissed the idea of serious public disorder as "preposterous". Yes Scotland President George Mathewson attacked the "back of a fag packet" dire economic warnings made by the main Westminster parties. He told supporters: "The people of Scotland will not be fooled."

1602776676216.png

Some Unionist campaigners would clash with nationalists in the streets of Scotland's cities

Meanwhile, No campaign head Gordon Brown urged anyone who had doubts about independence to vote "No". Addressing supporters at a rally, he said: "If you have such a momentous decision to take, you need to have certainty. What is very clear at the end of this long campaign, from the nationalist side there is no certainty at all. For anyone in Scotland who has any doubt, be in no doubt - you have to say 'No'." Brown said that Sturgeon needed to think about her role in fomenting a volatile atmosphere. Police were forced to intervene in Glasgow when yes campaigners disrupted a welcome party for the arrival of Labour MPs from London. "When Sturgeon describes herself as being Team Scotland the implication is that if you are not on her side you are somehow not Scottish. We know exactly what she is doing here – it is the old dog whistle thing. You can be very patriotic and you can vote for the nationalists. You can be patriotic and say no thanks."

With polling neck and neck and the campaign becoming increasingly vitriolic, concerns around security and order were not unfounded. London politicians especially had a hard time during the referendum. The atmosphere north of the border was febrile, and whether yes or no won Scotland had seen a fundamental shift in its politics and its culture. The result spelled trouble for Miliband and Balls no matter the result. If yes won, they would forever be the men who destroyed the union. If no won, the SNP would be furious, and since they propped up the Westminster Government, a vengeful SNP could bring everything crumbling down.

“The SNP is a ‘catch-all’ party. It describes itself as ‘social democratic’ on the assumption that this places it within the mainstream of Scottish opinion. The SNP’s development resembles that of New Labour and other left of centre parties in Western Europe, as well as the Democrats in the United States. The SNP still presides over a Scotland marked in some areas by deprived housing estates and high unemployment levels. At the same time, the standard of living in the more affluent commuter belt and rural areas remain as healthy as anywhere in the Commonwealth. Much of ‘middle Scotland’ works in the service sector in Glasgow and Edinburgh. They live in the cities’ suburbs and send their children to high performing schools and universities. There is scant evidence that the SNP nurses a determination to tackle issues in a manner which might unsettle this part of the electorate. At present, it suits the party to ‘talk left’ while governing from left of centre. But the real ideological destination of the SNP remains an open question.” - Rhetoric and the rise of the Scottish National Party, Mark Garnett, Lancaster University (2016)

1602776346171.png

Sturgeon had established herself as a national political figure

Nicola Sturgeon published a letter to the people of Scotland in which she told them they held the power in their hands as they voted. Sturgeon asked voters to step back from the political arguments and trust in themselves as they went into the polling booth. She said: "The talking is done. The campaigns will have had their say. What's left is us - the people who live and work here. The only people with a vote. The people who matter. The people who for a few precious hours during polling day hold sovereignty, power, authority in their hands. It's the greatest most empowering moment any of us will ever have. Scotland's future - our country in our hands. What to do? Only each of us knows that. For my part, I ask only this. Make this decision with a clear head and a clear conscience." The Premier told BBC Radio 4's Today programme that the referendum campaign had been one of the most exhilarating in Western Europe. She said she was "assuming nothing" about the result.

“But in the event of a knife-edge result, is there a way back for either camp? Could a second vote be introduced? John Curtice, professor of politics, said: "For once, both sides are correct to say that this is a once-in-a-lifetime referendum. The obstacles in the way of the Scottish or the UK government are formidable." Experts say that there would be no legal consequences to reneging on the Edinburgh agreement, the political fallout would be substantial. Asked what's to stop either party from disputing a very narrow vote, Professor Christine Bell said: "The simple answer is: nothing. It's political rather than legal. But both parties signed the Edinburgh agreement and a decision was made not to go for a weighted majority. Both nailed their colours to the mast." Most experts who spoke to the Guardian believe that in the event of a very narrow no vote a second referendum is unlikely. But a yes is less predictable, they said. Curtice believes, in that case, the SNP would be hard pressed to introduce a second referendum before a "generation".” - Yes and no agree it's a once-in-a-lifetime vote, Karen McVeigh, The Guardian (2016)

1602776492941.png

Salmond returned from semi-retirement for the occasional rally

Sturgeon’s letter to the Scottish people underlined the emotional bid the SNP made for independence, appealing directly to voters with a hopeful message. Sturgeon spoke of the power of sovereignty, she also emphasised the strong support for Independence amongst Scotland’s young people, one YouGov poll showing over 60% of 16-24 year olds in favour of Independence. The nationalists called on the Scottish electorate to “talk to your kids, vote with them in mind. Vote for their hopes, not your fears”.

Brown told the Today programme that he thought there would be a "No" vote but even if there were not he would play his part in doing "the best I can" for Scotland. "I'm not going. This is my country. I'm staying," said Brown. Brown also warned that, whichever way the vote went, there would be hard work healing divisions in Scottish society. He cited some internet comments and demonstrations at the BBC in Glasgow, which he said some people found "frightening". "We all have to say we live in a democratic country; there are some people who have stepped over the line. But we've got to calm things down because we've got to live together." Brown's message was undermined when thousands of members of the Protestant Orange Order marched through the streets of Edinburgh in defence of the union. The official No campaign kept its distance - saying it wanted to maintain support from people of all faiths and none.

With tensions high, faith low and anger rising. The people of Scotland settled in to watch their future unfold.

“At 22:00 PM polls will close and counting will begin as soon as possible in the 32 local authority areas across Scotland. All areas will count throughout the night, with none waiting until the next day. But, there may be delays to counts beginning in some rural areas, particularly the Western Isles. If bad weather conditions mean helicopters will be unable to transport ballot boxes, they will have to be moved by road and sea instead. The first count is due to be completed in North Lanarkshire which has one of the largest shares of the electorate. The results will be given to the chief counting officer, Mary Pitcaithly, who will give permission for them to be announced locally.” - How the historic referendum will unfold, Owen Bennett, The Express (2016)

1602776435767.png

Scotland was a relatively sparsely populated country, making quick counting difficult

“The SNP was the most influential third party of the 2010s”, discuss (30 Marks) - A Level Politics Exam (2019)
 
View attachment 590918
After his landslide defeat in 2009, the referendum had rehabilitated Brown

“The constitutional debate retains public interest with 85% saying that they are certain to vote in September (down 1 point from June). Nine in ten, 93%, of those aged 55 or over say they are certain to vote’ compared with six in ten, 63%. of those aged 16-24. Ipsos Director Mark Diffley said: With 5 days to go until the referendum the No campaign will be heartened that it continues to narrow the gap. It appears that the gains made by No are driven by undecided voters deciding to vote in against independence. The Yes campaign will take some comfort that it retains a lead with the referendum fast approaching.”
- “No” continues to make progress as we enter the final stretch, Ipsos MORI (2016)

As the campaign reached it’s last days, mass public action became the focal point of the referendum, both sides turning out their supporters to larger and larger rallies. Independence supporters attended a mass event in the centre of Glasgow, where they were urged to "vote 'Yes' for a prosperous Scotland". At the same time, pro-Commonwealth;th campaigners gathered nearby to insist the case for independence had not been made. Polls have suggested the result is too close to call. An Ipsos-MORI survey for broadcaster STV which was published on put support for "Yes" on 50% against 50% for "No" when undecided voters were excluded. A Panelbase poll suggested support for independence was on 49%, with 51% support for Scotland staying in the Commonwealth. This was the same figure as polls released by Opinium for the Daily Telegraph. The closeness of the referendum caused worries there could be disorder or even violence. The Police Federation dismissed the idea of serious public disorder as "preposterous". Yes Scotland President George Mathewson attacked the "back of a fag packet" dire economic warnings made by the main Westminster parties. He told supporters: "The people of Scotland will not be fooled."

View attachment 590920
Some Unionist campaigners would clash with nationalists in the streets of Scotland's cities

Meanwhile, No campaign head Gordon Brown urged anyone who had doubts about independence to vote "No". Addressing supporters at a rally, he said: "If you have such a momentous decision to take, you need to have certainty. What is very clear at the end of this long campaign, from the nationalist side there is no certainty at all. For anyone in Scotland who has any doubt, be in no doubt - you have to say 'No'." Brown said that Sturgeon needed to think about her role in fomenting a volatile atmosphere. Police were forced to intervene in Glasgow when yes campaigners disrupted a welcome party for the arrival of Labour MPs from London. "When Sturgeon describes herself as being Team Scotland the implication is that if you are not on her side you are somehow not Scottish. We know exactly what she is doing here – it is the old dog whistle thing. You can be very patriotic and you can vote for the nationalists. You can be patriotic and say no thanks."

With polling neck and neck and the campaign becoming increasingly vitriolic, concerns around security and order were not unfounded. London politicians especially had a hard time during the referendum. The atmosphere north of the border was febrile, and whether yes or no won Scotland had seen a fundamental shift in its politics and its culture. The result spelled trouble for Miliband and Balls no matter the result. If yes won, they would forever be the men who destroyed the union. If no won, the SNP would be furious, and since they propped up the Westminster Government, a vengeful SNP could bring everything crumbling down.

“The SNP is a ‘catch-all’ party. It describes itself as ‘social democratic’ on the assumption that this places it within the mainstream of Scottish opinion. The SNP’s development resembles that of New Labour and other left of centre parties in Western Europe, as well as the Democrats in the United States. The SNP still presides over a Scotland marked in some areas by deprived housing estates and high unemployment levels. At the same time, the standard of living in the more affluent commuter belt and rural areas remain as healthy as anywhere in the Commonwealth. Much of ‘middle Scotland’ works in the service sector in Glasgow and Edinburgh. They live in the cities’ suburbs and send their children to high performing schools and universities. There is scant evidence that the SNP nurses a determination to tackle issues in a manner which might unsettle this part of the electorate. At present, it suits the party to ‘talk left’ while governing from left of centre. But the real ideological destination of the SNP remains an open question.” - Rhetoric and the rise of the Scottish National Party, Mark Garnett, Lancaster University (2016)

View attachment 590914
Sturgeon had established herself as a national political figure

Nicola Sturgeon published a letter to the people of Scotland in which she told them they held the power in their hands as they voted. Sturgeon asked voters to step back from the political arguments and trust in themselves as they went into the polling booth. She said: "The talking is done. The campaigns will have had their say. What's left is us - the people who live and work here. The only people with a vote. The people who matter. The people who for a few precious hours during polling day hold sovereignty, power, authority in their hands. It's the greatest most empowering moment any of us will ever have. Scotland's future - our country in our hands. What to do? Only each of us knows that. For my part, I ask only this. Make this decision with a clear head and a clear conscience." The Premier told BBC Radio 4's Today programme that the referendum campaign had been one of the most exhilarating in Western Europe. She said she was "assuming nothing" about the result.

“But in the event of a knife-edge result, is there a way back for either camp? Could a second vote be introduced? John Curtice, professor of politics, said: "For once, both sides are correct to say that this is a once-in-a-lifetime referendum. The obstacles in the way of the Scottish or the UK government are formidable." Experts say that there would be no legal consequences to reneging on the Edinburgh agreement, the political fallout would be substantial. Asked what's to stop either party from disputing a very narrow vote, Professor Christine Bell said: "The simple answer is: nothing. It's political rather than legal. But both parties signed the Edinburgh agreement and a decision was made not to go for a weighted majority. Both nailed their colours to the mast." Most experts who spoke to the Guardian believe that in the event of a very narrow no vote a second referendum is unlikely. But a yes is less predictable, they said. Curtice believes, in that case, the SNP would be hard pressed to introduce a second referendum before a "generation".” - Yes and no agree it's a once-in-a-lifetime vote, Karen McVeigh, The Guardian (2016)

View attachment 590916
Salmond returned from semi-retirement for the occasional rally

Sturgeon’s letter to the Scottish people underlined the emotional bid the SNP made for independence, appealing directly to voters with a hopeful message. Sturgeon spoke of the power of sovereignty, she also emphasised the strong support for Independence amongst Scotland’s young people, one YouGov poll showing over 60% of 16-24 year olds in favour of Independence. The nationalists called on the Scottish electorate to “talk to your kids, vote with them in mind. Vote for their hopes, not your fears”.

Brown told the Today programme that he thought there would be a "No" vote but even if there were not he would play his part in doing "the best I can" for Scotland. "I'm not going. This is my country. I'm staying," said Brown. Brown also warned that, whichever way the vote went, there would be hard work healing divisions in Scottish society. He cited some internet comments and demonstrations at the BBC in Glasgow, which he said some people found "frightening". "We all have to say we live in a democratic country; there are some people who have stepped over the line. But we've got to calm things down because we've got to live together." Brown's message was undermined when thousands of members of the Protestant Orange Order marched through the streets of Edinburgh in defence of the union. The official No campaign kept its distance - saying it wanted to maintain support from people of all faiths and none.

With tensions high, faith low and anger rising. The people of Scotland settled in to watch their future unfold.

“At 22:00 PM polls will close and counting will begin as soon as possible in the 32 local authority areas across Scotland. All areas will count throughout the night, with none waiting until the next day. But, there may be delays to counts beginning in some rural areas, particularly the Western Isles. If bad weather conditions mean helicopters will be unable to transport ballot boxes, they will have to be moved by road and sea instead. The first count is due to be completed in North Lanarkshire which has one of the largest shares of the electorate. The results will be given to the chief counting officer, Mary Pitcaithly, who will give permission for them to be announced locally.” - How the historic referendum will unfold, Owen Bennett, The Express (2016)

View attachment 590915
Scotland was a relatively sparsely populated country, making quick counting difficult

“The SNP was the most influential third party of the 2010s”, discuss (30 Marks) - A Level Politics Exam (2019)
I can see a very narrow No victory.
 
Top