Chapter 685: British Raj/ India as a Industrial Behemoth
  • Chapter 685: British Raj/ India as a Industrial Behemoth during the War

    While the Japanese Empire prepared in much detail for their operations in the resource and defense areas they planned to capture, they lacked a similar network of spies, informants, local allies and supporters outside of this area. Something they would only start doing, once the Second Great War had already started, when their enemies were well prepared with their on counterintelligence and local security. Because of this they missed the overall output of military supplies and equipment from Indian factories, that increased over 700 percent between March 1940 and March 1944. It had started growing very little, but still managed to mobilize 2,581,000 soldiers, or 1,6 percent of the male population. However such a modern army the size of that being assembled in the country could not be supplied by India alone. Much ordnance material, especially the more sophisticated modern equipment and weapons, still had to be imported. In the production of warlike supplies other than munitions, however, India advanced rapidly. Of the eastern group countries of the British Empire and Commonwealth (like Canada, the West Indies and the United Kingdom), India produced 61 per cent of total output in the year ending March 1942. That share increased to 75 per cent over the following year 1943.

    This growth was not achieved, however, without substantial cost to the wider domestic economy. No amount of organizational development could overcome an imbalance of demand against resources needed from outside India and the shipping to move them, which resulted from the theatre’s low position in overall war priorities. This shortfall could not be addressed satisfactorily until the End of the Second great War. It continually threatened India’s economic stability and inhibited the pace of operations in South-East Asia throughout the war. Even a own armored vehicle model was built in India, the Armoured Carrier, Wheeled, India Pattern Mark II/IIA/IIB/IIC built from 1940 to 1944 after a Ford Motor Company of Canada chassis and assembled and completed by the East Indian Railway and Tata Iron & Steel Company. These rear-engined vehicles saw service chiefly against the Japanese. Over 2.6 million Indian troops played a decisive role in the greatest conflict of the 20th century and helped Britain stay in the fight. Indian forces were dispatcher to major war zones across the globe. They terrorized German tank divisions in Africa, fought the Japanese in Burma, Assam and Benghal took part in the invasion of Morocco, and played a significant part in battles in the Middle East. Equally critical was Indian material help. Weapons, ammunition, timber, steel and especially food, were transported in vast quantities to Europe.

    Britain’s dependence on India was near total. In fact, even during the First Great War (1914-18), India’s contribution was massive. The New York Times wrote in 1918: “The world must pay India in whatever India wants, for without Indian products, there would be greater difficulty in winning the war.” Bear in mind that in the Second Great War, the quantity of Indian supplies was greater by several orders of magnitude. Field Marshal Claude Auchinleck, Commander-in-Chief of the British Indian Army from 1942, asserted that the British “Couldn’t have come through both wars if they hadn’t had the Indian Army”. Even the racist and genocidal British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, who had a pathological hatred of Indians calling them “... a beastly race with a beastly religion,”, acknowledged the “unsurpassed bravery of Indian soldiers and officers”. Despite this he was directly responsible for death by starvation of at least thee million people in Bengal during the Second Great War, in history’s most horrific man-made famine. When the Japanese attacked, the British ran away. They were very clever. They had a wonderful life with bungalows and butlers and cooks and all that, but as soon as the Japanese came, they ran away. And once they got back to India, they sent Gurkhas, Sikhs, Marathas and other Indians to fight the Japanese. This was gladly used by the Japanese Empire and the Co-Prosperity Sphere for their anti-British Propaganda, portraying the British as Colonial Slave masters, who used Indian bodies and lives to maintain their colonial tyranny over India, while the Japanese and their allies fought against them for Indian Independence.

    In 1939, at the start of the war, the Indian Army had just over 200,000 troops, enough to keep India in chains and the British safe from Indian revolutionaries. In 1940, the army’s size was increased to 1,000,000. Overall, India supplied a total of 2,581,726 army, navy and air force combatants. On top of this, 14 million Indian laborers worked round the clock to keep the war factories and farms running. Thanks to them during the war, India provided 196.7 million tonnes of coal, 6 million tonnes of iron ore and 1.12 million tonnes of steel. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Economic History, Volume 2, says: “35 per cent of India’s annual cotton textile production, amounting to about 5,000,000,000 yards, went into creating war material.” For example Bengal had a bountiful harvest in 1942, but the British started diverting vast quantities of food grain from India to Britain, contributing to a massive food shortage in the areas comprising West Bengal, Odisha, Bihar and Bangladesh. The war also distorted the colony’s already broken economic system.

    Wartime shortages and supply problems held industry back and caused severe disruptions to the internal market for consumer goods, which culminated in the Bengal Famine of 1943 that claimed more than three million lives. Some placed the real death toll at over seven million, exact numbers would never be known thanks to the war situation and the later Japanese Invasion into Assam and Bengal. During the war, as the threat of a Japanese-Indian National Army (led by Subhas Chandra Bose) invasion of India increased, the British employed a scorched earth policy in eastern India, especially Bengal. The British disabled and impounded all transport in Bengal, including boats, bullock carts, even elephants, to prevent their use by the Japanese. While retreating from India, the British also destroyed vast numbers of aircraft and defense supplies that legally belonged to India. Leading defense analyst Bharat Karnad informs that the Walchandnagar Aircraft Company (the precursor to Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd) was contracted to build the B-24 Liberator bombers in Bangalore.

    Around two million Indians would fight for England during the war, but at the same time anti-British sentiments and organizations grew in India itself. One of them was Ghandi's non-violent uprising for independence, that combined with a Japanese spy network and uprisings by anti-British and pro-Japanese Co-Prosperity Sphere groups. Their uprising in India for independence would lead to the use of 57 British battalions that needed almost two and a half months to regain peace, law and order all over India. Worse the Japanese and the Azad Hind forces under Bose never got the time to help, or support these Indian rebels, despite them having a quit big spy network all over India. This was thanks to the fact that nearly all of those Co-Prosperity Spies and sympathizers were secretly Allied spies or double agents, feeding them false or conflicting information's, so that the Japanese would not use this crucial moment for another push into India. Instead this 27 agents fed the Japanese a lot of false, fictional information about British bases, fortifications and numbers, as well as about the Indian national uprising in 1942/43 that did not ad up and made the Japanese loose a massive opportunity, one they would only find about nearly one year later when their assault into Assam and Benghal would capture some of the British reports about it, as well as free some of the anti-British or outright pro-Japanese rioters and political groups in the region. It was however also partly thanks to Subhas Chandra Bose too, who had some better connections and information's from his Indian sources (like the Arakan Offensive, or the Chindit expeditions into Burma) he simply did not inform the Japanese about as he believed this, as well as the air bridge to China's United Front would then force them to push further, deeper into Assam and Benghal as well of the rest of India, freeing his continent just like he hoped and wished for.
    Chapter 686: A tale of Otto Strasser
  • Chapter 686: A tale of Otto Strasser

    Otto Johann Maximilian Strasser (also German: Straßer, born on 10 September 1897 ) was a German politician and an early member of the Nazi Party. Otto Strasser, together with his brother Gregor Strasser, was a leading member of the party's left-wing faction, and broke from the party due to disputes with the dominant "Hitlerite" faction (not to be confused with the later Hitlerists). He formed the Black Front, a group intended to split the Nazi Party and take it from the grasp of Hitler. This group also functioned during his exile as a secret opposition group and returned not directly after the military coup of 1938, but only after Hitler's death during the Second Great War in 1941. The Strasser Brothers brand of National Socialism and later National Monarchism is now known as Strasserism and labeld by them to be Social Nationalism (or later Social National Monarchism) in it's core.

    Born at Windsheim in Bavaria, Otto Strasser took an active part in the Forst Great War. On 2 August 1914, he joined the Bavarian Army as a volunteer. He rose through the ranks to lieutenant and was twice wounded. He returned to Germany in 1919 where he served in the Freikorps that put down the Bavarian Soviet Republic which was organized on the principles of workers' councils. At the same time, he also joined the Social Democratic Party. In 1920 he participated in the opposition to the Kapp Putsch. However, he grew increasingly alienated with his party's reformist stance, particularly when it put down a workers' uprising in the Ruhr, and he left the party later that year. In 1925, he joined the NSDAP (National Socialist German Workers' Party), in which his brother, Gregor had been a member for several years, and worked for its newspaper as a journalist, ultimately taking it over with his brother. He was focused particularly on the socialist elements of the party's programme and led the party's left faction in northern Germany together with his brother and Joseph Goebbels. His faction advocated support for strikes, nationalisation of banks and industry, and despite acknowledged differences closer ties with the Soviet Union. Some of these policies were opposed by Hitler, who thought they were too radical and too alienating from parts of the German people (that were mainly middle class and Nazi-supporting nationalist industrialists in particular), and the Strasser faction was defeated at the Bamberg Conference (1926), with Joseph Goebbels joining Hitler. Humiliated, he nonetheless, along with his brother Gregor, continued as a leading Left Nazi within the Party, until expelled from the NSDAP by Hitler in 1930.

    Following his expulsion, he set up his own party, the Black Front, composed of like-minded former NSDAP members, in an attempt to split the Nazi Party. His party proved unable to counter Hitler's rise to power in 1933, and Strasser spent the years of the Nazi era in exile. The Nazi Left itself was annihilated during the Night of the Long Knives in 1934, in which his brother was killed, leaving Hitler as undisputed party leader and able to pacify both industrialists and the military into accepting his new National Socialist regime. In addition to the "Black Front", Strasser at this time headed the Free German Movement outside Germany which sought to enlist the aid of Germans throughout the world in bringing about the downfall of Hitler and his vision of Nazism.

    Strasser fled first to Vienna Austria, then to Prague, were he would try to form a continued Strasserist Opposition, attempting to End Hitler's position as Chancelor in the government once and for all. With closer ties between Austria (Austria-Hungary) and Germany Strasser fleed over Switzerland to France out of fear from Hitler getting him arrested and killed inside of Axis Central Powers controlled territory, as Hitler had once declared him Public Enemy Number One" and a price of $500,000 was set on his head. In 1941 after the death of Hitler Strasser returned to Germany, by now a well known figure in the European National Monarchist community, who had actively worked to form Strasserist or Strasserite influenced Parties inside the Axis Central powers, encouraging many former Socialists in Austria-Hungary, Netherlands, France and later other places to rather join Strasserism and thereby left-leaning National Monarchism to change the system from inside by working together for their nation states, instead of becoming traitors of their workers, societies and nations.

    Still faithful to many doctrines of National Socialism, Strasser knew how hard it was in Axis Central Powers controlled monarchistic, imperial Europe to form a political movement once again, even with Hitler and the rest of the Nazi's out of the way. Therefore he abandoned his former pro-Soviet stance in favor of the Eastern Crusade and clarified his ideology as Social Nationalism, or Social National Monarchism, emphasizing that they focused on the working class, the foots and pillar of every National Monarchist country and that supporting them, instead of opposing them like Bismark and Hitler had done in the Kulturkampf (Cultural Struggle). Bakc in Bavaria, Munich, Strasser founded the new national and socialist oriented party in 1942 the Sozialistische Nationale Reichspartei (Socialist National Reich Party, SNR SNRP), that would gain some support of former Nazi's, Socialists and even some Communists whose parties were outlawed before under Hitler and the Nazi's or the new German Empire. Advocating for Strasserite Social Nationalism/ National Socialism until his death at 27 August 1974, Otto Strasser claimed to remain a true Social Nationalist, opposing racial ideals and being in support of workers and trade unions. Like Hitler he eliminated all internal opposition in his own party (even if he did so without bloodshed) with the help of his Black Front and the Social National Reichspartei (SNR) won some seats in the 1942 German Election, especially in Bavaria, Saxony, Magdeburg, Hannover, Mecklenburg, Berlin, Merseburg, Chemnitz-Zwickau, Westfahlen and Düsseldorf, former centers of the Nazi, Socialist or Communist Parties. He was supported by Joseph Goebbels (who joined his Socialist National Reich Party) and his daily radio program the Emperor Speaks (German: Kaiseransprache) that had underlying Strasserist ideology and propaganda.

    Strasser also played a major role in the German Social Union (a Trade Union/ Workers Union) and with their help he became one of the major forces in the New Kulturkampf (New Culture Struggle) in the 1950ies and the 1960ies in the German Empire. Until then other Strasserite parties had formed in Europe and the Axis Central Power controlled territories, mainly Austria Hungary (Donau National Arbeiterunion/ Danube National Worker's Union were Strasserite parties like the Austrian Social National Party in German-Austria, German-Bohemia and German-Moravia, the Hungarian Social National Arbeiter Partei/ Hungary Social National Worker's Party, the Bohemian Social Nationalists/ Czech Social Nationalists, the Slovakian National Socialists SNS, the mainly polish West Galician Social National Party, the mainly Ukrainian East Galician Social National Party, the mainly Romanian Siebenbürgen Social National Party, the Croatian Social Nationalist Party, the Bosnia and Hercegovina Social National Party and the Serbian and Montenegro Social National Party formed a Strasserite Coalition together). Other Strasserite Axis Central Powers and European Parties included the Baltic Union Party in the United Baltic Duchy, the Netherlands Union Party in the United Netherlands, the Dansk Social National Party, the Social Nationalists in Norwas, the Swedish National Social Party, the French National Popular Party (Nationale Populaire Party) that collaborated alongside the National Popular Party, the Parti Populaire Français, the Francist Movement and the Service d'ordre légionnaire (whose eastern parts later merged with parts of the Netherlands Union Party into the Popular Burgundian Union Party in the Burgundian Order, eastern France and the United Netherlands).

    The Ideology of Strasserism (Strasserismus or Straßerismus) is a more radical, mass-action and worker-based form of Nazism or National Monarchism, that opposed Jews and other groups not from a racial, cultrual or religious perspective, but from an economic basis, to achieve a national rebirth. Gregor and Otto Strasser along with Ernst Röhm believed that the electoral victory of the National Socialists had just been the first step. They called for more, for a Secondary Revolution, that aimed for a second revolution to archive worker's rule and national rebirth, a special nationalist form of social revolution and saw Hitler as a betrayal of true national socialists ideals and ideas. The Strasser Brothers had been involved in the creation of the original National Socialist Program of 1920 to “break the shackles of finance capital”. Therefore Strasserism also opposed Jewish finance capitalism, that they saw in contrast to the productive capitalism.

    This program was further developed in the 1925 Nationalsozialistische Briefe (National Socialists Letters) were Otto Strasser discussed class conflict, wealth redistribution and his 1930 follow-up Ministersessel oder Revolution (Cabinet Seat or Revolution) where he attacked Hitler for betraying the social aspects of National Socialism and criticized the Führerprinzip (Leader Principle). Strasser called for a guild system, a Reich cooperative chamber to lead the nation's role in economic planning, something he would partly archive during the Second great War with the establishment of the Sozialistische Nationale Reichspartei (Socialist National Reich Party, SNR or SNRP) and the German Social Union (a Trade Union/ Workers Union) a toppling of the elites in favor of the direct rule by the worker, saying Hitler's rise to power had only be a half-revolution they needed to complete. Their anti-capitalist stance opposed courting business and army leaders, but instead called to remove and replace them. This was too extreme for much of the new German Leadership in the German Empire, especially it's aristocratic and military elite. Therefore Strasser redirected his new party in 1942 in a twenty-point program, calling for a “anti-material cultural revolution”, a “Anti-capitalist social revolution” and a “anti-communist workers revolution” opposing both National Socialism as done by Hitler as well as Socialism and Communism.

    One that calling for a third Social National Way that would liberate and empower the workers by a democratic, electoral revolution combined with work strikes and protests, not with brutal riots and armed revolution, as Strasser said the military, the democratic and social elements had already done so by ousting the National Socialists under Hitler in 1938. Alternations of distribution of capital and the workers machinery had to be found according to Strasserism, empowering the worker and with it the very base of power to the nation, from were the rest would only grow stronger too. Strasser re-positioned National Socialist and Social Nationalist movements all over Europe until his death, gluing together the syndicalist core of left-wing international and right-wing national socialism inside the Axis Central Powers and forming one of the biggest coalitions in the Axis Central Powers Frankfurt Parliament at the height of the tripartite Great Cold War that followed the Second Great War in the 1950ies. Strasserism even gained some influence in the United States and the Confederate States at that time, were some socialist and nationalist flirted with the idea to join their powers once again, for greater influence and political success.
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    Chapter 687: The Namo/ Faro Core Ideology
  • Chapter 687: The Namo/ Faro Core Ideology

    The dear readers of the Times might wonder, what kind of Ideology Namo/ NaMo (National Monarchism) and Faro/ FaRo (Fascist Royalism) truly is. The answer to that is not a easy one, but important none the less. In it's prime core the ideology is a mixture and blend of reactionary, traditional preserving, social conservative, religious conservative, societal conservative, national ethnic, aristocratic royal and religious movements. While officially beginning with the rise of Fascist and Nationalist movements, the origins of Namo and Faro can be dated back all the way to the early aristocratic opposition to self-determinate democracy and elections in general. First in the Spanish Civil War, were Carlists northern forces joined the central Falangist (Fascist) and the Francoist Military, then in Germany, where the Military and the Aristocracy Hohenzollernists joined forces against internal threats and enemies. Quickly they were followed by Austria-Hungary and Italy, were Austrofascist and Fascist forces joined hands with the Aristocracy and the Military too and later all across Europe, were Aristrocratic, Royalist and Monarchist groups sided with Fascist, Nationalist and Military groups to form Axis Central Power Collaboration Governments. They opposed completely democratic elected governments as well as socialist and communist ones alike, sometimes even opposing other fascist, nationalistic, aristocratic, royal and monarchist groups that were opposing them to work with some of this forces for the greater good of their Nation States.

    This meant that sometimes the Namo and Faro governments included quit different, yes even opposing groups, who still worked together in coalition, or wartime governments to establish a certain kind of government, meant to guide and direct their Aristocratic Nation States into the direction they favored the most. Sometimes this lead to opposing decisions, other times it unified and allied factions that would otherwise never have worked together. This while creating a national unified government, still allowed for some kind of diverse parties and with them politics and ideologies inside of it. Still it allowed them to unify and guide their nations in the direction some very powerful and influential royal and political figures hoped. Democracy and voting if it exists at all inside these nations greatly restricted opposing ideologies and parties, if they weren't outright banned and illegal. Paramilitary party groups, often also providing the local Landwehr as militias and even police and army forces, intimidating the political opposition by stopping their rallies, beating them up and sometimes even killing opposition politicians. In the world view of the Namo/ Faro Ideology the national, aristocratic and religion movements, while supportive of them all, their sole purpose was to integrate and focus all of them on the state and in extension it's leading ruler's will. Therefore pure Namo/ Faro believe was seen as incompatible with true liberty, democracy and elections, even if their own internal elections sometimes played a important role in what party would rule in them and guide their nation states to a certain goal.

    Own View: In their own worldview Namo and Faro ideologies are a bulwark against the change of the old order, the preservation of divinely ordained rule, nation states and state religions. To secure and preserve all of them against change, no matter if peaceful or violent, Therefore true democracy, capitalism, anarchy, socialism, communism, coprospism and other ideologies and movements were seen as evil, negative forces. Therefore the Namo/ Faro believed to be part of a holy crusade against this evil, villainous forces, that tried to change their just and perfect worlds.

    Western Allies View: To the Western Allies (America, Britain, France and the others), the Namo/ Faro Ideology was nothing short then tyranny of either some political party, some form of despot (both political and monarchic rulers alike) and greatly opposing of democracy, voting, free markeds and capitalism. Thereby threatening their independence and freedom. This was despite the fact that some overlapping factors between parts of Namo/ Faro and western political parties and ideas existed to a certain extent. Some even claimed that Namo/ Faro and Socialist/ Communist Movements had partly the same syndicalist routes and were therefore brotherly ideologies.

    Soviet Comintern View: For the Soviet Union and the Comintern, the Namo/ Faro Ideology was their main political opposition and enemy. Both in terms of core ideology, but also in terms of the fight for dominance over Europe, were they threatened true Communist rule and political influence of all kind. Therefore the Crusade against Bolshewism, the Eastern Crusade against the Soviet Union was likewise a holy war for the Communist as well, not only against hated Capitalism, but also against the aristocratic banks, industrial and military power of the true old despotic tyranny of the aristocracy that had enslaved mankind since the dawn of time.

    Coprospist View: For the Coprospists (the Empire of Japan as well as others) the Namo/ Faro Nation states, while fellow monarchies or authoritarian states, were mainly seen as Imperialist European (and later American) Powers that threatened their freedom, liberty and independence. For them they were mainly Colonial and Imperialist Powers that sought to enslave all people of Asia under their empires for as long as they could. Therefore the Copropists, while sharing the same enemies in the Allies and Comintern, yes even sharing technology and plans to split up the world, believed that a future confrontation with the Namo/ Faro led Axis Central Power States was inevitable, similar to how the Namo/ Faro Axis Central Powers believed the same about the Yellow Threat of the Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere in return.
    Chapter 688: The Coprospist Core Ideology
  • Chapter 688: The Coprospist Core Ideology

    Similar, but at the same time totally different then the National Monarchist/ Fascist Royalist was the Coprospist movement of the Imperial Japanese Co-Prosperity Sphere. They were very traditional and wished to preserve cast/ society, cultural, religious and partly even architectural traditions. To do so however they realized that they had to modernize their technology, industry and society to a certain extent, to remain their independence and freedom against the Foreign Devils, the white, long nosed Europeans and Americans. Only a powerful, modernized Asian Nation could withstand the conquest and dominance of these evil, but clearly more powerful and dominating American and European Powers. To do so they aimed not to erase and destroy their own past, as the main goal was to preserve and secure their own old nation states. Instead they opted to evolve their original routs into something new, more industrialized, modern and powerful, while not loosing their own connection to their traditions, culture, art, religion and overall soul of their very own society. To some extent this meant copying and implementing some of the governmental, ideological, economical and societal differences to become more modern, industrialized, independent and powerful themselves.

    Despite this the various Coprospist ideologies differentiated quit vastly from one another, as they each incorporated various regional cultural, religious and societal aspects in themselves that made them more acceptable and individual to various regions, states, nations and people's the best way possible. While the Japanese tried to gain some more influence and unity by spreading Buddhism, Shintoism and even Japanese settlers, language and culture throughout the Co-Prosperity Sphere, regional differences still remained to a extent. While the main core region of the Yen Block and the Coprospist Co-Prosperity Sphere remained Buddhist, Shinto Japanese and Buddhist Shindo/ Shingyo Chosen, the northernwestern part was dominated by Buddhist Mengjiang, the western central part was dominated by various Buddhist Shénto Chinese, or Chinese inspired Nation States, while the most western and southern part was partly Hindu/ Hindi and Mohammedan Indian, Buddhist Burmese, Buddhsit Siamese/ Tai, Buddhist Laotian, Buddhist Campuchean, Buddhist Vietnamese, Anito Philippine and even Mohammedan Borneo/ Malay, Mohammedan Sumatran and Mohammedan Javanese. This meant that various Coprospists states had closer regional ties in terms of culture and religion, yes sometimes even architecture and other things with various close-by neighbors, then they had with the Japanese Empire and other parts of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. While not the same differences, as between the German and Latin parts of the Axis Central Powers, they were still quit significant and the Japanese tried to erase them by using the same currency, language and form a unified culture and religion for the majority of the Co-Prosperity Sphere over the decades.

    Own View: Under the term Asia for Asians, the Coprospist ideology presented itself as a anti-colonial, anti-imperialist movement seeking to liberate and modernist the oppressed masses and states of Asia (as well as later Africa, America and the Rest of the World). In their own view they were a just, liberating, modernizing, traditional culture, religion and society preserving movement, that would lead the world into the modern times under well-meaning parental Japanese guidance.

    Western Allies View: To the Western Allies (mainly America, Britain, France and some others) the Coprospist movement was a anti-colonial Yellow Peril that sought to eliminate not only their colonial powers in Asia and the Pacific, but even all of their trade opportunities and influence. At first this was worse enough for their powerful empires, territories and economic trade options, worsening because of the Coprospist anti-European, anti-American, anti-Colonial and anti-Imperialist propaganda and movement support against their own states and empires. But the Yellow Panic turned even worse, when Japan forced Australia to immediately accept around 2 million Japanese settlers (out of overall only seven million Australians), later maybe even more, turning the White Australia Policy around and the continent from White to Yellow. This was also represent in the new official Imperial Japanese, Co-Prosperity Sphere wording for Australian; Ōsutoraria was renamed Australasia, Australian South Asia or more accurate; Asia Meridianam, Minamiajia as a result. The Yellow Panic increased as these Japanese settlers, as well as those in Bolivia, Peru and other places voted Coprospist nations to influence Japanese and Co-Prosperity Sphere trade and political influence as well as Japanese Settlement. The same was true for the Coprospist Orientalist Party in the Pacific States after the division of the United States.

    Soviet Comintern View: To the Soviet Union and the Comintern, the Coporspist were the savage hordes of old, Huns and Mongols alike that came invading from the east to swap across Siberia into Europe. Funny enough it was reflecting of the fear many Axis Central Powers had from the Soviet's Red Army's own Siberian Forces. However the Russians and other Asian and European Soviet Socialist Republics and ethnics feared that another wave of Coprospist Asian Invaders might colonize east and central Asia from them to take it for themselves.

    Namo/Faro View: To the Axis Central Powers, the Coprospist were the Yellow Savages that opposed the divine European rule over Asia and Africa. Primitives that opposed the guiding European hand to modernize their primitive societies and cultures with European enlightenment and modern colonial government structures. The anti-European, anti-American, anti-Colonial and anti-Imperialist propaganda of the Coprospist states, as well as their support for local, native independence movements opposing the American and European Colonies meant that the Coprospists quickly not only had a trade rivalry with powers outside the Co-Prosperity Sphere, but also growing numbers of Proxy Wars.
    Chapter 689: The Imperial German Election of 1942 - Part 1
  • Chapter 689: The Imperial German Election of 1942 - Part 1

    For the duration of the Second Great War, the German Reichstag (Imperial Diet) was headed by the so called Imperial Coalition (German: Kaiserkoalition) as a coalition of all existing parties, ideologies and factions to guarantee the German Empire was heading into a common direction to win the war. While not liked by all representatives there, free votes (minus some banned/ outlawed parties like the Communists or the Nazi's) were still allowed and meant to show the free and liberal society of the just and godly rule of the German Empire.

    Party: Bavarian People's Party (German: Bayerische Volkspartei; BVP), a split from the Catholic Centre Party because of Bavarian Seperatism that had in it's core Catholic and Social Bavarian Interests in mind.

    Ideology: Conservative Roman Catholic/ Christian Social branch of the Catholic Centre Party

    Leader: Fritz Schäffer

    Paramilitary: none

    Election Campaign Promises: The major Party in the Bavarian Kingdom and partly all of South Germany managed to unify social and christian ideals together. Once a Bavarian branch of the Catholic Centre Party, the Bavarian People's Party has since it's resurrection campaigned in all of southern Germany, even as a direct rival and opposition to the former Catholic Centre Party as they did not believe the Centre Party alone advocated for the social interest of Catholic voters well enough.

    Party: Bavarian Kingdom Party (German: Bayerische Königspartei, BKP), also Wittelsbacher Party (German: Wittelsbacher Partei)

    Ideology: National Monarchism, Bavarian Authonomy/ Conservative Royalism

    Leader: King Rupprecht I

    Paramilitary: Bavarian Landwehr Korps

    Election Campaign Promises: the BKP intends to regain more independence for the Bavarian Kingdom inside the German Empire and guarantee it's independence in internal matters of the Bavarian State.

    Party: Christian Social People's Service (German: Christlich-Sozialer Volksdienst; CSV) once opposed the Catholic Centre Party as well as the DNVP under Alfred Hugenberg, but the majority of it's members later joined the German Church Party (Deutsche Kirchenpartei) as the true Protestant Party of the German Empire and the German Church

    Ideology: Conservative Protestantism/ Christian Democracy

    Leader: Hildebrant Tischler

    Paramilitary: none

    Election Campaign Promises: Mainly focusing on the Protestant centers of the North and East German Empire, the CSV tried to oppose the Catholic Centre Party as another Christian influenced party, but later lost it's members and political platform to the German Church Party.

    Party: German Centre Party (German: Deutsche Zentrumspartei, DZP or just Zentrum) also known as the Catholic Centre Party

    Ideology: Catholic Christian/ Center-Right Social Conservatism

    Leader: Heinrich Brüning

    Paramilitary: none

    Election Campaign Promises: The German Centre Party tried it's best to represent Catholic values and ideals once again in the German Empire as best as they could, but the split away of the Bavarian People's Party massively hurt their formerly unified Catholic voters base in the southern German states, leaving their main power house in western Germany.

    Party: German Church Party (Deutsche Kirchenpartei, DKP)

    Ideology: Protestant Christian/ Christian Social/ Christian Conservative/ Christian Royalist/ Monarchist

    Leader: Erhardt Abt

    Paramilitary: Christlicher Kirchler

    Election Campaign Promises: One of the main promises for the DKP was to oppose the Catholic Parties, as well as the CSV as the opposing Protestant Party for a true Protestant/ German Church ideal in politics, were the Emperor was the head of state and church, further emphasizing the reunion of church and state to some extent by this. Their main power base was in central/ northern and eastern Germany.

    Party: German Colonial Society (German: Deutsche Kolonialbund)

    Ideology: Imperial Colonialism

    Leader: Franz Xaver Ritter von Epp

    Paramilitary: Colonial Corps

    Election Campaign Promises: The German Colonial Society/ Reichskolonialbund greatly advocated political to regain the after the First Great War unjustly lost German Colonies once again and even expand the German Empire's colonial possessions during the Second Great War. Later they would become one of the main parties for colonial investment and interests in the German Empire, a coalition of local colonial parties, firms and interest groups.

    Party: German Conservative Party (German: Deutsche Konservative Partei), later the German Imperial Party (German: Deutsche Reichspartei)

    Ideology: national conservative/ monarchistic/ Mosleyite

    Leader: Otto Ernst Remer

    Paramilitary: Reichssturm

    Election Campaign Promises: Advocated by their newspaper, the Reichsruf ("Call of the Reich") and represented national conservative and monarchistic ideals in a mosleyite national monarchic parliamentarian democracy that should include all ethnic German regions.

    Party: German Democratic Party (German: Deutsche Demokratische Partei, DDP), later changed to the German State Party (German: Deutsche Staatspartei or DstP)

    Ideology: Republicanism/ Classic Liberalism/ Center-Left/ Corproatism

    Leader: Theodor Heuss

    Paramilitary: none

    Election Campaign Promises: The DDP/ DstP advocated for stronger rights and influence for the German Imperial Diet/ Parliament once again, claiming that no important law and state document should be signed without the representatives voted in, to better archive the will of the citizens in politics.

    Party: German Farmers' Party (German: Deutsche Bauernpartei, or DBP) or German Peasant's Party (German: Deutsche Landvolkpartei, DLP) also German Farmers' and Peasants Party (German: Deutsche Bauern und Landvolkpartei, DBLP)

    Ideology: agrarian politics/ christian politics/ middle-class politics/ economic protectionism/ civil rights

    Leader: Armin Wächter

    Paramilitary: Farmers and Peasants Police

    Election Campaign Promises: The DBP/ DLP/ DBLP tried to represent the German Farmers, Peasents and overall Middle-Class, advocating for a strong German economy that should lead the European continent and benefit the common man. Therefore they advocated for further industrialization and modernization, to make finished products out for the resources of Europe and the Axis Central Powers, to resell the world to high prices. For the same reason they also opposed a true free marked, wishing for protection laws against too cheap White Ruthenian and Ukrainian grain or Russian coal that would crumble the German economy of these resources.

    Party: German Fatherlands Party (German: Deutsche Vaterlands Partei; DVP)

    Ideology: pan-Germanic/ nationalistic/ monarchistic/ militaristic/ national conservationism

    Leader: Walter Nicolai

    Paramilitary: Volksschutz

    Election Campaign Promises: closely working with the Pan-German League and the DNVP, the DVP advocated for a more authoritarian German Empire lead by the Emperor and the Military directly without a parliament and also supported a pan_German annexation of most neighboring German inhabited countries from Belgium to the Baltics.

    Party: German-Hanoverian Party (German: Deutsch-Hannoversche Partei, DHanP), also known as the Guelph Party (German: Welfenpartei)

    Ideology: conservative/ federalist/ political Protestantism/ national/ monarchist

    Leader: Heinrich Hellwege

    Paramilitary: Welfenbund

    Election Campaign Promises: The main Hannoveranian Party tries to focus on Hannoveran Kingdom interest and reestablish the Welfen as the ruling family of a Hannoveran Kingdom as a independent, internal German Empire State.

    Party: German Hegemony Party (German: Deutsche Hegemonialpartei; DHP)

    Ideology: German Hegemony/ Imperialism/ Nationalism/ Conservativism

    Leader: Günter Reichen

    Paramilitary: Hegemony Corps

    Election Campaign Promises: The GHP is concerned with the fall of great Empires (like the Second German Empire) before and advocates to do everything possible to ensure the stability and hegemony of the German Empire in Europe and the World, even if this means operating against it's own allies and friends inside the Axis Central Powers, their political and economical European monarchist alliances and federations or in any other form or way across the globe.

    Party: German National Front (German: Deutschnationale Front, DNF)

    Ideology: Imperial/ Monarchistic/ Nationalistic/ Conservative

    Leader: Kuno von Westarp

    Paramilitary: Volkssturm

    Election Campaign Promises: A basin for many former conservative and nationalist people who were either outlawed by the Nazi's or by the German Military in 1938 when the Nazi Party was outlawed. Their main goal was to strengthen the German Empire, by preserving old values and power bases, as well as increasing it's power, both in the person of the Emperor, the Empire itself as well as it's citizens.

    Party: German National People's Party (German: Deutschnationale Volkspartei, DNVP) managed to get the majority of the seats in this new parliament

    Ideology: conservative/ nationalistic/ monarchistic/ reactionary

    Leader: Alfred Hugenberg

    Paramilitary: German National Army

    Election Campaign Promises: The DNVP was the leading party after the Military Coup of 1938, succeeding after the Nazi's and leading the rebuild German Empire to it's glorious victories in the Second Great War. As one of the major Pan-German parties they not only advocated for a strong Empire, but also for the unification of all German Nation States into said Empire if they desired to do so. Therefore the DNVP had various branches in other states like Austria (DANVP), Denmark (DDNVP), the United Netherlands (DNNVP), the Untied Baltic Duchy (DBNVP), Norway (DNNVP) and Sweden (DSNVP).

    Party: Pan-German League/ Association (German: Alldeutscher Verband, ADV)

    Ideology: Pan-Germanism, Middle Class, Nationalism

    Leader: Heinrich Claß

    Paramilitary: German League

    Election Campaign Promises: The ADV dreamed of uniting all German ethnic territories and nations into one massive German Empire. Therefore it closely operated with other pan-German Parties and organizations. They were racist, social-darwinistic and colonialists. It's members advocated to not only annex “rightfully” German lands, but also expand them. During and after the Second Great War this policy would lead to a German Baltic Duchy, while plans for annexation and Germanization in German Colonies agains the Eastern Slavs in Poland, White Ruthenia and Ukrainia were made. Therefore the ADV worked closely together with the Teutonic Order, the Gothic Order and the Burgundian Order. It also played a major role in the Germanisation of German East Africa (Deutsch-Ostafrika), German South West Africa (Deutsch Südwestafrika) and even German Colonial Settlers in German Central Africa (Deutsch Zentralafrika, formerly Kongo), Morocco and South America.

    Party: German People's Party (German: Deutsche Volkspartei, or DVP), the successor of the National Liberal Party (German: Nationalliberale Partei, NLP)

    Ideology: right-wing liberal/ conservative-liberal/ civic nationalism/ constitutional monarchism

    Leader: Eduard Dingeldey

    Paramilitary: none

    Election Campaign Promises: often coalition with the parties of the center-right and the center-left, the DVP tried to make the Weimar Republic work and participated in over nine government coalitions. After the Military Coup of they worked closely with the DNVP to stabilize the new government and prevent Germany from falling into anarchy, chaos and maybe even civil war.

    Party: German Progress Party (German: Deutsche Fortschrittspartei, DFP) or Liberal Union (Liberale Vereinigung) split from the German People's Party to form a more liberal, parlamentaric democracy.

    Ideology: Liberalism/ Parlamentarianism/ Economic Liberalism/ Conservative Liberalism

    Leader: Konrad Schildknecht

    Paramilitary: none

    Election Campaign Promises: Similar to the DVP from which they split the DFP rallied for more liberalism and greater power of the parliament together with a lazy-fairy economic politics and small government overall influence.

    Party: Imperial Agricultural League (German: Reichs-Landbund, RLB) or National Rural League.

    Ideology: agrarian association

    Leader: Werner Willikens

    Paramilitary: none

    Election Campaign Promises: Formed as a coalition of land owners and farmers, the RLB represented agrarian industrial and farmers all over the German Empire. While many farmers and agrarian landowners voted for them and even advised their workers to do so, their main power base was shrinking, as Germany got more modern, urbanized and industrialized.

    Party: Imperial Party Black-White-Red (German: Reichspartei Schwarz-Weiß-Rot, RSWR)

    Ideology: National/ Monarchistic/ Militaristic

    Leader: Franz von Papen

    Paramilitary: Reichsbanner

    Election Campaign Promises: The National Monarchistic RSWR is a Imperial German Party advocating for a National Monarchistic, Militaristic Nation State, ruled by emergency decrees from the President of the Reich as the Head of State.

    Party: Monarchistic German Party (German: Monarchistische Deutsche Partei, MDP)

    Ideology: National Monarchism

    Leader: Emperor Wilhelm III

    Paramilitary: Royal Guard (Paramilitary not the real Royal Guard)

    Election Campaign Promises: A stronger Imperial Authority will automatically lead to a stronger Empire and thereby a stronger Axis Central Powers lead by it. Therefore the authority of the Emperor should stand above all else and be able to veto everything else done in the government if he saw it fit to do so.

    Party: Social Democratic Party of Germany (German: Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, SPD) more commonly now the Socialist Workers Party of Germany (German Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei, SAP), reborn from the exiled Sopade under Otto Wels, reopened as a German Party under Kurt Schumacher in 1938. But the legacy of the 1918 Revolution that Ended the Second Empire, as well as some of them later supporting the Enabling Act of 1933.

    Ideology: social democratic

    Leader: Kurt Schumacher

    Paramilitary: Imperial Banner Black-Red-Gold

    Election Campaign Promises: The reborn SPD/ SAP promises to have the best interest or hard working laborer in mind and claim to represent all core values and worries of the common worker. Their main power base was the Ruhrgebiet in Westphalia.

    Party: Social National Reichspartei (SNR), the reborn Black Front under Otto Strasser and Joseph Goebbels returned to Germany in 1941 to propose what they called Social Nationalism (Strasserism) a Ideology that quickly attracted many former Socialists, Nazi's and Communists alike. Together wit the German Social Union, as one of the main Trade Unions/ Workers Unions the SNR has quickly grown into one of the major parties of the German Empire.

    Ideology: Strasserism/ Social Nationalism

    Leader: Otto Strasser

    Paramilitary: Black Front

    Election Campaign Promises: Seeing the common worker as the power base of the German Empire and as those who will rebuild it from the destruction of the war, the SNR argues that without the worker, the Empire is nothing, just like the Empire's of old were nothing without their peasants. Therefore strikes were a common tool of power to archive nationalization of the banks and industries, run by worker's councils directly in the future. They managed to establish themselves in Saxony and Central Germany, as well as Westphalia and parts of North Germany.

    Party: Workers' and Farmers' Struggle Community (Kampfgemeinschaft der Arbeiter und Bauern KdAB)

    Ideology: Agrarian and Workers Socialist/ Farmers and Workers Rights/ Liberal/ middle-class politics, economic protectionism, civil rights

    Leader: Thomas Schreiner

    Paramilitary: none

    Election Campaign Promises: Having the German Workers and Farmers interests in mind the KdAB had a much brighter base of potential voters, then other workers, farmers and liberal/ social parties, but lacked much of their skilled politicians, campaign management and propaganda to be truly efficient.
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    Chapter 690: Kiriwana Islands and Woodlark Island Landings
  • Chapter 690: Trobriand/ Kirawana Islands and Woodlark Island Landings

    With the exception of some small, minor frontline changes, the fighting on New Guinea (Niugini/Niu Gini/ Papua), Guadalcanal (Isatabu) and Malaita stayed the same. Because of this the Imperial Japanese Army in the Area under command of General Tomitarō Horii prepared a plan together with the Imperial Japanese Navy, to use their momentary position on the Solomon Sea to further expand their defense perimeter and forward base systems. To do so naval landings on Kiriwina Island and Woodlark Island were planned to use the situation as long as it lasted. The main goal was to use both islands and their coral reefs to flank the Allied position in East Papua, by denying their ships passage along those island, while also preventing the Allies use of them as air bases. Instead the Japanese would use this forward airbases to further increase their own naval plane range based on islands and to force Allied supply routes further southwards, making them much longer, even those to New Guinea itself. One of the major problems of the plan as the fact that the Japanese were not quit hundred percent certain that they had destroyed all Allied (mainly American Carriers) in the area. Further more the Allied airfields in New Guinea (Horanda, North Borio, Schwimmer, Turnbull, Gurney and Port Moresby) could cover the area and destroy their invasion forces. Therefore the Japanese had to use their own airfields on New Britain (Arawe and Gasmata) and the Solomon Islands (Kahili and Kara on Bougainville, Barakoma on Vella Lavella, Ondonga, Munda and Segi on New Georgia island) to cover the operation without their own remaining carrier force as best as they could. To do so however they needed transports and after the last losses of invasion, reinforce and supply transports and tankers against the Allied airplanes and ships, they were stretched thin, at least until new reinforcements would arrive from the Home Island. Instead the South Seas Force headquartered in Rabaul who oversaw this Imperial Japanese Army Operation under command and control of the Imperial Japanese Navy had another solution; use Japanese Destroyers. Light and Heavy Cruisers as well as two Battlecruisers and two battleships for the operation, flanked by four submarines. For their areal support 180 fighters and 60 bombers were placed to be a part of the operation. Supported by the South Seas Detachment one Division, considering of two Independent Brigades with around 18,600 soldiers involved in the landing force of the operation under command of General Hatazō Adachi.

    The commanding Japanese General Hatazō Adachi was concerned about the operation, as the use of no transport ships limited the numbers of heavy guns, artillery, anti-air, anti-tank and other heavy weapons and equipment. This meant that their original plan to quickly establish airfields on those islands would be quit delayed. Therefore General Adachi believed that their overall operation would take much longer then originally planned, but much to the surprise of all Japanese forces involved, there were none American or Allied forces yet on those islands. The Japanese bombers who targeted Port Moresby and other Allied airbases in the area as a distraction helped the Allied radar to overlook much of the nearly too massive Japanese landing operation on the two small islands at the night between the 5th and 6th November 1942. Reconnaissance quickly realized that there were no enemy forces and defensive facilities were soon established by the landed Japanese forces. Until the 14th November further Japanese reinforcements and finally heavy equipment arrives, slowly supporting the landed forces in their building of defensive structures and the two planned airfields. The one on Woodlark quickly was expanded by a parallel runway, while first anti-aircraft and artillery peaces were installed. Because the Japanese shortages of transports, some of these weapons were directly taken from the cruisers and destroyers partaking in the operation. On Kiriwina a normal airfield was constructed. Small boat and ship bases for destroyers/ cruisers, torpedo boats and float planes were also established. Besides some reconnaissance and a few occasional bombing runs, the Allies/ Americans did not outright contest these landing under General Hatazō Adachi, as they had much more serious front-lines to care about and simply redirected their convoys and supply routes for now, while preparing counter-operations and their own invasions.
    Chapter 691: The Albanian Civil War
  • Chapter 691: The Albanian Civil War

    What was known as the Albanian Civil War was a conflict inside the Italian Kingdom/ Roman Empire Protectorate/ Puppet State of Albania, where Communist and Nationalist groups had taken up arms against the Italian, as well as later the Germans and the Austrian-Hungarians. At first independent groups supplied by Great Britain and the Soviet Union, these guerrilla groups soon united and were quickly supplied by Austria in secret as well that sought to limit, or outright oust Italian Influence on the Balkan Peninsula. Because of the Conflict, Albania became one of the most devastated countries in Europe during the Second Great War. Around 80,000 houses would be destroyed and roughly 12% of the Albanian population would become homeless. Over 32,000 Albanians would be killed, 14,800 wounded and around 64,500 imprisoned or deported. When Germany regained territory and Austria-Hungary moved to annex Czechoslovakia, Italy saw itself becoming a second-rate member of the Axis Central Powers. As Mussolini had not been informed about these moves, the Italian dictator decided in early 1939 to proceed with his own annexation of Albania. Italy's King Victor Emmanuel III criticized the plan to take Albania as an unnecessary risk. Rome, however, delivered Tiranë an ultimatum on March 25, 1939, demanding that it accede to Italy's occupation of Albania. King Zog refused to accept money in exchange for countenancing a full Italian takeover and colonization of Albania, and on April 7, 1939, Mussolini's troops, led by General Alfredo Guzzoni, invaded Albania/ attacking all Albanian ports simultaneously. There were 65 units in Saranda, 40 at Vlorë, 38 in Durrës, 28 at Shëngjin and 8 more at Bishti i Pallës. The original Italian plans for the invasion called for up to 50,000 men supported by 137 naval units and 400 airplanes. Ultimately the invasion force grew to 100,000 men supported by 600 airplanes. By 1:30 pm on the first day, all Albanian ports were in Italian hands. Unwilling to become an Italian puppet, King Zog, his wife, Queen Geraldine Apponyi, and their infant son Skander fled to Greece and eventually to London. On April 12, the Albanian parliament voted to unite the country with Italy. On April 12, the Albanian parliament voted to depose Zog and unite the nation with Italy "in personal union" by offering the Albanian crown to Victor Emmanuel III and the Italians set up a fascist government under Shefqet Verlaci and soon absorbed Albania's military and diplomatic service into Italy's.

    On April 15, 1939, Albania withdrew from the League of Nations, from which Italy had resigned in 1937. On June 3, 1939, the Albanian foreign ministry was merged into the Italian foreign ministry. The Albanian military was placed under Italian command and formally merged into the Italian Army in 1940. Additionally, the Italian Blackshirts formed four legions of Albanian Militia, initially recruited from Italian colonists living in Albania, but later also from ethnic Albanians. Upon invading, Galeazzo Ciano hoped to reinforce an impression of benevolence with a number of initial gestures aimed more at public relations than at addressing any of Albania's profound social and economic problems. One of Ciano's first moves was to distribute food and clothing in some of the poor areas and to release political prisoners. He personally distributed 190,000 gold francs to the needy in Tirana, Shkodra, Vlora, Gjirokastra, Saranda, Korça and Kukes. Because the money was given to the poor, bypassing the usual bureaucracy, it did some good. The Italians also contributed greatly to infrastructure, agriculture, and chrome and hydrocarbon exploration in which Albania was rich. The Italians hoped that extensive investment in Albania would bring both economic and political benefits. Despite a weak domestic economy, Mussolini guaranteed the Albanians the sum of 22 million pounds over five years for economic development, considerably more than the 8.2 million Rome had spent since the early 1920s. Initial reports of the Italian activity were quite favorable. Ruth Mitchell commented at the end of April 1939, "What a great improvement there is in the condition of the people already. The whole atmosphere had become brisker and more enterprising; now at least there is hope." Even the German minister Eberhard von Pannwitz, who was perpetually critical of the Italians, commented favorably on the Italian tempo. The new construction projects brought in large amounts of capital and employed many Albanians. The government began letting Italians take technical positions in Albania's civil service, and also began allowing Italian settlers to enter Albania. This largely affected the Albanians' attitude towards the Italian invaders and the locals greeted them with more respect and liking. In an effort to win Albanian support for Italian rule, Ciano and the Fascist regime encouraged Albanian irredentism in the directions of Kosovo and Chameria. Despite Jacomoni's assurances of Albanian support in view of the promised "liberation" of Chameria, Albanian enthusiasm for the war was distinctly lacking. The few Albanian units raised to fight during the developments of the Greco-Italian War (1940–1941) alongside the Italian Army mostly either deserted or fled in droves. Albanian agents recruited before the war, are reported to have operated behind Greek lines and engaged in acts of sabotage but these were few in number. Support for the Greeks, although of limited nature, came primarily from the local Greek populations who warmly welcomed the arrival of the Greek forces in the southern districts.

    Faced with an agrarian and mostly Mohammedan society monitored by King Zog's security police, Albania's Communist movement attracted few adherents in the interwar period. In fact, the country had no fully-fledged Communist Party before the First Great War. After Fan Noli fled in 1924 to Italy and later the United States, several of his leftist protégés migrated to Moscow, where they affiliated themselves with the Balkan Confederation of Communist Parties and through it the Communist International (Comintern), the Soviet-sponsored association of international communist parties. In 1930, the Comintern dispatched Ali Kelmendi to Albania to organize communist cells. However, Albania had no working class on which the communists could rely for support, and Marxism appealed to only a minute number of quarrelsome, Western-educated, mostly Tosk intellectuals and to landless peasants, miners, and other persons discontented with Albania's obsolete social and economic structures. Paris became the Albanian communists' hub until German and Fascist French deportations depleted their ranks after the fall of France in 1940. Enver Hoxha and a veteran of the Spanish Civil War, Mehmet Shehu, eventually rose to become the most powerful figures in Albania for decades after the war. The dominant figure in modern Albanian history, Enver Hoxha rose from obscurity to lead his people for a longer time than any other ruler. Shehu, also a Tosk, studied at Tirana's American Vocational School. He went on to a military college in Naples but was expelled for left-wing political activity. In Spain Shehu fought in the Garibaldi International Brigade and became a commander of one of the brigade's battalions. After the Spanish conflict was over, he was captured and interned in France. He returned to Albania in 1942 and soon became a prominent figure. During the conflict. he won a reputation for his commanding abilities with the partisans. Mehmet Shehu was a short, weiry, dark swallow-faced man of about thirty who seldom smiled except at other people's misfortunes. He spoke good English, was very capable and had far more military knowledge than most other Albanians. He had a reputation for bravery, courage, ruthlessness, and cruelty, he had boasted that he personally cut the throats of seventy Italian carabineri who had been taken prisoner. I got along with him at first, for as soldiers we had something in common; but he did little to conceal his dislike for all things British, and my relations with him deteriorated. After the invasion of Albania by Italy in April 1939, 100,000 Italian soldiers and 11,000 Italian colonists settled in the country. Initially the Albanian Fascist Party received support from the population, mainly because of the unification of Kosovo and other Albanian populated territories with Albania proper after the conquest of Yugoslavia and Greece by the Axis Central Powers in 1941. Benito Mussolini boasted in May 1941 to a group of Albanian fascists that he had achieved the Greater Albania long wanted by the Tirana nationalists. The Albanian Fascist Party of Tefik Mborja had strong support in the country population after the Albania annexation of Kosovo. Several groups led by Baba Faja Martaneshi, former gendarmerie officer Gani bej Kryeziu, a communist Mustafa Gjinishi, and a rightist politician Muharrem Bajraktari. An attempt to unite those groups in one organization was undertaken by Major Abaz Kupi, by now a democratic politician, who created an underground organization called the Unity Front. This front, which increased in numbers within several months, was crushed in April 1941 after the defeat of Yugoslavia and Greece. Some of its members passed over to the collaborationist camp, some were arrested, and some others fled to the mountains. The warfare ceased for a while.

    In November 1941, the small Albanian Communist groups established an Albanian Communist Party in Tirana of 130 members under the leadership of Hoxha and an eleven-man Central Committee. The party at first had little mass appeal, and even its youth organization netted few recruits. The resistance in Albania became active after the defeats of the Italian forces in the war with Greece, which started on 28 October 1940. Originally the slogan of building the "Greater Albania", into which the Italians promised to incorporate a substantial part of Greek Epirus (Cameria), allowed collaborationist authorities to mobilize several thousand volunteers for the army (besides regular troops). The collapse of the Italian offensive in Greece caused a crisis among the regular troops, who refused to take part in further fights, as well as in volunteer units, which dispersed; some soldiers made for the mountains. Eventually, the number of combat groups and partisan detachments, reinforced by deserters from the army, had grown to dozens, with over 3,000 men. In November in Lezha, a town near the port of Shengjin on Adriatic coast, mutinous soldiers who refused further service in Italian units fought a battle with an Italian punitive expedition, killing 19 and badly wounding 30 Italians, before retreating to the mountains. In the same month a partisan detachment laid an ambush for an Italian transport column en route to Gjirokastra. Several Italians were killed. On 17 May 1941 in Tirana a young man called Vasil Laçi attempted to assassinate king Victor Emmanuel III by shooting at him. However he failed and was shortly after executed. In mid-1942, however, the Party called on young people to fight for the liberation of their country from Italy. The propaganda increased the number of new recruits by many young people eager for freedom. In September 1942, the party organized a popular front organization, the National Liberation Movement (NLM), from a number of resistance groups, including several that were strongly anti-Communist. During the war, the NLM's Communist-dominated partisans, in the form of the National Liberation Army, ignored warnings from the Italian occupiers that there would be reprisals for guerrilla attacks. Partisan leaders, on the contrary, counted on using the desire for revenge such reprisals would elicit to win recruits.

    On 17–22 February 1943 in the village of Labinot, the first nationwide conference of ACP took place. The estimation of the political and military situation in the country pointed to the need to create a homogeneous national liberation army. A decision concerning warfare tactics also was taken; it recommended that commanders of units conduct actions with bigger forces. On 17 May, twelve partisan detachments under the homogeneous command carried out an attack on the Italian garrison in Leskoviku, which protected an important road junction. Partisans encircled the town in a tight ring and undertook the offensive. Over 1,000 Italians held the town. The battle lasted three days. The commander of the garrison had demanded air support, but before the support arrived, partisans seized the town. The Italians lost several hundred soldiers and considerable quantities of weapons and equipment. At the end of June the Italians started a punitive expedition against partisans in the region of Mallakastra and Tepelena. Two thousand partisans took up defensive positions on mountain passes. In the first clash the Italians were forced back, but they renewed the action on 14 July with tanks, artillery and aircraft. After four days of fighting, the partisans had suffered heavy losses and retreated to higher parts of the mountains. In general from May to July the Italians lost thousands and many were wounded. After March 1943, the NLM formed its first and second regular battalions, which subsequently became brigades, to operate along with existing smaller and irregular units. Resistance to the occupation grew rapidly as signs of Italian weakness became apparent. At the end of 1942, guerrilla forces numbered no more than 8,000 to 10,000. By the summer of 1943, when the Italian effort collapsed, almost all of the mountainous interior was controlled by resistance units. The NLM formally established the National Liberation Army (NLA) in July 1943 with Spiro Moisiu as its military chief and Enver Hoxha as its political officer. It had 20,000 regular soldiers and guerrillas in the field by that time. However, the NLA's military activities in 1943 were directed as much against the party's domestic political opponents, including prewar liberal, nationalist, and monarchist parties, as against the occupation forces.

    A nationalist resistance to the Italian occupiers emerged in October 1942. Ali Këlcyra and Mit’hat Frashëri formed the Western-oriented and anti-communist Balli Kombëtar (National Front). This movement recruited supporters from both the large landowners and peasantry. They supported the creation of Greater Albania by Italians and called for the creation of a republic and the introduction of economic and social reforms, opposing King Zog's return. Their leaders acted conservatively, however, fearing that the occupiers would carry out reprisals against them or confiscate the landowners' estates. The nationalistic Gheg chieftains and the Tosk landowners often came to terms with the Italians, and later the Germans, to prevent the loss of their wealth and power. The Balli Kombëtar, which had fought against the Italians, were threatened by the superior forces of the LNC and the Yugoslav Partisans, who were backed by the Allies. The Balli Kombëtar were also supported by the Austrian-Hungarians as a anti-Communist force and soon they ended all support for the anti-Italian Communists alltogether. Among prominent Balli Kombëtar commanders were Safet Butka and Hysni Lepenica. Butka had been interned in Italy for two years until he was released in August 1942 and allowed to return to Albania. He then took to the mountains and became an outstanding leader of the Balli Kombëtar movement in the Korçë area.[4] The nucleus of his guerrilla group was composed of 70 seasoned and highly experienced fighters which in case of emergency could become a thousand men strong.[4] The Butka group had been giving valuable assistance to the fighters at Vlorë and had recovered from the military depots in the village of Dardhe, Suli, Graçan, Progri, Pleshishti, and Verbinj all the agricultural production (corn, tobacco, wool, etc.) which the Italians had requisitioned and restored to its owners. His forces attacked Italians on Floq in January 1943, Vithkuq in March 1943.

    The fighting that took place with general commander Hysni Lepenica during August 1942 in Dukat, Mavrovo, Vadicë, Drashovicë and Llakatund with the help of Allied aviation resulted in victory. After Italian capitulation, Communists and Ballists sought the surrender of all remaining Italian forces in peace. However Hysni Lepenica instructed by the Central Committee of the National Front, went to Gërhot where the Italian division "Ferrara" was located to take their weapons as agreed with the division general, but after Tilman's intervention the division general attacked Lepenica's group. At the battle of Gjorm that resulted in a decisive victory for the Albanians and the death of Italian Colonel Clementi, Lepenica committed suicide when he heard that clashes between the Communists and Ballists had started. Fearing reprisals from larger forces, the Balli Kombëtar made a deal with the Germans and formed a "neutral government" in Tirana which it continued its war with the LNC and the Yugoslav Partisans. The Balli Kombëtar were also active in Kosovo and Macedonia. Their forces were mainly centered in Kosovska Mitrovica, Drenica, and Tetovo. However it was noted that the Balli Kombëtar in these regions were more aggressive than the Ballists of Albania. The Austrian-Hungarians even tried to use Serb and Chetnik forces to oppose Communist and Albanian guerrillas by turning them against one another.

    British agents working in Albania during the war fed the Albanian resistance fighters with false information that the Allies were planning a major invasion of the Balkans and urged the disparate Albanian groups to unite their efforts. In August 1943, the Allies convinced communist and Balli Kombëtar leaders to sign the Mukje Agreement that would coordinate their guerrilla operations. The two groups eventually ended all collaboration, however, over a disagreement on the postwar status of Kosovo. The communists supported returning the region to Yugoslavia after the war with the hope that Tito would cede Kosovo back to Albania peacefully, while the nationalist Balli Kombëtar advocated keeping the province. The Mukje Agreement was a treaty signed on August 2, 1943 in the Albanian village of Mukje between the nationalist Balli Kombëtar and the communist National Liberation Movement. The two forces would work together in fighting off Italy's control over Albania. However, A dispute arose concerning the status of Kosovo. Whereas the Balli Kombetar proposed to fight for the integration of Kosovo into Albania, the Communist representatives objected fiercely. The Balli Kombetar labelled the partisans as traitors of Albania and often called them "Tito's dogs" while the partisans accused the Balli Kombetar of collaborating with the Axis Central Powers, thus igniting a war between the two that would last for one year. In anticipation of such invasion, the Axis Central Powers drew up a series of military plans for action against guerrilla forces in the Balkans. German and Austian-Hungarian forces were stationed to assist Italians in Albanian airports and ports, ostensibly to protect Italian Albania from the possibility of an Allied invasion. By mid-August there were some six thousand German troops and eight thousend Austrian-Hungarian ones in Albania. The Austrians planned to construct an independent neutral Albania controlled by a government friendly to Austria-Hungary. After the Mukje Agreement was broken by the Albanian Partisans, war broke out between the Albanian Partisans, who were backed by parts of the Yugoslav Partisans, who in turn were backed by the Allies. Meanwhile the Balli Kombëtar formed a new pro-Axis Central Powers government of Albania that would govern the country mostly themselves. While some hesitated, Kosovo Albanian leaders, however, realizing that a Axis Central Powers defeat would mean a return to Yugoslav rule, were more willing to cooperate. On 14 September 1943, an Albanian government was then set up under Cafo Beg Ulqini, Ibrahim Biçaku of Elbasan, Bedri Pejani and Xhafer Deva of Kosovo. The national assembly, composed of 243 members, began to function on 16 October 1943, electing a four-member High Regency Council (Këshilli i Lartë i Regjencës) to govern the country. The new government, which promised to remain neutral in the war, succeeded in restoring a good deal of stability. The administration and justice systems functioned once again, and Albanian schools were reopened throughout northern and central Albania. Steps were also taken to implement a land reform. After the neutral government was formed, Ballist forces in collaboration with Axis Central Powers fought the Communists extensively. Balli Kombëtar also captured Struga in Macedonia after defeating the partisan garrison. In Kosovo and western Macedonia, when it was a part of the independent state of Albania, the Axis Central Power and Ballist forces had occasional skirmishes with Yugoslav partisans. Fiqri Dine, Xhem Hasa and Hysni Dema as well as three Axis Central Powers leaders directed military campaigns against the Albanian and Yugoslav partisans.

    The communist and neutral partisans had regrouped and allied to gain control of parts of southern Albania in 1944. However, Austria-Hungary had ended all aid to other groups beside the Balli Kombëtar forces, Soviet supplies were no longer incoming because of the Red Armies own problematic situation and even the British and other Allies no longer could reach the Albanian guerrilla fighters. The numbers of death and wounded Albanian fighters and civilians were massive for a country, officially not touched by the war for very long and no reliable statistic of Albania's overall losses ever existed. Beside German, Austrian, Hungarian, and Albanian forces, other ethnic soldiers were recruited and send to fight in Albania, including Czech, Slovakian, Slovenian, Romanians, Bulgarians, yes even a few Spanish, Armenians and Turkmen. Over the time of the Second Great War the Italian/ Roman influence in Albania decreased, giving way for increasing German and Austrian-Hungarian influence as the new main Axis Central Powers forces in the region instead. Despite this economic ties with Italy/ Rome remained strong and the Mohammedan society, while having close ties to the Bosniaks in Austria-Hungary opposed Austrian rule and had even closer ties to the Second Ottoman Empire.
    Chapter 692: Seishin-ron the Western Expansion
  • Chapter 692: Seishin-ron the Western Expansion

    The growing Japanese and Co-Prosperity Sphere involvement in the Chinese Civil War as a major Front of the Second Great War had combined with the Idea of the Japanese Empire as a in all directions expanding Sun, lead to the thought of Seishin-ron, or the Western Expansion Doctrine/ Plan and Western Road into China and later Mainland Asia. The more the Japanese Empire and the Co-Prosperity Sphere interacted in the Chinese Civil War, the more they realized they needed the support and loyalty of local warlords and collaborators. To do so the Japanese focused on local ethnic, religious groups, cliques and factions, they could rally behind their Coprospist, anti-western, anti-colonial banners. These groups could be used and guided by the Japanese to split up the former massive Chinese Empire, similar to the British Empire and partly even the Soviet Union or the United States of America. This ideology was supported by the Sakurakai (Sakura Tree Society and Cherry Blossom Society), named after the sakura trees a enduring metaphor for ephemeral nature of life. It was lead by a group of young Imperial Japanese Army officers with the goal of reorganizing the Imperial Japanese State along totalitarian, militarist lines. They motivated Japanese and Co-Prosperity Sphere soldiers and people to promote nationalism and militarism in the population. They used propaganda to inspire "Japanese spirit", as in the "Song of Young Japan", exulting in "warriors" who were "ready like the myriad cherry blossoms to scatter". One famous example was Akiko Yosano's poetry from 1932 that urged Japanese and later Co-Prosperity Sphere soldiers to endure suffering and compared the dead soldiers to cherry blossoms. Arguments about ending Banzai Charges and retreating from badly defensive positions were dismissed by them, arguing that if these soldiers failed the homelands were exposed to serious danger if they did so. Instead these soldiers should be encouraged to "bloom as flowers of death". This part of the Coprospist Ideology lead to some mass charges and regrettable losses in the early months and years of the Pacific War/ Asian War during the Second Great War.

    Some forces who refused to surrender even send the last words "Sakura, Sakura", cherry blossoms as their farewell to Tokio. Later Japanese pilots would paint them on the sides of their planes before embarking on a suicide mission, or even take branches of the trees with them on their missions. A cherry blossom painted on the side of the bomber symbolized the intensity and ephemerality of life; in this way, the aesthetic association was altered such that falling cherry petals came to represent the sacrifice of youth in suicide missions to honor the emperor. The later strategy, tactic and units used for Kamikaze attacks were therefore called Yamazakura, wild cherry blossoms. The government even encouraged the people to believe that the souls of downed warriors were reincarnated in the blossoms. This ideological-spiritual connection was also represented in the Seishin-ron Doctrine that was also seen as a Shinto-Buddhist revival of China by Japan, similar to how China and Korea once had influenced and blossomed Japan from the mainland before. Now that Japan was the leading cultural and industrial Asian nation, the only one that had modernized, industrialized and managed to survive foreign rule and imperialism. Therefore Japan was destined to guide and lead the rest of Asia's nations into independence (from European and American rule, not their own) and be a fatherly figure for them. In the same way Japan had once been brought to it's greatest blossom thanks to Chinese and Korean influence, Asia should now blossom under the Japanese Leadership. The Japanese even celebrated their victory over western Imperialism and Colonialism when the last of the concession cities were given back to their Chinese puppets/ vassals, the unequal treaties were defeated and the century of humiliation for Asia finally ended. Those opposing this “independence” under the Co-Porsperity Sphere and the growing Japanese economic and political influence into the former Chiense Empire and Chinese Republic, were branded as race traitors (Manchujian, Yanjian, Hanhian, Taijian and others) and prohibited from any major government or influential position, often being outcast by the new state and societies forming in the Co-Prosperity Sphere entirely. Hokushin-ron, Seishin-ron and Nanshin-ron would after the Second Great War inspire the Japanese economic and military expansion and dominance over the East Pacific Coasts, known as Tōkai-ron the Eastern Expansion Doctrine, Eastern Plan or Eastern Road, named after the Eastern Ocean (the Pacific Ocean or later Japanese Ocean).
    Chapter 693: The Sea Zeppelin
  • Chapter 693: The Sea Zeppelin

    With skills and luck the Graf Zeppelin had escaped southwards after the Husarnstück of Scapa Flow/ the assault on Scapa Flow to Cádiz in allied Spain. From there the German Carrier under Generaladmiral Hermann Boehm participated in raids against British/ Allied convoys from and to the African Theatre or South American regions. After the loss of Gibraltar, the British Fleet had lost the ability to cover convoys near Gibraltar with their fleet and air forces. The German used this for the so called hunting season, when land based German and Spanish naval bombers, submarines and even regular naval ships raided and sunk dozens of Allied convoy ships and naval escorts in the area. By doing so they were supported by the Axis Central Powers airships, airship carriers and the naval carrier Graf Zeppelin supported the operation. That was at least until the Allies (mainly the Americans and British with help of Free French and Commonwealth forces) during Operation Torch managed to secure the Canary Islands and land on the Moroccan Coast. Now with new air and naval bases in the region the Allies were back with 350 warships and over 500 transport ships that had partaken in their invasion offensive. While some in the Navy called for using the Graf Zeppelin against this massive Allied Armada, German Emperor Wilhelm and other Admirals were horrified by the idea that they could lose their prestigious first German carrier to Allied naval bombers or superior ship numbers. Because of that and the carriers previous loss of 4 of it's 12 fighters and 11 of it's 30 dive bombers, the German Naval Command ordered the Graf Zeppelin to be retreated back into the more secure Mediterranean Sea/ Mare Nostrum, were it headed for occupied Malta, participating in a Italian Naval Parade along the capital Valletta to show of Axis Central Powers strength.

    From there the Graf Zeppelin headed east to resupply some of the Axis Central Powers bases in Crete, Rhodes and Cypres, before partaking in it's newest operation; bombing the eastern Mediterranean coasts still under Allied control. The main targets of bombings from the Graf Zeppelin in the area were Alexandria, Haifa, Tel-Aviv, Gaza, Port Said, the Suez Channel and even Cairo, as well as railroad or Egyptian oil fields in the region. However each of this operations was risky, not only because of the limited numbers of fighters and bombers still carried. Therefore the Axis Central Powers, mainly the Germans supplied them with additional fighters and bombers from Tobruk, Cyprus and Tripoli during the Operation. When Allied land-based fighters and bombers interfered in these raids, Generaladmiral Hermann Boehm was forced to retread back northwards, where Axis Central Powers island based fighters could better cover the airspace around his prestigious first German carrier. Generaladmiral Boehm even feared the loss of his carrier and with it his career, therefore requesting strong support by German, Ottoman and Italian forces in the region. Originally it had even be planned to use the Graf Zeppelin in the Black Sea against the Soviet Union, but the German-Austrian-Hungarian-Ukrainian-Ottoman offensive in the Caucasian campaign had made this plans obsolete very quickly. Still the idea of not using the Graf Zeppelin in the Second Great War was outrageous to the German Naval Command, the German Emperor and the German Public as well. Therefore future operations in the Eastern Mediterranean were planned by the Imperial German Navy, so that the High Seas Fleet could gain more prestigious victory during the Second Great War.
    Chapter 694: Yankoku Shensi Offensive
  • Chapter 694: Yankoku Shensi Offensive

    The so called Yankoku Shensi Offensive began with roughly 240,000 soldiers of the 1st Imperial Yankokuo Army, also known as the Western Border Army, who had prepared the operation for months. They were commanded by Zhang Zizhong (simplified Chinese: 张自忠; traditional Chinese: 張自忠; pinyin: Zhāng Zìzhōng; Wade–Giles: Chang Tzu-chung; born August 11, 1891) one of the highest-ranked officers and army group commanders inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere and one of the most valiant and respectable Chinese generals by the Imperial Japanese Army and his United Chinese Front Opponents during the Chinese Civil War and the overall Second Great War. Sino-Japanese War. Roads would be named after him all over Yankoku after his death in this Offensive. His northern Front would be lead by Fu Zuoyi (simplified Chinese: 傅作义; traditional Chinese: 傅作義; pinyin: Fù Zuòyì; Wade–Giles: Fu Tso-i) (born June 2, 1895), a Chinese military leader, who began his military career in the service of Yan Xishan, and he was widely praised for his operations in Suiyuan and the north and west of Yankoku. He would give up parts of the north of Yankokuo around Ch'ing-shui-ho to the Mengjiang Khanate forces after a new border agreement that defined the Great Wall as the border between the Mengjiang Khanate and the Yankoku Empire. That was also the reason why supporting Mengjiang Forces would not push further southwards in pursuit against the Communist once they had reached the Great Wall in the first stage of the Offensive. Therefore they stopped before Yü-lin, but captured Ching-pien. In the south Sun Lianzhong (Chinese: 孫連仲; Wade–Giles: Sun Lien-chung; born 1893), who had fought for Yan Xishan in the Northwest Army against Chiang Kai-shek in the Central Plains War. He had also experience in fighting the Communists as he had been a commander during the 2nd, 3rd and 5th Campaigns against the Jiangxi Soviet. As a skilled infantry leader and expert in anti-guerillia war, he utilized armored trains, tanks tankettes against the Communists in the south. He was supported by a National Han Chiense Offensive from T'ungkuan and Shang-nan against Ch'ang-an (Sian) held by the Communists south of the Huang Ho (Yellow River).

    With well prepared mountain defenses, trenches and artillery, the Communists tried to resists the Co-Prosperity Sphere advance, with only 43,000 forces at first, commanded by Ye Ting, Liu Zhidan and Xu Haidong. The Yankokuan forces supported by heavy Japanese motorized elite forces skilled in fighting Communist Rebels. In the north the Co-Prosperity Sphere quickly secured the bridgehead at Wu-pao and headed to Sui-te, but were stopped at the Wu-ting Ho river shortly before the city. In the south their offensive failed to take Han-Ch'eng but pushed northwards and captured I-ch'uan. From there the two forces pushed against the Communists trapped in between their spearheads, taking Ch'ing-chieng, Yen-ch'uan, I-ch'uan and Yen-ch'ang . Soon the Communists and their Kuomintang Nationalist allies brought in 320,000 reinforcements and around 200,000 additional reserves, while the Yankokuo reinforcements increased by 120,000 additional reserve forces. Better equipped and trained, the Co-Prosperity Sphere forced lacked detailed knowledge about the terrain and had a risk of running into well prepared ambushes. The Chinese United Front's Counteroffensive managed to recapture I-ch'uan and were able to cut off the Yankoku and Japanese forces by retaking and destroying the railway between Yen-ch'uan and Yen-ch'ang, even if they were unable to capture the city itself once again. Further south the National Han Chinese offensive captured the cities and towns of Shang-hsien, Lan-t'ien, Hua-yin, Hua-hsien and Wei-nan on their way towards Ch'ang-an (Sian). The main city and transportation center of Ch'ang-an (Sian) fell after five weeks of intensive fighting before the United Chinese Forces could be defeated. Overall Yankoku and the Japanese would lose roughly 42,000 forces, while the Communist and Nationalist of the Chinese United Front lost around 123,000 forces, both fallen and captured POW. Despite this numbers, the Shensi Offensive failed to accomplish it's main objective, to destroy the main Communist Power Base in the Region and thereby secure the North of China for the Co-Prosperity Sphere. Still they tied down massive Chinese forces, supplies and reinforcements that could therefore not be used in Central China or Southern China during the Chinese Civil War.
    Chapter 695: Teutonic Order Division Number Two: Marienritter/ Knights of Mary
  • Chapter 695: Teutonic Order Division Number Two: Marienritter/ Knights of Mary

    Coming from parts of the Remnants of the SS (1st SS Panzer Division "Leibstandarte SS Adolf Hitler", short LSSAH and SS-Verfügungstruppe, SS-VT) as well as parts of the SA (Sturmabteilung), the Teutonic Order Division Number Two Marienritter (or Knights of Mary) was formed with the help the Teutonic Order Division Number One; Deutschritter (or German Knights) and quit fitting headquarters in once again German Marienburg (Malbork Castle) in the Province of West Prussia (known as Weichsel in the German Order regional administration), a province they were then responsible for. They were put under command of Weichselmeister under Hochmeister (High Master) Erich Koch. Similar to the Teutonic Knights in the United Baltic Duchy under Duke Adolf Friedrich (who was also Duke of Mecklenburg and a member of the Teutonic Order) were they tried to Germanize the Cantons of Kurland (Courland), Riga, Lettgallen (Latgale), Südlivland (South Livonia), Nordlivland (North Livonia), Ösel (Saaremaa), and Estland (Estonia), as well as form the Baltic Landwehr or Baltische Landeswehr ("Baltic Territorial Army"), this Second Teutonic Order Division helped build up the nearby Royal Polish Army ruled by King George I. (Jerzy I.) the former Crown Prince of Saxony. While High Master Koch dreamed about Germanizing the former Polish Corridor once again and expand German-Order and German-Settler territory to the Weichsel (Wisla) river and Bug (Buh) river in the south, King George I. (Jerzy I.) known soon to the polish people as Jerzy the Just, Jerzy the Good and even Jerzy the Pole from Saxon would outright oppose any such attempts to allow or even encourage such plans. Therefore High Master Koch focused on Germanizing and mass-scale industrialization of the largely agricultural province of West Prussia/ Weichsel for now, while helping build up the Polish Royal Army. This uneasy relationship between the Teutonic Order was opposing at times, even if both partly depended on one another. The Order even helped Poles resettle and colonize inside the Polish Kingdom, with the promise of newly build homes and good work and pay, sometimes however also with sheer brutality and threats, while German settlers and colonists would move in to take their old houses in the corridor, or even completely new houses in new German settlements, towns and cities. Made up by German citizens and ethnic Germans at first the unit was a tank division, of excellent equipment and training, helping greatly to build the Royal Polish Fist Armored military units after the German model. During the Winter War between the Finnish Kingdom's Royal Army and the Red Army of the Soviet Union, the Marienritter were redyed to oppose any assumed Soviet push into East Poland, with or without Polish consent, but luckily for German-Polish relations, this invasion never came. Once the Eastern Crusade against the Soviet Union started, the Second Division of the Teutonic Order would be used against bandits, partisans and guerrilla insurgence forces in the Polish Kingdom, the White Ruthenian Kingdom and the Ukrainian Kingdom in Brest, Bielystok, Grodno, Vilna, Minsk, Kowel, Lwow, Rowne, Gomel, Tarnopol, Vignista, Balta, Uman, even up to Magilev, Rogachev and Kiew (Kiev).

    The Marienritter they would partake in security and anti-partisan and anti-saboteur actions, as well as reinforcement duty while the frontline was nearby the of the Eastern Crusade in this area. Beside that they greatly helped build up the Royal Polish Army and Police, as well as later parts of the Royal White Ruthenian Army and Police and the Royal Ukrainian Army and Police forces. This even included come local militias and regular forces, as well as a few Jewish ones. They would help train local Polish, Lithuanian and Jewish militia and regular forces in the rear area to take over much of this duties from them later on. Later losses to partisans and along the frontlines lead to the acceptance of a few Polish, White Ruthenian and Ukrainian forces alongside a few Jews as non-German volunteers, mostly from West Prussia. This meant that while the remained a minority within the Marienritter/ Knights of Mary Division of the Teutonic Order, they would increase to around 1/3 to the End of the Second Great War. Especially considered the plans of High Master Erich Koch, this was more then ironically. Still their plan of annexing parts of the Polish Kingdom's border regions, that were partly planned to be annexed by Germany even back during the First Great War if they had won. This however meant that the true loyalty and allegiance of these non-German forces within the Teutonic Order were questionable and questioned by the Order leadership as well as the Polish Kingdom. Therefore most of this non-German forces were mainly used behind the frontlines to fight partisans and secure supply lines, but even that only alongside regular German forces of the Teutonic Orders, instead of by themselves all alone. During the Eastern Crusade against the Soviet Union's regime and their Red Army, a few White Russians, Ukrainians and Jews joined alongside the divisions German and Polish forces, many coming from withing the local army, police and militia forces trained by them. This hatred of the Bolsheviks gave them support, but their own plans rather alienated some of them as well as their governments, despite their anti-Russian, anti-Soviet and anti-Communist stance and actions and their help to build up their armies, police and militia forces.
    Chapter 696: Coprospism ideology and intellectuals: Chosen State Shinism
  • Chapter 696: Coprospism ideology and intellectuals: Chosen State Shinism

    Similar to Japanese State Shintoism, the Coprospist Government in the Empire of Chosen tried it's best to do the same with the local Shinism, form it into their very own ethnic state religion, with their Chosen Emperor as it's religious head. This shamanism and folk religion of the Chosen peninsula was known as Shinism (Korean: Shingyo or Shinkyo, "religion of the spirits/gods") or Shindo (Korean: "way of the spirits/gods"). It was a polytheistic, animistic ethnic religion, quit similar to Japanese Shintoism, but native to the Chosen Peninsula, dating back to prehistory. Under other names it was known as Shindo/ Shinism/ Shingyo or Shinkyo. It consisted in the worship of gods (Korean: shin) and ancestors (Korean: josang) as well as nature spirits. When referring specifically to the shamanic practice (Korean: Hanja; musog or musok), the term Muism (Hangul:무교, Hanja: 巫敎; Mugyo or Mukyo, "religion of the mu (shamans)") is used. The general word for "shaman" in Korean is mu. In contemporary terminology, they are called mudang (무당, 巫堂) if female or baksu if male, although other terms are used locally. The Korean word mu is synonymous of the Chinese word wu 巫, which defines both male and female shamans. The role of the mudang is to act as intermediary between the spirits or gods and humanity in order to solve hitches in the development of life, through the practice of gut rituals. Central to Korean shamanism is the belief in many different gods, supernatural beings and ancestor worship, much like Shintoim. The mu are described as chosen persons. Muism and therefore Shinism is related to Chinese Wuism, Japanese Shinto and to the Siberian, Mengjiang/ Mongolian, and Manchurian shamanic traditions. According to some scholars, the Korean ancestral king and later mountain god Dangun is related to the north Asian sky god Tengri (Tian/ Heaven). Hereditary shamans, in Chosen, are called tangol (당골) or tangur-ari, a word considered related to the Siberian word Tengri (gods or spirits). Mudang are similar to Japanese miko and Ryukyuan yuta. Chosen shamanism has influenced some new religions in Chosen, such as Cheondoism and Jeungsanism, who make use of practices rooted in shamanism. Both religions, while disliked by some Chosen Coprospists and Chosen Government Leaders, while the Japanese encouraged some of this new movements, who were popular among the peasantry, as long as they worked closely alongside them and the Co-Prosperity Sphere.

    Meanwhile Buddhism had arrived in Chosen/ Korea in the 4th century and started to gain influence. Between the 6th and 7th century this Buddhism mixed with elements of Chosen's old religions and shamanism, Shinism. Once it was supported by the Chosen King and nobility it gained the trust of the people during the 12th century. In the 19th century Buddhism dominated all of culture and life in the Korean Peninsula. It also played a key role in introducing Buddhism to Japan and playing a important link between Chinese and Japanese overall culture and society. While doing so it was influenced by Confucian and Thaoist teachings alongside those of local Shamanist traditions and tendencies. Buddhist and Shindo Youth Organizations even had started organizing missionary activities under the Chosens/ Koreans living at the border region within the nearby Coprospist Empire pf Manchukuo that was also part of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. These Buddhist and Shindo Organizations also helped with social services and as they were formed with the help of the Japanese, like everything in the new Chosen Society during 1910 to 1934. With the help of Han Young-un (August 29, 1879 to June 29, 1944, birth name Han Yu-cheon) a Chosen Buddhist reformer and poet alongside many other Chosen independence fighters and nationalist, the Japanese tried to incorporate into the Coprospist Chosen Empire others. Alongside their Coprospist ideals and ideology of Asian values, combined with European modernism, industry and technology to stay powerful, rich and independent. These Buddhist and Shindo Chosen groups led by the Japanese would orient the Chosen Empire and new independent state along the lines of state building they had tried and tested in the Empire of Manchukuo shortly before. Over the next decades, this would lead to Chosen becoming much closer to Japan in terms of society, ethnics (with intermixed Chosen-Japanese marriages), architecture, culture, religion, art and even the new Chosen alphabet, that was formed directly after the Japanese ones. This would allow for the Chosen Empire alongside the Empires of Japan and Manchuria to become the Core Center Region of the whole Co-Prosperity Sphere, besides economical and industrial reasons, closely followed directly only by Yankoku and Taikoku.
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    Chapter 697: The Imperial German Election of 1942 - Part 2
  • Chapter 697: The Imperial German Election of 1942 - Part 2

    The Imperial German Election of 1942 clearly showed the growing influence of National Monarchism and Fascist Royalism, as out of a population of 77,1 million voters (including the 71 Million from the Weimar Republic/ Nazu German rump state, 2,9 million from Switzerland, 1,7 million from reconquered French border territory and 1,5 million from the Polish Corridor region), 46,735,592 million registered voters gave up and 38,206,147 overall votes for the first time in years, despite it being during the Second Great War. The Imperial Party Black-White-Red (German: Reichspartei Schwarz-Weiß-Rot, RSWR) under Franz von Papen, a National Monarchistic Party won 88 seats (4,944,324 votes) in the Imperial Diet to advocate for a Militaristic Nation State, ruled by emergency decrees from the President of the Reich, Franz von Papen as the Head of State. They formed a coalition with the national conservative and monarchistic ideals of the Mosleyite National Monarchic Parliamentarian Democracy known as the German Conservative Party (German: Deutsche Konservative Partei, DKoP), the later the German Imperial Party (German: Deutsche Reichspartei, DRP) under Otto Ernst Remer that had managed to gained 62 seats ( 3,483,501 votes). Aiding them was the former government party after the Nazi's were ended, the German National People's Party (German: Deutschnationale Volkspartei, DNVP) with 58 seats (thanks to 3,258,759 votes) under former Reichspräsident (Imperial President) Alfred Hugenberg, who was appointed Reichskanzler (Imperial Chancellor), while many of his experienced former government ministers and officials gained important jobs in the new government to continue running it like 1938. This gave further influence and recognition to the DNVP Pan-German Party branches, offspring and inspired movements like the German-Austrian National People's Party (German: Deutsch-Österreichische Nationale Volkspartei, DANVP), the German-Dansk National People's Party (German: Deutsch-Dänische Nationale Volkspartei, DDNVP), the German-Dutch National Netherlands People's Party (German: Deutsch-Niderländische Nationale Volkspartei, DNNVP, or DNUNVP), the German-Baltic National People's Party (German: Deutchbaltische Teutonische Volkspartei DBNVP), German-Norwegian National People's Party (German: Deutsch-Norwegische Nationale Volkspartei, DNNVP) and the German-Swedisch National People's Party (German: Deutsch-Schwedische Nationale Volkspartei DSNVP).

    Their close ally and coalition partner was also the Monarchistic German Party (German: Monarchistische Deutsche Partei, MDP), a National Monarchistic party with 58 seats (thanks to 3,247,531 votes) under German Emperor Wilhelm III that advocated for more power to the Emperor in their constitutional national monarchy and a German rule over the Axis Central Powers, Europe and the World. Still with failing to archive the majority by themselves, Wilhelm III's dream of getting veto powers and thereby reinstalling a more absolute monarchy and empire failed. The Protestant Christian, Social Conservative German Church Party (Deutsche Kirchenpartei, DKP) under Erhardt Abt that represented the Protestant/ German Church ideal in politics was closely aligned to them and their 34 representatives voted (gained from 1,910,307 votes overall) nearly the same way like the MDP every time, as the German Emperor Wilhelm III was the Head of their National German Church. Their main religious party opposition was the hated Catholic German Centre Party (German: Deutsche Zentrumspartei, DZP or just Zentrum) of Heinrich Brüning and the Social Protestant Christian Social People's Service (German: Christlich-Sozialer Volksdienst; CSV) under Hildebrant Tischler they had original split from. Therefore their goal to diminish those other German religious influences had worked out in the 1942 election.

    Other National Monarchistic allies in this coalition were the Bavarian Kingdom Party (German: Bayerische Königspartei, BKP), also Wittelsbacher Party (German: Wittelsbacher Partei) with 36 seats (tanks to 2,023,678 votes) under Bavarian King Rupprecht I that in return got more autonomy in internal Bavarian Kingdoms promised for them in exchange. Similarly the German-Hanoverian Party (German: Deutsch-Hannoversche Partei, DHanP), also known as the Guelph Party (German: Welfenpartei), a conservative federalits, protestant and national monarchistic party of the Hannoveran Kingdom who got the Welfen (Ernest Augustus Christian George, German: Ernst August Christian Georg as King Ernst August II) reinstalled as the ruling Hannoveran Kingdom family and a little bit more internal autonomy and independence as a Imperial German State inside the German Empire, similar to the Bavarian Kingdom in exchange for their supportive voted of 18 seats (gained by 1,012,839 votes).

    The German Colonial Society (German: Deutsche Kolonialbund) under Franz Xaver Ritter von Epp who advocated for regaining lost colonies and even annexing new ones from their enemies to expand their colonial Empire gained 26 seats (from 1,462,832 votes), despite the German Empire having reconquered nearly none of their former territories, clearly showing the wish to do so once the Second Great War was won by the German Empire. They also managed to secure a found for some of their future plans and projects in this regard, as well as a ministry that meant they could start right away as soon as those territories were secured. Inside these future Colonies they would later be the main party, who best represented their colonial investments and interests in the overall German Empire, even if their main voter base in terms of numbers remained in Germany and not in the German Colonies until much of the 50ies and 60ies. Partly National Monarchistic, the Imperial Agricultural League (German: Reichs-Landbund, RLB) or National Rural League under Werner Willikens gained 28 seats (from overall 1,573,194 votes) and as they dependent heavily on the Imperial Government, they mainly supported the Imperial Government in many debates and votes.

    The German Fatherlands Party (German: Deutsche Vaterlands Partei; DVP) under Walter Nicolai, a monarchistic, national conservative pan-Germanic Party gained
    26 seats (or 1,459,843 votes) in close coalition with the DNVP helped the new government and planned to advocate for the annexation of German majority and German settled lands in the Netherlands, Scandinavia and the Baltics after the Second Great War. Therefore the Pan-German League/ Association (German: Alldeutscher Verband, ADV) a 26 seats (or 1,461,974 votes) filling National Pan-German Party under Heinrich Claß that was social-Darwinist, racist and colonialistic was a close ally, but it also worked with the colonial associations, ministries and parties, to Germanize and increase the German Settlers in German East Africa (Deutsch-Ostafrika), German South West Africa (Deutsch Südwestafrika) and even German Colonial Settlers in German Central Africa (Deutsch Zentralafrika, formerly Kongo), Morocco and South America.

    Still Center-Right Social Conservatism and Catholic Christian was the German Centre Party (German: Deutsche Zentrumspartei, DZP or just Zentrum) under Heinrich Brüning that represented Catholic values and gained 25 seats (from 1,405,753 votes), mainly in the catholic, western and southern German states. The more republican and classical liberal, center-left and corporate German Democratic Party (German: Deutsche Demokratische Partei, DDP), the later German State Party (German: Deutsche Staatspartei or DstP) under Theodor Heuss advocated for more power, stronger rights and influence of the Reichstag, the German Imperial Diet/ Parliament to ensure the will of the German Citizens was enforced more directly. The German People's Party (German: Deutsche Volkspartei, or DVP), the successor of the National Liberal Party (German: Nationalliberale Partei, NLP) was right-wing liberal, conservative-liberal, civic nationalism and constitutional monarchism that had often formed a coalition with other parties during the Weimar Republic and had done so to with the DNVP after the German Military Coup against the Nazi's and now their 26 representatives (gained thanks to 1,462,072 votes) supported the new government too in a attempt to stabilize Germany during the Second Great War. More focused on German Farmers, Peasants and overall Middle-Class and the economy, the German Farmers' Party (German: Deutsche Bauernpartei, or DBP) or German Peasant's Party (German: Deutsche Landvolkpartei, DLP) also German Farmers' and Peasants Party (German: Deutsche Bauern und Landvolkpartei, DBLP) of Armin Wächter tried to modernize German agriculture and overall industrialize, so that the German Farmers, Peasants and Workers would be able to compete with the rest of the world and the Axis Central Powers, by producing finished first class products out of their resources. Their 25 representatives (from 1,419,485 votes) even introduced protection laws against cheap foreign grain or coal that would have endangered the German farmers and miners jobs. Similar center-liberal was the German Progress Party (German: Deutsche Fortschrittspartei, DFP) or Liberal Union (Liberale Vereinigung) under Konrad Schildknecht, that had split from the German People's Party to form a more liberal, parliamentarian democracy. Their Conservative Liberal, Parlamentaric, Economic Liberalism wished for more liberalism and bigger power of the parliament, but this as well as their lazy-fairy economic politics and small government overall influence could seamingly not be accomplished with their mere 23 seats (gained by 1,305,926 votes) during the Second Great War.

    The 28 seats (coming from 1,589,823 votes) won by the Social National Reichspartei (SNR), the reborn Black Front under Otto Strasser and Joseph Goebbels partly came from former voters of the Nazi Party, the Socialist SPD and the Communist KPD, attracting many of their former supporters for their Social Nationalism (Strasserism) Ideology and thanks to it's political cooperation with the German Social Union and influence in the main Trade Unions/ Workers Unions, as well as with it's own Black Front Paramilitary, the SNR managed to get much more overall influence as their seats alone let to believe. They advocated for the common worker to be the power base of the German Empire, as he would reconstruct it after the Second Great War. Therefore the worker should be in control of completely nationalized banks and industries run by the worker councils themselves directly. While strong in Saxony, Central Germany, Westphalia and parts of North Germany, Strasser failed to gain dominance in the main Industrial and Coal centers of the Rhineland that would have given him even more bigger political and economic influence.

    On the Left of the political spectrum of the was the Social Democratic Party of Germany (German: Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, SPD) more commonly now the Socialist Workers Party of Germany (German Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei, SAP) of Kurt Schumacher, who had lead it since 1938. Claiming to work for the best interests of the hard working laborer, the party managed to get 61 seats (or 3,463,543 votes), mainly in the Ruhrgebiet in Westphalia and tried to form alliances and coalitions with the center-left But their left-leaning ideology and politics alienated them to many in the German Empire, who saw them a pseudo-Communists and Socialist enemies that had once endangered and back-stabbed the Great German Empire in the First Great War before. Besides that, the Second Great War had put the war effort and military production before the needs of the overall worker in the factories of the industry, meaning that even with larger seats gained, they would have no real base for their ideals and politics during the reality of a Global War. Other Parties, like the Communist Party of Germany (German: Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands, KPD) remained outlawed, so that the SNR and SPD gained most of their potential voters instead. Still the fate of the Empire remained on the will of very few registered voters, even more so, as it also meant the fate of the Axis Central Powers and Europe.
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    Chapter 698: The Japanese Expedition to Afghanistan
  • Chapter 698: The Japanese Expedition to Afghanistan

    (the old Royal Afghanistan Army)

    Coming from parts of their Expedition to the Tibetan Empire/ Empire of Tibet, were the Imperial Japanese Army with a Brigade of 6,000 soldiers helped build up the Imperial Tibetan Army (60,000 soldiers in 1942) send around 80 soldiers under command of Yoshihiro Shimazu were send to the nearby Afghan Kingdom, whose army was in a dire situation. After the Third Anglo-Afghan War ended, the reforming King Amanullah did not see the need for a large army, instead deciding to rely on Afghanistan's historical martial qualities. This resulted in neglect, cutbacks, recruitment problems, and finally an army unable to quell the 1929 up-rising that cost him his throne. However, under his reign, the Afghan Air Force was formed in 1924. Sandwiched between the Soviet Union in the North and the Briktish Empire's British Raj in the South sympathies for National Socialism, then National Monarchism and Coprospism as potential allies began to rise during the 1930ies. Ruling since 1933 the new Afghan King Mohammed Zahir Shah had expanded his forces to 70,000 in 1933. King Shah and his uncle, Prime Minister Mohammad Hashim Khan made the country stay neutral during the Second Great War so far, beside it's good relationship with the Axis Central Powers and the Co-Prosperity Sphere and their overall help in building up infrastructure and trading with Afghanistan. Despite British pressure, Afghanistan maintained friendly relations with all of these factions during the war. In 1940, the Afghan legation in Berlin asked whether Germany would cede land in British India to Afghanistan if it should win the war; specifically, the king and minister wanted to acquire all the ethnic Pashtun land between the Durand Line and the Indus River. Despite this stated goal, Afghanistan stayed out of the war for now. When in Western press reported that Amanullah Khan, a former king of Afghanistan who lost his throne in a civil war in the 1920s, was working as an agent for Imperial Germany in Berlin. It is believed he was involved in plans to regain his throne with Axis Central Powers help.

    (the new Royal Afghanistan Army, trained and equipped by the Germans and Japanese in the 1950ies)

    Afghan Mohammedan Leaders, like Sardar Mohammad Hashim Khan and the King's Cousin Mohammed Daoud Khan, who was a pro-Pashtuns nationalist, called for cooperation with Muhammad Ali Jinnah's All-Indian Muslim/ Mohammedan League that would rule over Benghal after 1943. Established in 1906 Khan believed they could help him gain Pakistan, the Mohammedan dominated western border of British India that had once been part of the Emirate of Afghanistan and the Durrani Empire the Afghan Empire. This Greater Afghanistan ambitions had shown before, when Afghan King Mohammed Zahir Shah had supported Kirghiz and Uighur rebels, the Uighur Emirs in the northeast in northwest China and gave refugee to Ma Bukang and Ma Biao who ha dfought the Communists and Japanese in Central China alike and fleet out of the Chinese Untied Front as the Communist gained more and more control inside of it. Thanks to the recent Japanese expedition, they would later be forced to flee further into the Persia Empire, were some dreamed about recreating their former glory of the Safavid Iran or the Afsharid dynasty, but they would ultimately End up in the Ottoman Empire during his growing rivalry with the Japanese Empire over Mohammedan Coprospists states and influence in the Brunei Sultanate, the Sumatra Sultanate, Bengal (Bangladesh), the Afghan Kingdom, the Persian Empire and the Rest of Central Asia, the Arabian Peninsula and East Africa. In 1944 German, Ottoman and Japanese advisers and instructors, training and weapons helped King Mohammed Zahir Shah to fight the tribal rebellions of Zadran, Mangal and Safi groups in Baluchistan, Sind, Punjab, Pashtunistan, therefor increasing the influence the Axis Central Powers and the Co-Prosperity Sphere had in the overall Afghan Kingdom. Overall Japan would provide Afghanistan's military and infrastructure with 40 million rupees in materiel, at half price and on easy finance terms (with Germany not far behind). The Japanese Army would even encourage the by then to 86,000 soldiers increased Royal Afghan Army (with around 6,000 airmen) to fight the British Raj in the Fourth Anglo-Afghan War by assaulting the British Empire's British Raj North-West Frontier Province, Kashmir, Punjab and Baluchistan. Before the so called Talib Movement, or Tullab Movement of Mohammedan students of the traditional Madrassas in the area spread Afghan Propaganda and a pan-Mohammedan, Pan-Pashtun National Movement with the goal of uniting all of Mohammedan Pashtunistan (پښتونستان ) into a dominant power in Central Asia and South Asia.
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    Chapter 699: The Royal Polish Army during the Eastern Crusade
  • Chapter 699: The Royal Polish Army during the Eastern Crusade

    The Royal Polish Army was led by Marshal Edward Rydz-Śmigły, also called Edward Śmigły-Rydz the Commander-in-chief of the 1,300,000 Polish soldiers, the 840 tanks and 1,000 airplanes of the Polish Kingdom who fought in the Eastern Crusade against the Soviet Union. They bypassed the eastern Pripet Marshes towards Minsk and Schytomyr were they encircled Red Army border forces of the Soviet Union. From there on they pushed eastwards accompanied by Imperial German, United Baltic Duchy, White Ruthenian, Royal Ukrainian, Imperial Austrian-Hungarian and Royal Romanian ones. Until the year of 1942 the Polish forces had increased to over 2,400,000 overall. Many of them came from the around 1,650,000 polish who were forced out of the former Polish Corridor, or the now independent lands of White Ruthenia and Ukrainia. They were encouraged by polish propaganda like patriotic newspapers, movies and radio speeches. This and their long hatred against Bolshevism, Communism, the Red Army and the Soviet Union lead to many volunteers joining the ranks, trained by German veteran officers of the Scandinavian Campaign and the Western Campaign against France. Despite not leaving the liberated White Ruthenian and Ukrainian territories, were the Polish Army then helped fighting partisans and other insurgent forces.

    Until 1941 the Royal Polish Forces had lost around 85,400 soldiers that had been killed during the fighting and battles alongside 143,000 wounded polish soldiers and 240,000 who had been captured by the Soviet Union. Under command of Władysław Albert Anders of the Nowogródzka Cavalry Brigade, around 8,000 poles fled a Soviet Gulak near Buzsulks and managed to reach Axis Central Power forces in the Caucasian Region. From there they were brought back to the Polish Kingdom were many of them rejoined the Royal Polish Army to continue fighting the Soviet Union. As a result of their Great Escape Stalin ordered all other Polish and other Axis Central Powers prisoners to be deported deeper into Central Siberia and all their Officers shot. When first rumors about this spread from captured Soviet forces and defecting Red Army soldiers, about what hat happened spread, including the mass shootings of Polish Forces who had capitulated to the Red Army. In nearly no time, the Axis Central Powers spread said rumors as truth and used it for their anti-Soviet and anti-Red Army propaganda all over Europe, legitimizing their own Eastern Crusade this way. This and the first remnants of former Sovied Gulag Slave Camps spread like wildfire across Axis Central Power Europe and the National Monarchists/ Fascist Royalist used this chance to legitimize their Eastern War, the new Russian Empire and it's Tzardom.

    Unknown to many, the Royal Polish Army looted and scorched parts of the Soviet Union Lands as revenge for the Polish-Soviet War of 1919-1920 to a extent that allied Axis Central Powers needed to stop them. After all the Axis Central Powers came as liberators of these lands and hoped to get the population on there side. Therefore the Polish Kingdom was forced to return most of the stolen goods, but the poles were promised by contract with the German Empire and the Russian Empire that they would be compensated by the captured Soviet Union gold and other riches in the amount of the damage done to Poland back during the Polish-Soviet War, multiplied by the growth the Polish Nation State had been undergone since then. This decision proved to satisfy not only the majority of the Polish Government and Military, but it's citizens too. It was seen as a fair decision by the Germans, but for the Imperial German High Command it also put the Polish in dependence of the Germans to ensure this promise and the Russians in need of further German Reconstruction to compensate for this financial losses and help quickly rebuild the war torn Russian Empire alongside the rest of Eastern Europe. It gave further rise and centralized power to the later EU (Economic Union) under the German Empire.
    Chapter 700: Lessons learned after Midway: Carrier Warfare, Tactics and Strategies
  • Chapter 700: Lessons learned after Midway: Carrier Warfare, Tactics and Strategies

    The previous battles and skirmishes between the Imperial Japanese Navy and the United States Navy, the Japanese Ministry of the Navy and the Imperial Japanese Admirals had realized a few patterns in these clashes. The Japanese realized similar to the Americans that the carriers, not battleships were the future of naval combat, not only in the Pacific but overall. The Japanese superiority in night combat made them favor battles during the night, when American air support would be severely hindered. Additionally the Japanese main guns did not reach as far as the American ones, with only 35,5 km from their 356 mm main guns, against the 37 km of the US 406 mm main guns. The situation looked better on the secondary guns, where the 203 mm guns of the Japanese reached 29 km, compared to the 27,5 km of the American 203 mm ones. Additionally the Japanese were behind in anti-air protection of their ships, as their main 127 mm anti-aircraft guns reached a high of 14,7 km and 9,4 km far, while the main 127 mm American anti-aircraft guns reached height of 16 km and 11,3 km in range. The secondary Japanese anti-aircraft guns, the 25 mm ones had not only lighter caliber then the American 40 mm ones, but reached only a height of 7,5 km and a range of 5,5 km, while the American ones had a height of 10 km and a range of 7 km. This meant that the Japanese could dominate in a certain distance and their Admirals and Captains were told to utilize this in any engagement if possible. Another major thing the Japanese discovered and would use massively during the Solomon Islands and the New Guinea (Niugini/Niu Gini/ Papua) was the difference between radar and airplanes. While the Japanese Radars only reached a distance of 100 km, while the Americans had a far greater range of 130. This meant that the Japanese quickly tried to improve and increase the range of their radar during the rest of the Second great War. One field however were the Japanese dominated, was the overall range of their aircraft's compared to the American counterparts. Japanese fighters had a range of 500 km, more then double that of the American 200km range fighters. Not only that the Japanese ones even reached a bigger height and were at first the more maneuverable. The Japanese Empire who had better prepared for a Pacific naval War then the Americans also had bombers that had a range of 700 km compared to the American 460 km. Similarly the Japanese naval bombers had a range of 500 km compared to the American 280 km. The Japanese realized that this put them in a superior position and so they increased the use of land-based aircraft during the Solomon Campaign against the US Navy.

    Their weaker radar however forced them to utilize their Balloon Brigades and Airships much more for the same cover and over watch of the surrounding areas. This additionally did not cost as much as constant scout plane recon missions int every direction. For naval battles, the Japanese had realized the superiority of American Carriers after Midway, as those carried much more airplanes in a single carrier compared to theirs. While this had the danger of loosing much more with the loss of a single carrier, the Japanese saw the advantage of bringing more airplanes into a battle with fewer carriers, thereby saving fuel too. This was one of the reasons why the future Japanese carriers in the Second Great War and later massively increased the size of their carriers in the Tairyū (Great Dragon)-class and the Taikaku (or Taitsuru)-Class (Great Crane)-class with 80 to 160 airplanes in this massive carriers. It also gave rise to the Rikishi (力士) fighter-bomber hybrid (named after the massive Sumo fighters), powered by four regular Sakae engines that were twice as long and wide as the Zero. This massive bomber-fighter hybrids could carry 4 torpedoes at once, or 4 massive anti-ship bombs, while the Rikishi was also armed with two Type 99-2 cannons in it's nose and four additional ones in the wings (two in each). The Rikishi was the result of the Imperial Japanese Army and the Imperial Japanese navy demand for a new massive fighter and naval bomber that was increasingly dangerous to the American fleet but still small enough to fit inside the carrier hangers, or underground island bunker hangers. It would be the first combined Army-Navy aircraft development and combined project with a end product that both would use. Another lesson learned was that the Americans used their support ships with their anti-aircraft guns to additionally cover the carrier from dive bombers as well as torpedo bombers by putting them in a tight ring around the corridor they were supposed to protect.
    Chapter 701: The resurrected Kingdom of Georgia in the Axis Central Powers
  • Chapter 701: The resurrected Kingdom of Georgia in the Axis Central Powers

    In the Kingdom of Georgia, the Axis Central Powers, reestablished the Bagrationi Dynasty in a new independent state. Under George Bagration of Mukhrani who had been in European exile since his exile following the Sovietization of his country in 1921. His son Irakli Bagration-Mukhraneli meanwhile played a prominent role in Georgian political emigration and, as an active royalist, remained in opposition to the Soviet rule in Georgia. He restored the Order of the Eagle of Georgia and the Seamless Tunic of Our Lord Jesus Christ in 1939 and sponsored the establishment of the Germany-based Union of Georgian Traditionalists, which fought to restore Georgia’s sovereignty from the USSR and advocated a constitutional monarchy as a form of the government for a independent Georgia. Once the Axis Central Powers liberated the Georgian lands, the Union of Georgian Traditionalists (Georgian: ქართველ ტრადიციონალისტთა კავშირი) was a national political organization of the Georgian Political Emigration in 1930s offered to help them set up a new government. Let by Prince Irakli as Chairman and established 1942 in Berlin, it included other famous founders like Zurab Avalishvili, Mikheil Tsereteli, Grigol Robakidze, Kita Chkhenkeli, Shalva Maglakelidze, Shalva Amirejibi, Spiridon Kedia, Markoz Tugushi, Giorgi Kvinitadze, Leo Kereselidze, Revaz Gabashvili, David Vachnadze, Alexandre Asatiani, Svimon Tsitsishvili and other distinguished Georgian emigrants. The Main goals of the Union of Georgian Traditionalists were: 1) Activity for the restoration of the state independence of Georgia 2) Activity for the creation of the constitutional monarchy in Georgia. In cooperation with the Axis Central Powers of the German Empire, Austria-Hungary, the Second Ottoman Empire and the Russian Empire, they would collaborate with them to archive this goal.

    Inside the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic around 700,000 officers and soldiers (or around 20% of the overall 3,4 million citizens of the Georgian Soviet Republic) were mobilized. Once cut off from the rest of the Red Army by the Axis Central Powers Caucasus Campaign, Stalin as a Georgian himself ordered not one step back and called for every city and town to be a fortress. Therefore 300,000 Georgians died alongside a few other Red Army forces in the Georgian pocket, defending the local Soviet Republic to the last breath. Around 137 Georgians were therefore awarded as Heroes of the Soviet Union, the most of all in the Caucasus Region. As a vital source of textiles as well as an important manufacturer of warplanes, Moscow did not wish for Georgia to fall into enemy hands and then it still did anyway, even if Stalin ordered those shot who even asked to capitulate. Of the around 400,000 captured Georgian prisoners and deserter, roughly 30,000 to 40,000 joined as volunteers for the Axis Central Powers, forming their own Battalions that would build the core of the new independent Royal Georgian Army. Later divisions, like the Gorgian Legion were formed too and their core alongside German Officers would make up for a huge amount of local auxiliaries in the Caucasus Region besides Azerbaijani, Cossack, Armenians and Kalmyk (who were also trained ans supported by the Japanese and Mengjiang of the Co-Prosperity Sphere). Led by Shalva Loladze and others, many Georgians not only helped as a militia, police force and army to defend the independence of their home state, but continued to fight the Soviet Opressors alongside the Axis Central Powers even further north at the front lines.

    King Bragat IV's daughter Leonida (one of his daughters) married the Russian Tzar Vladimir Romanov in 1946. Previously King Bragat IV had tried to limit Second Ottoman Empire Ambitions by alliing with Austria-Hungary and keeping very close relationships with Germany as a Protectorate Kingdom, but he felt that a royal marriage with the reborn Russian Empire would even further secure Georgian independence and support from a strong Axis Central Powers member state to secure them from the threats of the Second Ottoman Emprie domination the region, as well as Azerbaijanian ambitions in the Caucasus. When his father George Bagration alias King Bragat IV died in 1957, his son Prince Irakli succeeded him as King Irakli I followed him, establishing his own rule and leading the Georgian Kingdom for the next twenty years.
    Chapter 702: Allied Pacific Plans
  • Chapter 702: Allied Pacific Plans

    With the Europe First ideal, the Allies were on the defense in the Pacific, constantly pushed by the Japanese Co-Prosperity Sphere, despite inflicting heavy causalities and major losses on them too, but the Japanese Tsunami did not seam to slow down for now. Therefor MacArthur had formulated a strategics outline, the Elkton Plan to plan for their own coming offensives. The main goal of this plan was the capture of Rabaul from bases in Australia and New Guinea to eliminate the major Japanese base and supply hub of the area. At the same time Admiral Ernest J. King, the Chief of Naval Operations, proposed a similar plan, but under Naval command. As Army Chief of Staff George C. Marshall was to concentrate the main American efforts against the German Empire in Europe, not Japan in the Pacific. He therefore proposed a compromise plan in which the task would be divided into three stages, the first under Navy command and the other two under MacArthur's direction and the control of the Army. This strategic plan, which was never formally adopted by the US Joint Chiefs of Staff but was ultimately implemented, called for the following:
    1) Capturing Tulagi (later Guadalcanal) and the Santa Cruz Islands (Operation Watchtower)
    2) Capturing the northeastern coast of New Guinea and the central Solomons
    3) Reducing Rabaul and related bases
    But the plan was turned upside down by the Japanese victories in Midway and their recent push in Malaita and Guadalcanal had proven that the Japanese still were not beaten from their offensive. Therefore they proposed to use a strategy and tactic similar to those of the Japanese, when they soon took the islands nearby. As the Japanese defenses on New Guinea were heavily entranced and secured by bunkers, looking more and more. Therefore the Americans supported the idea of using local landings to bypass the massive Japanese and Taikoku defenses, positions and overall masses of frontline forces, by simply bypassing them with naval landings along the coast behind their back.

    So far what would later be known as Operation Cartwheel was quit easy to understand, however, while the US Army actually supported this approach to assault along New Guinea, hoping to retake the Philippines along the way, just like the Imperial Japanese one planned to use New Guinea (Niugini/Niu Gini/ Papua)as their stepping stone to Australia, some recent developments undermined this idea. The Japanese had used submarine operations out of their recently conquered Johnston Islands and Ellice Islands to hunt down the United States supply line shipping going to Australia, while other Japanese submarines out of Midway harassed the American supply lines to the Aleutes as well as the Alaska and West Coats trade overall. American aircraft and escort ships based in the Hawaii islands, Dutch Harbor, Palmyra Island, Christmas Islands, Canton Islands, Samo Island, Fiji Island, Tonga Island and New Caledonia tried their best to defend and hold these supply lines open. Both sides, the Americans and the Japanese knew that there were future naval battles over dominance in the Pacific coming, but the Americans planned for this during their Operation by utilizing their minor support fleet forces after the loss of their carriers for the planned landings and island invasions, supported by nearby island bases and bases in Australia, while the Japanese under Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto planned similarly to gain naval superiority with Operation I-Go by utilizing their own still superior ship numbers alongside their own air bases in the region for further assaults on Australia, the Solomones and the Central Pacific. In the End both plans could only lead to future, violent clashes on land, are and sea between the Allies and the Co-Prosperity Sphere in the Pacific and both major regional factions were quit aware of that. To archive this goals however, the Japanese carriers had to be lured into a trap.
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    Chapter 703: The Spanish Kingdom in the Axis Central Power
  • Chapter 703: The Spanish Kingdom in the Axis Central Power

    For God, Fatherland and King was the slogan of the Spanish National Monarchists, but the question who should be king was rather disputed. There was Alfonso, Duke of Anjou, Duke of Cádiz, Grandee of Spain (Alfonso Jaime Marcelino Manuel Víctor María de Borbón y Dampierre, French citizen as Alphonse de Bourbon; born 20 April 1936) was a grandson of King Alfonso XIII of Spain, a potential heir to the throne in the event of restoration of the Spanish monarchy, and a Legitimist claimant to the defunct throne of France as Alphonse II. However in 1933 he renounced any claim to inherit the Spanish throne (in the event of a restoration) to marry a Cuban commoner, Edelmira Sampedro-Ocejo, and was dead of internal bleeding following a minor auto accident by September 1938. He was also strongly opposed by the Germans, who feared a Bourbon personal union of France-Spain as a coming major Axis Central Power in the West. Next in the line of succession, Infante Don Jaime, deaf and largely mute, was persuaded to renounce his claim (and that of future descendants) at the same time as his elder brother, thereby assuming the Duke of Segovia title and clearing the way for King Alfonso's third son, Don Juan, Count of Barcelona to take up the monarchist cause on behalf of the banished dynasty. But Infante Juan of Spain, Count of Barcelona (Juan Carlos Teresa Silverio Alfonso de Borbón y Battenberg; born 20 June 1913), also known as Don Juan, was the third son and designated heir of King Alfonso XIII of Spain and Victoria Eugenie of Battenberg. His father was replaced by the Second Spanish Republic, and now a constitutional monarchy was about to get restored. However the National-Falangists strongly opposed him, as he had a strong democratic tendency and they feared he, who was Count of Barcelona and Aragon and Catalonia were known to have been Socialist and Communist strongholds just as northern Spain had been a Carlist, Monarchist one. This and the Counts own strong support made the Falangist fear he might reverse the Civil War outcome. This was one reason why for the new Reconquista the Monarchist-Falangists had established a penal colony in Spanish Morocco to send political opponents and dissidents there, but the Allied landings during Operation Torch had stopped these plans,as well as Catholic missionary work there to create a majorly Christian colony were stopped too, right as they were about to start, at least for now. On the other hand the Germans as well as the Italians strongly opposed Alfonso, Duke of Anjou, Duke of Cádiz, Grandee of Spain and the Spanish economy and military massively dependent on their support and aid.

    So in the End Don Jaime retracted his renunciation of the throne of Spain on 6th December 1941 and on 4th May 1942 taking the title of Duke of Madrid and as head of the Carlist branch of the Spanish succession and would be recognized as King Jaime IV of Spain by the legitimist group of Carlists who did not support the Bourbon-Parma claim after Alfonso Carlos. King Jaime IV would rule Spain until his death on 20 March 1975. Under him the National-Falangist-Carlist-Monarchists would reinstall the use of royal styles and titulary, Royal Prerogatives, hereditary succession to the crown, compensation, and a regency-guardianship contingency in cases of the monarch's minority or incapacitation. With parts of the Falange's original manifesto, the "Twenty-Six Points", implemented inside the Carlist headed Junta National, were the so called Caudillo of Spain, Francisco Franco became the Prime Minister. Meanwhile the King once again was head of state, and commander-in-chief in this restored constitutional monarchy. The King was to be believed to be a marionette at first as the Prime Minister acted as the ears and mouth for the deaf and mute king, but soon Jaime IV would use the new constitution to replace Franco for a better Prime Minister, Manuel Fal Conde, 1st Duke of Quintillo, a trusted and loyal spokesman who would serve as his mouth and ears, but only in the way the new king intended to. The new unified Nationalist Front, fused the parties, to form a one party Carlist-National-Syndicalist State. The fuero (law specifications to a identified class or estate (like the military or the Catholic Church) returned. The term implied these were not constitutions subject to debate and change by a sovereign people, but orders from the only legitimate source of authority, as in feudal times. The new state celebrated the Martyrdom of Jóse Antonio Primo de Rivera and during the Spanish Civil War cultivate fanaticism to encourage martyrs of the King. While the new Royal Spanish State tried to use the expanded Axis Central Powers Gold Trade to archive agricultural self-sufficiency, develop their domestic industry, expand the railroads across their country and improve the overall living standards of the Spanish citizens. While some in this new National Monarchist Spain claimed old possessions of their former globe spanning Empire, like claiming Aragon and other possessions like Corsica and Sardinia, or the Netherlands and Latin America. Such ambitions however needed a strong military and so the Spanish Kingdom had to restart their shipbuilding, to create a Fleet worthy of their King, a new Armada that would once even outmatch the British, German and Japanese Fleets so the Spanish hoped. To do so they asked for German and Italian advise on their new shipbuilding programs. Similar the major Axis Central Powers helped them build up a modern armored corps and air force too. In return the Spanish Kingdom send La Division Azur (Blue Division) as a volunteer force to the Eastern Front in a Crusade against Atheist Anti-Royal Bolshevism and fought with regular parts of their armed forces in Spanish West Africa against the Allied Landings, while hunting Allied convoys in the Atlantic Ocean.
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    Chapter 704: The Australian Invasion continues
  • Chapter 704: The Australian Invasion continues

    In Northern Australia, the Japanese Army and Navy forces that had landed in Darwin and fortified the nearby islands of Bathurst and Melville had quickly discovered that they were surrounded by dry land and that the rest of Australia was cut of from them too. No room for further expansion or a serious threat of the Allies, so that they would be forced to pull out their forces of New Guinea (Niugini/Niu Gini/ Papua) therefore and so the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy saw their plans failing. To ensure this crippling loss of a Japanese Division could still be turned into a victory, the Japanese, already unable to truly supply and reinforce this force, doubled down on the Australian Invasion plan. With Taikoku reinforces arriving in New Guinea, the Imperial Japanese Army forces there accompanied a larger force of the Imperial Japanese Navy to land in Badu Island, Maduiag Island, Moa Island, Thursday Island, Prince of Wales Island and Cape York further east from Ture Ture in Papua. They hoped that this second landing would convince the Americans and Australians that the East Coast of Australia with the main cities was endangered. While this would spark a rebellion of Australian and New Zealand forces in Africa and the Middle East, returning them home it would not massively improve the Japanese situation in Nuigini, because of the massive American reinforcements that had come onto the massive island by now. Not sitting by and just watching this Imperial Japanese Navy Invasion Force get all the glory. Therefore the Imperial Japanese Army send a convoy with a few fresh reinforcements and supplies from Timor to Darwin (six out of these ten ships would be sunk by allied submarines or naval bombers). The Army forces in Darwin confiscated all public vehicles and trains still functional in the town, as well as horses from the local farms, left behind a local garrison and followed the Stuart Highway and the Darwin – Daily Waters Railway down south-east to capture more Australian territory and force the Allies to respond. Capturing Pine Creek, Notmiluk, Katherine, Mataranka and Birdum before finally taking Daily Waters the end of the northwestern transportation extent they faced only minor local resistance by some militia, poise and small Australian Army groups.

    Across the whole way with the captured trains and vehicles as well as the Japanese one ones were constantly harassed, shot and bombed by Allied fighters and bombers, inflicting heavy causalities on them, as their already limited vehicles could not be replaced or reinforced in any meaningful way. Therefore any loss, no matter how small truly hurt this Japanese Army forces to a point were mist of their soldiers lacked the transportation or weapons to ensure any meaningful continuation of their trust into the Northern Territory, or even defend what little strip around the railway and highway they had under their control for now. The Imperial Japanese Army meanwhile would not let any of these losses become publicly known, or the fact that their own Invasion in Australia had basically been crippled and shrinking to the point it was no longer truly existing. At the same time the Allies had a hard time reaching and fighting the Japanese in this northern region around Darwin as well as a lack of infrastructure and transportation meant that they could not bring in any large equipment and heavy forces as well. Instead the Allies used planes to bring in infantry and surround the Japanese held positions on all sides, often not even using true airfields but straight, even dirt tracks instead to do so. As a result, the Allies even used some Camels from the Zoo alongside cavalry to further reinforce and supply their local troops, even if airdrops proved to way more efficient and the Camel Corps was stopped again just a few months after the idea had been tested. And while the Japanese supplied for the Dawrin Beachhead had ended by now, Alleid supplies were just starting to come in. In the east at Cape York the situation looked even more dire for the Japanese, as nearby railways from Cooktown, Cairns and Townsville allowed for a quick deployment of overwhelming Allied forces in the region and allow for the massive opposition of the Japanese landing forces before they could reach any significant gain of land. As a result bocht Japanese beachheads in Australia concentrated on building airfields in hopes to fight the harassing allied airplanes and bomb nearby Allied Australian positions, towns and cities with their fresh incoming own fighters and bombers in the future.
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