I might just have missed it, but have the Spaniards restored the monarchy with Don Juan Carlos as King?
The Co-Prosperity Sphere
- Thread starter CountofDooku
- Start date
No as he is seen as too democratic as well as possible leftist and linked to the Barcelona socialists/ communists/ anarchist, so they went for Don Jaime as the Germans and Italians strongly opposed Alfonso, Duke of Anjou, Duke of Cádiz as he could have rights to the French throne as well and possible unify both nations. So therefore Don Jaime was chosen. Franco meanwhile was replaced by Prime Minister, Manuel Fal Conde, 1st Duke of Quintillo who becomes sort of the mouth of the new king and his loyal servant. See:
https://www.alternatehistory.com/fo...osperity-sphere.423596/page-137#post-20092078
Last edited:
Chapter 755: The Austria-Hungarian Slovakian Protectorate
Chapter 755: The Austria-Hungarian Slovakian Protectorate
The so called Slovak/ Slovakia/ Slovakian Protectorate or Arch Duchy/ Grand Duchy (as Hungary itself was just a Kingdom under the Austrian Emperor itself) as a member state if the Austrian-Hungarian Empire/ the United States of Austria had been a major early part reintegrate into the Central European/ Balkan multinational state that was a member of the Axis Central Powers. As a national member state withing the A-H E or USA, Slovakia became a Hungarian Protectorate Kingdom were the Roman Catholic priest Jozef Tiso became Prime Minister while Archduke Robert, second son of Karl I. Became the Archduke and royal head of the new Slovakian Nation State Protectorate of the Kingdom of Hungary. The 2,6 million people living inside this Slovak Nation Province and State were nearly 85 percent Slovak in nationality, while other minorities included Germans (4,8%), Czech (2,9%, many later resettled in Czechia), Rusyns (2,6%), Hungarians (2,1%), Jews (1,1%, many of them later resettled in White Ruthenia) and Romani people (0,9%). Seventy-five percent of Slovaks were Catholics, and most of the remainder belonged to the Lutheran and Greek Catholic churches. 50% of the population were employed in agriculture. The new state province of the Arch/ Grand Duchy was divided in six counties (župy), 58 districts (okresy) and 2659 municipalities. The capital Bratislava had over 140,000 inhabitants, but the Austrian-Hungarian AEIOU Order and some other groups had their very own plans with the new Slovakian protectorate state state. Some of them hoped they could increase the German minorities to make the United States of Austria majorly German, while others like the Hungarian Nationalists that claimed the whole Slovakian Protectorate as Upper Hungary made plans to dramatically increase the Magyar Hungarian population and increase Hungarian cultural and language influence to a point were the Slovaks would truly just be upper Hungarians. Most of these plans came from the fear that otherwise the Germans (Austrian fear) or the Hungarians/ Magyars (Hungarian fear) would be in danger of disappearing if there would be no intervention. Therefore the AEIOU Order planned to settle 100,000 German and 100,000 Hungarian/ Magyar families into the region as a start for their new resettlement program and began even during the Second Great War.
One of the main driving force beside the Austrian-Hungarian AEIOU Order was the so called Hlinka Guard, that was to be partly integrated into their Order in the near future. This so called Hlinka Guard (Slovak: Hlinkova garda; German: Hlinka-Garde; abbreviated as HG) was the militia maintained by the Slovak People's Party in the period from 1938 to 1945; it was named after Andrej Hlinka. The Hlinka Guard was preceded by the Rodobrana (Home Defense/Nation's Defense) organization, which existed from 1923 to 1927, when the Czechoslovak authorities ordered its dissolution. During the crisis caused by Austria and Hungary taking over Czech and Slovakia (in the summer of 1938), the Hlinka Guard emerged spontaneously, and on October 8 of that year, a week after Austria-Hungary had made both Czech and Slovakia into it's Protectorates. The Austrian-Hungarian and the Slovak Army (increased from 18,000 to 80,000 quickly) integrated into the Hungarian Army and helped them reintegrate the Galician lands from Poland in return of Protection. During the Eastern Crusade the Slovaks would participate with 54,000 soldiers as a expeditionary force within the Austrian-Hungarian Armed Forces, were most of their forces were tasked with rear-area security duty. Still those parts of the force that remained in a offensive role saw battles in Ukrainia and the Caucasus area were they fought the Red Army and served as security divisions as well as instructors to train local ethnic volunteer groups that wished to join the Axis Central Powers in their fight against the Red Army. At the End of 1942 most of these Slovak Army forces would only remain beg´hind the frontline as a local Austrian-Hungarian Garrison force in the Caucasus, Ukrainia, as well as parts of the Balkan Peninsula were the Austrian-Hungarians had annexed Yugoslavia and forced Bulgaria, Greece and Romania to become puppet states and vassals of their too. Roughtly 46,000 Slovaks would serve as garrison forces in the Balkans during the Second Great War, most of them in former Yugoslavia.
The so called Slovak/ Slovakia/ Slovakian Protectorate or Arch Duchy/ Grand Duchy (as Hungary itself was just a Kingdom under the Austrian Emperor itself) as a member state if the Austrian-Hungarian Empire/ the United States of Austria had been a major early part reintegrate into the Central European/ Balkan multinational state that was a member of the Axis Central Powers. As a national member state withing the A-H E or USA, Slovakia became a Hungarian Protectorate Kingdom were the Roman Catholic priest Jozef Tiso became Prime Minister while Archduke Robert, second son of Karl I. Became the Archduke and royal head of the new Slovakian Nation State Protectorate of the Kingdom of Hungary. The 2,6 million people living inside this Slovak Nation Province and State were nearly 85 percent Slovak in nationality, while other minorities included Germans (4,8%), Czech (2,9%, many later resettled in Czechia), Rusyns (2,6%), Hungarians (2,1%), Jews (1,1%, many of them later resettled in White Ruthenia) and Romani people (0,9%). Seventy-five percent of Slovaks were Catholics, and most of the remainder belonged to the Lutheran and Greek Catholic churches. 50% of the population were employed in agriculture. The new state province of the Arch/ Grand Duchy was divided in six counties (župy), 58 districts (okresy) and 2659 municipalities. The capital Bratislava had over 140,000 inhabitants, but the Austrian-Hungarian AEIOU Order and some other groups had their very own plans with the new Slovakian protectorate state state. Some of them hoped they could increase the German minorities to make the United States of Austria majorly German, while others like the Hungarian Nationalists that claimed the whole Slovakian Protectorate as Upper Hungary made plans to dramatically increase the Magyar Hungarian population and increase Hungarian cultural and language influence to a point were the Slovaks would truly just be upper Hungarians. Most of these plans came from the fear that otherwise the Germans (Austrian fear) or the Hungarians/ Magyars (Hungarian fear) would be in danger of disappearing if there would be no intervention. Therefore the AEIOU Order planned to settle 100,000 German and 100,000 Hungarian/ Magyar families into the region as a start for their new resettlement program and began even during the Second Great War.
One of the main driving force beside the Austrian-Hungarian AEIOU Order was the so called Hlinka Guard, that was to be partly integrated into their Order in the near future. This so called Hlinka Guard (Slovak: Hlinkova garda; German: Hlinka-Garde; abbreviated as HG) was the militia maintained by the Slovak People's Party in the period from 1938 to 1945; it was named after Andrej Hlinka. The Hlinka Guard was preceded by the Rodobrana (Home Defense/Nation's Defense) organization, which existed from 1923 to 1927, when the Czechoslovak authorities ordered its dissolution. During the crisis caused by Austria and Hungary taking over Czech and Slovakia (in the summer of 1938), the Hlinka Guard emerged spontaneously, and on October 8 of that year, a week after Austria-Hungary had made both Czech and Slovakia into it's Protectorates. The Austrian-Hungarian and the Slovak Army (increased from 18,000 to 80,000 quickly) integrated into the Hungarian Army and helped them reintegrate the Galician lands from Poland in return of Protection. During the Eastern Crusade the Slovaks would participate with 54,000 soldiers as a expeditionary force within the Austrian-Hungarian Armed Forces, were most of their forces were tasked with rear-area security duty. Still those parts of the force that remained in a offensive role saw battles in Ukrainia and the Caucasus area were they fought the Red Army and served as security divisions as well as instructors to train local ethnic volunteer groups that wished to join the Axis Central Powers in their fight against the Red Army. At the End of 1942 most of these Slovak Army forces would only remain beg´hind the frontline as a local Austrian-Hungarian Garrison force in the Caucasus, Ukrainia, as well as parts of the Balkan Peninsula were the Austrian-Hungarians had annexed Yugoslavia and forced Bulgaria, Greece and Romania to become puppet states and vassals of their too. Roughtly 46,000 Slovaks would serve as garrison forces in the Balkans during the Second Great War, most of them in former Yugoslavia.
True but it wouldn't make for a very entertaining story if there was no tension at all after WW2, would it? ;D
Chapter 756: Unit 483: Part 1: A special shipment delivery from Manchuria
Chapter 756: Unit 483: Part 1: A special shipment delivery from Manchuria
In Manchuria, Unit 483, a covered medical experiment unit which conducted biological warfare research and development through human experimentation during the Second Great War was located. Unit 483 was responsible for some of the most notorious war crimes. Initially set up as a political and ideological section of the Kempeitai military police of pre-Pacific War Japan, they were meant to counter the ideological or political influence of Japan's enemies, and to reinforce the ideology of military units. However under their commander Shirō Ishii, (石井四郎 Ishii Shirō), chief medical officer of the Japanese Army and protégé of Army Minister Sadao Araki who had been placed in a command of the Army Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory (AEPRL) they started human experimentation as tests for biological and chemical weapons. During their operations in the Chinese Civil War there had been 10,000 biological causalities and about 1,700 deaths from ill-prepared Copropspist Japanese and Chinese Forces operating nearby thanks to cholera. The overall research of Unit 483 also included the rest of the bubonic plague, cholera, smallpox, botulism and other diseases on prisoners, including the research that led to the development of the defoliation bacilli bomb and the flea bomb used to spread bubonic plague and other diseases. Some of these bombs were designed with porcelain shells, an idea proposed by Ishii in 1938. These bombs enabled Japanese soldiers to launch biological attacks, infecting agriculture, reservoirs, wells, and other areas with anthrax, plague-carrier fleas, typhoid, dysentery, cholera, and other deadly pathogens. During biological bomb experiments, researchers dressed in protective suits would examine the dying victims. Infected food supplies and clothing were dropped by airplane into areas of China not occupied by Japanese forces. In addition, poisoned food and candies were given to unsuspecting victims in prison camps and resisting ares to test out the results. Additionally Plague fleas, infected clothing and infected supplies encased in bombs were dropped on various targets. The resulting cholera, anthrax, and plague were estimated to have killed at least 400,000 Chinese civilians behind enemy frontlines. Tularemia was also tested on Chinese civilians like imprisoned rebels and bandits as well as areas in uprising.
Human targets were used to test grenades positioned at various distances and in various positions. Flamethrowers were also tested on humans by Unit 483. Humans were also tied to stakes and used as targets to test pathogen-releasing bombs, chemical weapons, and explosive bombs as well as bayonets and knives with diseases on them. Due to pressure from numerous accounts of the bio-warfare attacks, Chiang Kai-shek sent a delegation of army and foreign medical personnel in November 1941 to document evidence and treat the afflicted. A report on the Japanese use of plague-infested fleas on the Chinese United Front was made widely available the following year, but was not addressed by the Allied Powers until Franklin D. Roosevelt would issue a public warning in 1943 condemning the attacks. Until then however more evidence could be found by the massive use of biological and chemical weapons against the Red Army in the Manchurian-Far East Frontline during the initial attack of Hokushin-ron. With Red Army Forces now out of bomber range of Japan, the Imperial Japanese Army planned to further use biological and chemical weapons in Siberia, while local Co-Prosperity Sphere member states like Manchuria, Mengjiang and Yankoku feared that the Soviet Union's Red Army might use biological and chemical weapons against their forces as well as their urban centers in retaliation to this Japanese attacks and strongly opposed them from 1942 and 1943 onward. The Imperial Japanese Army and Ishii meanwhile were more then positively surprised by the results so far and ordered their forces to secretly relocate some catches of diseases to be shipped by the Imperial Japanese Navy (without their knowledge) towards New Guinea (Papua/ Niugini/Niu Gini) in hopes that with them the stalemate and trench warfare there by using diseases to weaken and kill or infecting of as many Allied (mainly American, Australian and New Zealand) forces as possible, so that they would not be able to defend their positions any longer. A plan seen as brilliant by Ishii as they could claim those diseases there were a natural occurrence of tropical diseases, because of the climate and the poor supply, health and logistic situation on the island.
In Manchuria, Unit 483, a covered medical experiment unit which conducted biological warfare research and development through human experimentation during the Second Great War was located. Unit 483 was responsible for some of the most notorious war crimes. Initially set up as a political and ideological section of the Kempeitai military police of pre-Pacific War Japan, they were meant to counter the ideological or political influence of Japan's enemies, and to reinforce the ideology of military units. However under their commander Shirō Ishii, (石井四郎 Ishii Shirō), chief medical officer of the Japanese Army and protégé of Army Minister Sadao Araki who had been placed in a command of the Army Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory (AEPRL) they started human experimentation as tests for biological and chemical weapons. During their operations in the Chinese Civil War there had been 10,000 biological causalities and about 1,700 deaths from ill-prepared Copropspist Japanese and Chinese Forces operating nearby thanks to cholera. The overall research of Unit 483 also included the rest of the bubonic plague, cholera, smallpox, botulism and other diseases on prisoners, including the research that led to the development of the defoliation bacilli bomb and the flea bomb used to spread bubonic plague and other diseases. Some of these bombs were designed with porcelain shells, an idea proposed by Ishii in 1938. These bombs enabled Japanese soldiers to launch biological attacks, infecting agriculture, reservoirs, wells, and other areas with anthrax, plague-carrier fleas, typhoid, dysentery, cholera, and other deadly pathogens. During biological bomb experiments, researchers dressed in protective suits would examine the dying victims. Infected food supplies and clothing were dropped by airplane into areas of China not occupied by Japanese forces. In addition, poisoned food and candies were given to unsuspecting victims in prison camps and resisting ares to test out the results. Additionally Plague fleas, infected clothing and infected supplies encased in bombs were dropped on various targets. The resulting cholera, anthrax, and plague were estimated to have killed at least 400,000 Chinese civilians behind enemy frontlines. Tularemia was also tested on Chinese civilians like imprisoned rebels and bandits as well as areas in uprising.
Human targets were used to test grenades positioned at various distances and in various positions. Flamethrowers were also tested on humans by Unit 483. Humans were also tied to stakes and used as targets to test pathogen-releasing bombs, chemical weapons, and explosive bombs as well as bayonets and knives with diseases on them. Due to pressure from numerous accounts of the bio-warfare attacks, Chiang Kai-shek sent a delegation of army and foreign medical personnel in November 1941 to document evidence and treat the afflicted. A report on the Japanese use of plague-infested fleas on the Chinese United Front was made widely available the following year, but was not addressed by the Allied Powers until Franklin D. Roosevelt would issue a public warning in 1943 condemning the attacks. Until then however more evidence could be found by the massive use of biological and chemical weapons against the Red Army in the Manchurian-Far East Frontline during the initial attack of Hokushin-ron. With Red Army Forces now out of bomber range of Japan, the Imperial Japanese Army planned to further use biological and chemical weapons in Siberia, while local Co-Prosperity Sphere member states like Manchuria, Mengjiang and Yankoku feared that the Soviet Union's Red Army might use biological and chemical weapons against their forces as well as their urban centers in retaliation to this Japanese attacks and strongly opposed them from 1942 and 1943 onward. The Imperial Japanese Army and Ishii meanwhile were more then positively surprised by the results so far and ordered their forces to secretly relocate some catches of diseases to be shipped by the Imperial Japanese Navy (without their knowledge) towards New Guinea (Papua/ Niugini/Niu Gini) in hopes that with them the stalemate and trench warfare there by using diseases to weaken and kill or infecting of as many Allied (mainly American, Australian and New Zealand) forces as possible, so that they would not be able to defend their positions any longer. A plan seen as brilliant by Ishii as they could claim those diseases there were a natural occurrence of tropical diseases, because of the climate and the poor supply, health and logistic situation on the island.
Yes, this will be a short little story arc, not all is good and well in this dystopian TL. ;D
Chapter 757: Bolivian Battlegrounds
Chapter 757: Bolivian Battlegrounds
The nation of Bolivia was one of three Latin American countries that declared war on the Axis Central Powers in 1943 as well as the Co-Prosperity Sphere quickly thereafter, the others being Chile and Colombia. This was however more out of economic ties and influence by the United States of America, then true allegiance, as the new president held fascist royalist and anti-Semitic leanings, but the foreign pressure still remain at peace with the Allies and to suppress his more extreme pro-Namo/Faro supporters. Bolivian mines supplied needed tin to the Allies, but with no coastline, the landlocked country did not send troops or warplanes overseas. It all had begun, when on May 17, 1936 Colonel David Toro Ruilova (1936–37) overthrew President Tejada in a military coup. Because the officer corps wanted to avoid a civilian investigation of the military's wartime leadership, backing for the coup came from all ranks. The main backers were a group of younger officers who wanted to bring profound change to Bolivia. Toro, the leader of this group, hoped to reform the country from the top down. His program of "military socialism" included social and economic justice and government control over natural resources. He also planned to set up a corporate-style political system to replace the democratic system established in 1825. Toro attempted to get civilian support with far-reaching social legislation and nominated a print worker as the first labor secretary in Bolivia. He also nationalized the holdings of Standard Oil without compensation and called for the convening of a constitutional congress that would include the traditional parties, as well as new reformist groups and the labor movement. Toro however was still unable to secure a lasting popular support. A group of more radical officers resented his reluctance to challenge the rosca, and they supported a coup by Colonel Germán Busch Becerra (1937–39) in 1937. A new constitution was promulgated in 1938, stressing the primacy of the common good over private property and favored government intervention in social and economic relations. It also legalized the Indian communities and included a labor code. In 1939 Busch challenged the interests of the mine owners for the first time by issuing a decree that would prevent the mining companies from removing capital from the country. None of his policies, however, resulted in significant popular and military support, and completely alienated the conservative forces. Frustrated by his inability to bring about change, Busch committed suicide in 1939.
Despite the weakness of the Toro and Busch regimes, their policies had a profound impact on Bolivia. Reformist decrees raised expectations among the middle class, but when they failed to be implemented, they contributed to the growth of the left. The constitutional convention gave the new forces for the first time a nationwide platform and the possibility of forming alliances. The military socialist regimes also prompted the conservatives to join forces to stem the growth of the left and led to them eyeing the German Empire dominated Axis Central Powers and the Japanese Empire dominated Co-Prosperity as potentially allies and friends. After a few months under the provisional presidency of General Carlos Quintanilla (1939–40), the chief of staff during the Busch regime, General Enrique Peñaranda Castillo (1940–43) was elected president in the spring of 1940. Peñaranda's support came from the traditional parties, the Liberals, and the two wings of the Republicans, who had formed a concordancia to stem the growth of the movement toward further reforms. The trend toward reform, however, could not be halted, and a number of new groups gained control of the Congress during Peñaranda's presidency. These groups, although very different in their ideological outlooks, agreed on the need to change the status quo. They included the Trotskyite Revolutionary Workers Party (Partido Obrero Revolucionario, POR), which had already been formed in 1934, as well as the Bolivian Socialist Falange (Falange Socialista Boliviana, FSB), founded in 1937 and patterned on the Spanish Falange. The Leftist Revolutionary Party (Partido de Izquierda Revolucionaria, PIR) was founded in 1940 by a coalition of radical Marxist groups. The most important opposition to the concordancia came from the Nationalist Revolutionary Movement (Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario, MNR). The first party with widespread support in Bolivian history, the MNR had a membership that included intellectuals and both white-collar and blue-collar workers. It was founded in 1941 by a small group of intellectual dissidents from the middle and upper classes and represented persons from a wide range of political persuasions who were united by their discontent with the status quo. Among its leaders were Víctor Paz Estenssoro, a professor of economics; Hernán Siles Zuazo, the son of former President Siles Reyes; and several influential writers. The party's program included nationalization of all of Bolivia's natural resources and far-reaching social reforms. Its anti-Semitic statements resulted not only in the imprisonment of MNR leaders but also in charges by the United States government that MNR was under the influence of Nazis and Fascist who had fled to South America after the German Coup of 1938. As the leader of the congressional opposition, the MNR denounced Peñaranda's close cooperation with the United States and was especially critical of his agreement to compensate Standard Oil for its nationalized holdings. The MNR members of the Congress also began an investigation of the Catavi Massacre of striking miners and their families by government troops at one of the Patiño mines in Catavi in 1942. MNR influence with the miners increased when Paz Estenssoro led the congressional interrogation of government ministers. The MNR had contacts with reformist military officers, who were organized in a secret military lodge named the Fatherland's Cause (Razón de Patria, Radepa). Radepa was founded in 1934 by Bolivian prisoners of war in Paraguay. It sought mass support, backed military intervention in politics, and hoped to prevent excessive foreign control over Bolivia's natural resources. Finally in December 1943 the Radepa-MNR alliance overthrew the Peñaranda regime.
Major Gualberto Villarroel López became president, and three MNR members, including Paz Estenssoro, joined his cabinet. The MNR ministers resigned, however, when the United States refused to grant its recognition, repeating its charge of ties between the MNR and Nazi Germany. This American intervention into Bolivia incredibly soured American-Bolivian relations and let to growing ties to the Axis Central Powers and the Co-Prosperity Sphere instead of the Allies. The MNR ministers returned to their posts in 1944, after their party (partly thanks to the American intervention before in 1943) party had won a majority in the election and the United States had to finally recognized the government. Villarroel's government emphasized continuity with the reformist regimes of Toro and Busch. Paz Estenssoro, who served as minister of finance, hoped to get popular support with a budget that emphasized social spending over economic development. But the salary increase for miners did not bring about their consistent backing of the government and only managed to strengthen the ties between the MNR and miners. The Villarroel government also tried for the first time to get the support of the campesinos. In 1944 it created the National Indigenous Congress to discuss the problems in the countryside and to improve the situation of the peasants. However, most of the social legislation, such as the abolition of the labor obligation of the campesinos to their landlords, was never put in effect.
Villarroel was overthrown in 1945, after he had been unable to organize popular support and faced opposition from conservative groups and increasing political terrorism that included murders of the government's opponents. Rivalry between the MNR and the military in the governing coalition also contributed to his downfall. In 1944 mobs of students, teachers, and workers seized arms from the arsenal and moved to the presidential palace. They captured and shot Villarroel and suspended his body from a lamppost in the main square, while the army remained aloof in the barracks.
Quickly afterwards, the new elections were won by a coalition of the Bolivian Socialist Falange (Falange Socialista Boliviana or FSB, later Falange Socialista Royalista Boliviana or FSRB) and the Nationalist Royalist Action (in Spanish: Acción Realista Nacionalista) that lead to the Presidency of Óscar Únzaga de la Vega (born 19 April 1916) carried by a strong following among former landowners by offering a platform strongly influenced by Franco and Benito Mussolini and had been massively supported by the German Empire, the Axis Central Powers, Namo and Faro supporters. He would make himself King of a new Bolician Kingdom in 1951, heavily influenced by Namo and Faro Ideology, but would be toppled by a coup in 1954 when the Bolivian Coprospist Movement (Spanish: Movimiento Coprospista Boliviano) and other opposition parties (like the Sapa Inti Party) that would lead to the General-Presidency of the Japanese-Bolivian “Caudillo” Yamataka Kunimichi, a Sansei, or third generation Japanese, who had least one Nisei second generation Japanese parent, who would increas the economic and military ties to the Japanese Empire and the Co-Prosperity Sphere. Under Yamataka Coprospist Bolivia or the Bolivian Kingdom would ultimately become a member state of the Co-Prosperity Sphere itself and he would be made viscount shishaku (shi) (Japanese: 子爵) for his increase of Coprospist influence in South America (Minami Amerika), by then better known as the Southeast Continent (Japanese: Nantō Tairiku 南東大陸), while North Amerika (Kita Amerika) was by then also known as Eastern Continent (Japanese: Tōtairiku 東大陸).
The nation of Bolivia was one of three Latin American countries that declared war on the Axis Central Powers in 1943 as well as the Co-Prosperity Sphere quickly thereafter, the others being Chile and Colombia. This was however more out of economic ties and influence by the United States of America, then true allegiance, as the new president held fascist royalist and anti-Semitic leanings, but the foreign pressure still remain at peace with the Allies and to suppress his more extreme pro-Namo/Faro supporters. Bolivian mines supplied needed tin to the Allies, but with no coastline, the landlocked country did not send troops or warplanes overseas. It all had begun, when on May 17, 1936 Colonel David Toro Ruilova (1936–37) overthrew President Tejada in a military coup. Because the officer corps wanted to avoid a civilian investigation of the military's wartime leadership, backing for the coup came from all ranks. The main backers were a group of younger officers who wanted to bring profound change to Bolivia. Toro, the leader of this group, hoped to reform the country from the top down. His program of "military socialism" included social and economic justice and government control over natural resources. He also planned to set up a corporate-style political system to replace the democratic system established in 1825. Toro attempted to get civilian support with far-reaching social legislation and nominated a print worker as the first labor secretary in Bolivia. He also nationalized the holdings of Standard Oil without compensation and called for the convening of a constitutional congress that would include the traditional parties, as well as new reformist groups and the labor movement. Toro however was still unable to secure a lasting popular support. A group of more radical officers resented his reluctance to challenge the rosca, and they supported a coup by Colonel Germán Busch Becerra (1937–39) in 1937. A new constitution was promulgated in 1938, stressing the primacy of the common good over private property and favored government intervention in social and economic relations. It also legalized the Indian communities and included a labor code. In 1939 Busch challenged the interests of the mine owners for the first time by issuing a decree that would prevent the mining companies from removing capital from the country. None of his policies, however, resulted in significant popular and military support, and completely alienated the conservative forces. Frustrated by his inability to bring about change, Busch committed suicide in 1939.
Despite the weakness of the Toro and Busch regimes, their policies had a profound impact on Bolivia. Reformist decrees raised expectations among the middle class, but when they failed to be implemented, they contributed to the growth of the left. The constitutional convention gave the new forces for the first time a nationwide platform and the possibility of forming alliances. The military socialist regimes also prompted the conservatives to join forces to stem the growth of the left and led to them eyeing the German Empire dominated Axis Central Powers and the Japanese Empire dominated Co-Prosperity as potentially allies and friends. After a few months under the provisional presidency of General Carlos Quintanilla (1939–40), the chief of staff during the Busch regime, General Enrique Peñaranda Castillo (1940–43) was elected president in the spring of 1940. Peñaranda's support came from the traditional parties, the Liberals, and the two wings of the Republicans, who had formed a concordancia to stem the growth of the movement toward further reforms. The trend toward reform, however, could not be halted, and a number of new groups gained control of the Congress during Peñaranda's presidency. These groups, although very different in their ideological outlooks, agreed on the need to change the status quo. They included the Trotskyite Revolutionary Workers Party (Partido Obrero Revolucionario, POR), which had already been formed in 1934, as well as the Bolivian Socialist Falange (Falange Socialista Boliviana, FSB), founded in 1937 and patterned on the Spanish Falange. The Leftist Revolutionary Party (Partido de Izquierda Revolucionaria, PIR) was founded in 1940 by a coalition of radical Marxist groups. The most important opposition to the concordancia came from the Nationalist Revolutionary Movement (Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario, MNR). The first party with widespread support in Bolivian history, the MNR had a membership that included intellectuals and both white-collar and blue-collar workers. It was founded in 1941 by a small group of intellectual dissidents from the middle and upper classes and represented persons from a wide range of political persuasions who were united by their discontent with the status quo. Among its leaders were Víctor Paz Estenssoro, a professor of economics; Hernán Siles Zuazo, the son of former President Siles Reyes; and several influential writers. The party's program included nationalization of all of Bolivia's natural resources and far-reaching social reforms. Its anti-Semitic statements resulted not only in the imprisonment of MNR leaders but also in charges by the United States government that MNR was under the influence of Nazis and Fascist who had fled to South America after the German Coup of 1938. As the leader of the congressional opposition, the MNR denounced Peñaranda's close cooperation with the United States and was especially critical of his agreement to compensate Standard Oil for its nationalized holdings. The MNR members of the Congress also began an investigation of the Catavi Massacre of striking miners and their families by government troops at one of the Patiño mines in Catavi in 1942. MNR influence with the miners increased when Paz Estenssoro led the congressional interrogation of government ministers. The MNR had contacts with reformist military officers, who were organized in a secret military lodge named the Fatherland's Cause (Razón de Patria, Radepa). Radepa was founded in 1934 by Bolivian prisoners of war in Paraguay. It sought mass support, backed military intervention in politics, and hoped to prevent excessive foreign control over Bolivia's natural resources. Finally in December 1943 the Radepa-MNR alliance overthrew the Peñaranda regime.
Major Gualberto Villarroel López became president, and three MNR members, including Paz Estenssoro, joined his cabinet. The MNR ministers resigned, however, when the United States refused to grant its recognition, repeating its charge of ties between the MNR and Nazi Germany. This American intervention into Bolivia incredibly soured American-Bolivian relations and let to growing ties to the Axis Central Powers and the Co-Prosperity Sphere instead of the Allies. The MNR ministers returned to their posts in 1944, after their party (partly thanks to the American intervention before in 1943) party had won a majority in the election and the United States had to finally recognized the government. Villarroel's government emphasized continuity with the reformist regimes of Toro and Busch. Paz Estenssoro, who served as minister of finance, hoped to get popular support with a budget that emphasized social spending over economic development. But the salary increase for miners did not bring about their consistent backing of the government and only managed to strengthen the ties between the MNR and miners. The Villarroel government also tried for the first time to get the support of the campesinos. In 1944 it created the National Indigenous Congress to discuss the problems in the countryside and to improve the situation of the peasants. However, most of the social legislation, such as the abolition of the labor obligation of the campesinos to their landlords, was never put in effect.
Villarroel was overthrown in 1945, after he had been unable to organize popular support and faced opposition from conservative groups and increasing political terrorism that included murders of the government's opponents. Rivalry between the MNR and the military in the governing coalition also contributed to his downfall. In 1944 mobs of students, teachers, and workers seized arms from the arsenal and moved to the presidential palace. They captured and shot Villarroel and suspended his body from a lamppost in the main square, while the army remained aloof in the barracks.
Quickly afterwards, the new elections were won by a coalition of the Bolivian Socialist Falange (Falange Socialista Boliviana or FSB, later Falange Socialista Royalista Boliviana or FSRB) and the Nationalist Royalist Action (in Spanish: Acción Realista Nacionalista) that lead to the Presidency of Óscar Únzaga de la Vega (born 19 April 1916) carried by a strong following among former landowners by offering a platform strongly influenced by Franco and Benito Mussolini and had been massively supported by the German Empire, the Axis Central Powers, Namo and Faro supporters. He would make himself King of a new Bolician Kingdom in 1951, heavily influenced by Namo and Faro Ideology, but would be toppled by a coup in 1954 when the Bolivian Coprospist Movement (Spanish: Movimiento Coprospista Boliviano) and other opposition parties (like the Sapa Inti Party) that would lead to the General-Presidency of the Japanese-Bolivian “Caudillo” Yamataka Kunimichi, a Sansei, or third generation Japanese, who had least one Nisei second generation Japanese parent, who would increas the economic and military ties to the Japanese Empire and the Co-Prosperity Sphere. Under Yamataka Coprospist Bolivia or the Bolivian Kingdom would ultimately become a member state of the Co-Prosperity Sphere itself and he would be made viscount shishaku (shi) (Japanese: 子爵) for his increase of Coprospist influence in South America (Minami Amerika), by then better known as the Southeast Continent (Japanese: Nantō Tairiku 南東大陸), while North Amerika (Kita Amerika) was by then also known as Eastern Continent (Japanese: Tōtairiku 東大陸).
Chapter 758: Coprospist ideals and visions
Chapter 758: Coprospist ideals and visions
The 1942 Tokyo Conference, also known as the Co-Prosperity Sphere Conference had leaders from all member states and even some observers and sympathizers of regions yet still under American and European Colonialism and Imperial rule. Many of them did not come alone, but brought with them a wide range of intellectuals, historians, novelists and journalists to openly report of the decisions decided upon in this conference regarding the Asian War and the Pacific War, as well as the overall future plans for these regions. The Chosen intellectuals included the historian Choe Nam-seon, the novelist Yi Kwang-su and the children's writer Ma Haesong attended the conference as part of the Imperian Chosen delegation to deliver speeches praising the Japanese Empire and to express their thanks to the Japanese for colonizing, modernizing and liberating Chosen as a proud and prosperous member of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. The purpose of these speeches was to reassure other Asian peoples about their future in a Japanese-dominated Co-prosperity Sphere. The fact that Choe and Yi had once been Korean independence activists who had been bitterly opposed to the Japanese rule before they had changed their minds made their presence at the conference a real propaganda coup for the Japanese, as it seemed to show that Japanese imperialism was so beneficial to the peoples subjected to Japan or part of the Co-Prosperity Sphere that even those who once been opposed to the Japanese Empire had now seen the errors of their ways and benefit from Japanese rule, guidance and leadership. In addition, the Chosen speakers strongly condemned the "Anglo-Saxon" powers of the Allies Britain and the United States as well as the Comintern Communists of the Soviet Union and the Mongolean People's Republic as the most deadly enemies of Asian civilization that had ever existed, and praised Japan as the defender of Asia from the "Anglo-Saxons" and the "Bolsheviks".
The major theme of the conference was for the need for all the Asian peoples to rally behind Japan's Empire and offer an inspiring example of Pan-Asian idealism against the evil "white devils". Nearly all delegates and speakers placed the war in the East-versus-the West, Oriental-versus-the Occidental, and ultimately a blood-versus-blood context. Ba Maw of Burma stated: "My Asian blood has always called out to other Asians...This is not the time to think with other minds, this is the time to think with our blood, and this thinking has brought me from Burma to Japan." Ba Maw later remembered: "We were Asians rediscovering Asia". Prime Minister Tōjō of Japan stated in his speech: "It is an incontrovertible fact that the nations of the Co-Prosperity Sphere are bound in every respect by ties of an inseparable relationship". Jose Laurel of the Philippines in his speech claimed that no-one in the world could "stop or delay the acquisition of one billion Asians of the free and untrammeled right and opportunity to shape their own destiny". Subhas Chandra Bose of India declared: "If our Allies were to go down, there will be no hope for India to be free for at least 100 years". A major irony of the conference was that despite all of the vehement talk condemning the "Anglo-Saxons", English was the language of the conference as it was the only common language of the various delegates from all over Asia, as not all of them spoke Japanese fluently just yet. Bose recalled that the atmosphere at the conference was like a "family gathering" as everybody was Asian, and he felt like they belonged together. Many Indians supported Japan, and throughout the conference Indian university students studying in Japan worshipped Bose like an idol. The Filipino ambassador, representing the puppet Laurel government stated "the time has come for the Filipinos to disregard Anglo-Saxon civilization and its enervating influence and to recapture their charm and original virtues as an Oriental people."
To make peace with China without surrendering any of the Japanese "rights and interests" in China, it was believed in Tokyo that a major demonstration of Pan-Asianism and Coprospism would lead the Chinese United Front to make peace with Japan, join Wang Jingwei's Coprospist government and the Co-Prosperity Sphere alongside the Japanese against their common enemies, the "white devils". Thus, a major theme of the conference was by being allied to the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union, Chiang Kai-shek was not a proper Asian but a Hanjiang, a race-traitor, as no Asian would ally himself with the "white devils" against other Asians. The Tokyo Conference was therefore also used as a major piece of Pan-Asian Coprospist Propaganda as well to show the benefit of being a part of the Co-Prosperity Sphere and the Coprospist Ideology and to ignore the atrocities done by the Imperial Japanese and other Co-Prosperity Sphere Armies and Navies during their Conquest of Liberation in Asia and the Pacific. Therefore their slogan "Asia for Asians" was reasoning and welcomed by many who had no love for the Americans, the British, the Dutch, the French and the Russians who had ruled over them previously. The Pan-Asian spirit of this Tokyo Conference/ Co-Prosperity Sphere Conference of similar conferences following each year from now on to discuss and plan the future paths taken by the Co-Prosperity Sphere, were Asian people came together to seize power from their American and European tormentors. Therefore it was praised by most Coprospists as a show how deep the roots of anti-Westernism, anti-Capitalism, anti-Imperialism, anti-Americanism and anti-Europeanism had grown in Asia, as these "white powers" guided by their own racism had behaved so brutally towards Asians that it was natural for Asians to look to Japan as a liberator from these "white powers" and as a benevolence and caring father figure to guide them into a prosperous future.
The 1942 Tokyo Conference, also known as the Co-Prosperity Sphere Conference had leaders from all member states and even some observers and sympathizers of regions yet still under American and European Colonialism and Imperial rule. Many of them did not come alone, but brought with them a wide range of intellectuals, historians, novelists and journalists to openly report of the decisions decided upon in this conference regarding the Asian War and the Pacific War, as well as the overall future plans for these regions. The Chosen intellectuals included the historian Choe Nam-seon, the novelist Yi Kwang-su and the children's writer Ma Haesong attended the conference as part of the Imperian Chosen delegation to deliver speeches praising the Japanese Empire and to express their thanks to the Japanese for colonizing, modernizing and liberating Chosen as a proud and prosperous member of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. The purpose of these speeches was to reassure other Asian peoples about their future in a Japanese-dominated Co-prosperity Sphere. The fact that Choe and Yi had once been Korean independence activists who had been bitterly opposed to the Japanese rule before they had changed their minds made their presence at the conference a real propaganda coup for the Japanese, as it seemed to show that Japanese imperialism was so beneficial to the peoples subjected to Japan or part of the Co-Prosperity Sphere that even those who once been opposed to the Japanese Empire had now seen the errors of their ways and benefit from Japanese rule, guidance and leadership. In addition, the Chosen speakers strongly condemned the "Anglo-Saxon" powers of the Allies Britain and the United States as well as the Comintern Communists of the Soviet Union and the Mongolean People's Republic as the most deadly enemies of Asian civilization that had ever existed, and praised Japan as the defender of Asia from the "Anglo-Saxons" and the "Bolsheviks".
The major theme of the conference was for the need for all the Asian peoples to rally behind Japan's Empire and offer an inspiring example of Pan-Asian idealism against the evil "white devils". Nearly all delegates and speakers placed the war in the East-versus-the West, Oriental-versus-the Occidental, and ultimately a blood-versus-blood context. Ba Maw of Burma stated: "My Asian blood has always called out to other Asians...This is not the time to think with other minds, this is the time to think with our blood, and this thinking has brought me from Burma to Japan." Ba Maw later remembered: "We were Asians rediscovering Asia". Prime Minister Tōjō of Japan stated in his speech: "It is an incontrovertible fact that the nations of the Co-Prosperity Sphere are bound in every respect by ties of an inseparable relationship". Jose Laurel of the Philippines in his speech claimed that no-one in the world could "stop or delay the acquisition of one billion Asians of the free and untrammeled right and opportunity to shape their own destiny". Subhas Chandra Bose of India declared: "If our Allies were to go down, there will be no hope for India to be free for at least 100 years". A major irony of the conference was that despite all of the vehement talk condemning the "Anglo-Saxons", English was the language of the conference as it was the only common language of the various delegates from all over Asia, as not all of them spoke Japanese fluently just yet. Bose recalled that the atmosphere at the conference was like a "family gathering" as everybody was Asian, and he felt like they belonged together. Many Indians supported Japan, and throughout the conference Indian university students studying in Japan worshipped Bose like an idol. The Filipino ambassador, representing the puppet Laurel government stated "the time has come for the Filipinos to disregard Anglo-Saxon civilization and its enervating influence and to recapture their charm and original virtues as an Oriental people."
To make peace with China without surrendering any of the Japanese "rights and interests" in China, it was believed in Tokyo that a major demonstration of Pan-Asianism and Coprospism would lead the Chinese United Front to make peace with Japan, join Wang Jingwei's Coprospist government and the Co-Prosperity Sphere alongside the Japanese against their common enemies, the "white devils". Thus, a major theme of the conference was by being allied to the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union, Chiang Kai-shek was not a proper Asian but a Hanjiang, a race-traitor, as no Asian would ally himself with the "white devils" against other Asians. The Tokyo Conference was therefore also used as a major piece of Pan-Asian Coprospist Propaganda as well to show the benefit of being a part of the Co-Prosperity Sphere and the Coprospist Ideology and to ignore the atrocities done by the Imperial Japanese and other Co-Prosperity Sphere Armies and Navies during their Conquest of Liberation in Asia and the Pacific. Therefore their slogan "Asia for Asians" was reasoning and welcomed by many who had no love for the Americans, the British, the Dutch, the French and the Russians who had ruled over them previously. The Pan-Asian spirit of this Tokyo Conference/ Co-Prosperity Sphere Conference of similar conferences following each year from now on to discuss and plan the future paths taken by the Co-Prosperity Sphere, were Asian people came together to seize power from their American and European tormentors. Therefore it was praised by most Coprospists as a show how deep the roots of anti-Westernism, anti-Capitalism, anti-Imperialism, anti-Americanism and anti-Europeanism had grown in Asia, as these "white powers" guided by their own racism had behaved so brutally towards Asians that it was natural for Asians to look to Japan as a liberator from these "white powers" and as a benevolence and caring father figure to guide them into a prosperous future.
Not particularly complicated, once you learn how to do it.
Time consuming, yes, both figuratively and literally.
I would suggest reading some pages for ideas...whilst exercising the restraint of an entire cathedral of saints to not dive down the n-dimensional rabbit hole that is TV Tropes.
Really, though, it's no more complicated that, say, a wiki page. You just have to know what the relevant pages are called. The indexes are a big help there.
Only made a Stargate wiki page for a RPG once and that took some time too, not sure if I'm willing to spend the extra time myself right nwo when I could rather write good stuff for my readers?
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Chapter 759: El Salvadorian Uprisings
Chapter 759: El Salvadorian Uprisings
King Maximilio I. Hernández Martinez
The nation of El Salvador was ruled by the military dictator named Maximilio Hernández Martinez, a admirer of Hitler, Mussolini and other rulers like the Kings and Emperors in Europe since 1931. When he had served as President Arturo Araujo's vice-president and defense minister, a directorate seized power during a palace coup and afterwards named General Hernández Martínez President of El Salvador. But espite his personal admiration, Maximilio Hernández Martinez declared war on both, the Japanese Empire led Co-Prosperity Sphere and the German Empire led Axis Central Powers shortly after the Americans did because of El Salvador's strong economic ties with the United States. He removed Germans from the government and interned Japanese, Chinese German, Italian and other Asian and European nationals possibly affiliated with the factions the Allies fought against. This decision, driven by economic ties and dependency on the Americans, as well as their economic, diplomatic and partly military pressure was nothing that the military dictator Martinez wished himself, but his hands were tied behind his back in the matter, as he had no chance of allying himself with the Axis Central Powers or even the Co-Prosperity Sphere without being quickly beaten by the Americans shortly after. This failure of a decision would quickly catch up and haunt him, when during the Second Great War many Salvadorans became weary of their dictatorship, and a general national strike in 1944 forced Maximilio Hernández Martinez to resign and flee to Guatemala. Instead of him Osmín Aguirre y Salinas (born December 25, 1889) would become President of El Salvador, from 21 October 1944 to 1 March 1945. A Colonel in the Salvadoran Army, Aguirre led two successful coups against the Salvadoran government: once in 1931 (installing General Maximilio Hernández Martinez in power) and again in 1944 (installing himself in power). He left the power in 1945, with the assurance that his successor in the next election would be Salvador Castaneda Castro. He was later assassinated near his home in San Salvador at the age of 87.
During the Second Great War, a Salvadoran army colonel and diplomat, named José Castellanos Conteras, while working as El Salvador's Consul General saved around 20,000 Central European refugees who had fled the war on their continent as well as from Axis Central Power rule by providing them with false papers of Salvadoran nationality. However inside these refugee group were also some Axis Central Powers spies, saboteurs, agents and military advisers, that would seek out their opportunity to gain control of the Central American Nation after Aguirre had installed Castro as the next President. With contact made to the exiled Maximilio Hernández Martinez in Guatemala, the Axis Central Powers supported a coup to bring him back to power in 1946. Hernández afterwards declared that the Presidency had proven to be to week to stabilize Guatemala, so he declared himself the Caudillo, uniting the positions of President and Head of the Military in himself, declaring himself to be the new King of a Salvadorian Kingdom (also known as the Kingdom of Salvador), Maximilio the First. Under him the Salvadorians would increase their close ties to the Axis Central Powers in Europe as well as the Southern United States (Dixieland or the Confederacy). However his rule would last only about twenty years and would be tainted by peasant uprisings, a few minor groups with socialist and communist ideals, as well as a massive Japanese Empire supported Coprospist insurgency in Central America (known as the Coprostas) by the Coprospist Party of Salvador (Spanish: Partido Coprospista de El Salvador) and other ideological close allied rebel groups like the National Resistance (Spanish: Resistancia Nacional), the Coprospist Revolutionary Army (Spanish: Ejército Revolucionario de Coprospista), the Liberation People's Forces (Spanish: Fuerzas Populares de Liberacion) and the Coprospist Party of Central Americans – El Salvador branch (Spanish: Partido Coprospista de los Centroamericanos – El Salvador). They would seize power from King Maximilio I. in 1966 and in tradition to the Federal Republic of Central America (Spanish: República Federal de Centroamérica), also called the United Provinces of Central America (Provincias Unidas del Centro de América) would try to recreate a central American puppet and vassal of the Japanese Empire and the Co-Prosperity Sphere.
King Maximilio I. Hernández Martinez
The nation of El Salvador was ruled by the military dictator named Maximilio Hernández Martinez, a admirer of Hitler, Mussolini and other rulers like the Kings and Emperors in Europe since 1931. When he had served as President Arturo Araujo's vice-president and defense minister, a directorate seized power during a palace coup and afterwards named General Hernández Martínez President of El Salvador. But espite his personal admiration, Maximilio Hernández Martinez declared war on both, the Japanese Empire led Co-Prosperity Sphere and the German Empire led Axis Central Powers shortly after the Americans did because of El Salvador's strong economic ties with the United States. He removed Germans from the government and interned Japanese, Chinese German, Italian and other Asian and European nationals possibly affiliated with the factions the Allies fought against. This decision, driven by economic ties and dependency on the Americans, as well as their economic, diplomatic and partly military pressure was nothing that the military dictator Martinez wished himself, but his hands were tied behind his back in the matter, as he had no chance of allying himself with the Axis Central Powers or even the Co-Prosperity Sphere without being quickly beaten by the Americans shortly after. This failure of a decision would quickly catch up and haunt him, when during the Second Great War many Salvadorans became weary of their dictatorship, and a general national strike in 1944 forced Maximilio Hernández Martinez to resign and flee to Guatemala. Instead of him Osmín Aguirre y Salinas (born December 25, 1889) would become President of El Salvador, from 21 October 1944 to 1 March 1945. A Colonel in the Salvadoran Army, Aguirre led two successful coups against the Salvadoran government: once in 1931 (installing General Maximilio Hernández Martinez in power) and again in 1944 (installing himself in power). He left the power in 1945, with the assurance that his successor in the next election would be Salvador Castaneda Castro. He was later assassinated near his home in San Salvador at the age of 87.
During the Second Great War, a Salvadoran army colonel and diplomat, named José Castellanos Conteras, while working as El Salvador's Consul General saved around 20,000 Central European refugees who had fled the war on their continent as well as from Axis Central Power rule by providing them with false papers of Salvadoran nationality. However inside these refugee group were also some Axis Central Powers spies, saboteurs, agents and military advisers, that would seek out their opportunity to gain control of the Central American Nation after Aguirre had installed Castro as the next President. With contact made to the exiled Maximilio Hernández Martinez in Guatemala, the Axis Central Powers supported a coup to bring him back to power in 1946. Hernández afterwards declared that the Presidency had proven to be to week to stabilize Guatemala, so he declared himself the Caudillo, uniting the positions of President and Head of the Military in himself, declaring himself to be the new King of a Salvadorian Kingdom (also known as the Kingdom of Salvador), Maximilio the First. Under him the Salvadorians would increase their close ties to the Axis Central Powers in Europe as well as the Southern United States (Dixieland or the Confederacy). However his rule would last only about twenty years and would be tainted by peasant uprisings, a few minor groups with socialist and communist ideals, as well as a massive Japanese Empire supported Coprospist insurgency in Central America (known as the Coprostas) by the Coprospist Party of Salvador (Spanish: Partido Coprospista de El Salvador) and other ideological close allied rebel groups like the National Resistance (Spanish: Resistancia Nacional), the Coprospist Revolutionary Army (Spanish: Ejército Revolucionario de Coprospista), the Liberation People's Forces (Spanish: Fuerzas Populares de Liberacion) and the Coprospist Party of Central Americans – El Salvador branch (Spanish: Partido Coprospista de los Centroamericanos – El Salvador). They would seize power from King Maximilio I. in 1966 and in tradition to the Federal Republic of Central America (Spanish: República Federal de Centroamérica), also called the United Provinces of Central America (Provincias Unidas del Centro de América) would try to recreate a central American puppet and vassal of the Japanese Empire and the Co-Prosperity Sphere.
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Chapter 760: The Panama Canal Flooding
Chapter 760: The Panama Canal Flooding
The Allies used the so called Allied China Fleet, also known as the Allied Chinese Fleet during the Second Great War, 28 vessels of the Hong Kong-based China Navigation Company, requisitioned by the Royal Navy and the Royal Australian Navy. Many of them joined the Allied retreat to Australia, six were acquired by the Royal Australian Navy; four of these were commissioned as auxiliary warships, while two served as Victualing Supply Issuing Ships. Knowing about this thanks to one of their spies the Japanese ordered Captain Izuhara Toshikuni alongside a mostly National Chinese and Taikokuoese (Cantonese) to a special Kempeitai mission to Central America. Captain Toshikuni himself had served in his fathers company in Manchuria and spoke fluently the Han Chinese language of Mandarin, therefore he had been chosen for this mission despite his low experience. The goal was to pass the whole crew and the ship as part of the Allied China Fleet, make it trough three locks towards the central Gatun Lake and blow up the Gatun Locks with a transport ship full of explosives. If done right the height level of elevation between the lake and the Atlantic Ocean should lead to a flooding that would destroy much of the rest of the locks towards the Atlantic Ocean as well. The plan had been supported by Admiral Yamamoto after new numerical American ship sightings had led to the believe that the damage done to the Panama Canal Locks by the Japanese Midget Submarine at the start of the Pacific War, had already been repaired by the Americans. This time however, the damage done would be able to be not easily repaired, as Isoroku had planned to not only blow up the locks directly at the lake, but flood and destroy the other ones towards the Atlantic Ocean as well. This way the Japanese Navy could ensure that the Americans had to continue using the longer route around South America if they wished to transfer ships to fight them from the Atlantic to the Pacific, something that would also prolong some of their supply and reinforcement lines in other regards as well and thereby be a good opportunity for Japan to increase and further fortify it's outer defense ring.
Knowing how important his mission was, Captain Izuhara Toshikuni had made sure that no other member of his crew knew about what their true plan and intention was in chase some of his Chinese crewmen were hidden Allied spies of the Chinese United Front. Until now he has had quit some luck as the local military and inspections did not suspect anything, now however he was like a sitting duck in the Gatun Lock as some of the local supervisor seamed to have found them and their ship suspicious. To not waste any time he had activated the timer to blow up the ship when suddenly Toshikuni saw American military police and soldiers walk towards his ship. Had they realized their plans? No impossible, but the moment they would get onto the ship and see the now installed timer at the ammunition payload they would know what was going on. Rushing down from the bridge as fast as he could reach the end of the stairs, then running down the corridor until he had reached the main cargo bay, Izuhara headed towards the timer, when he heard the Allied soldiers shout outside. It was to late he realized, the only thing that could still allow for their mission to succeed was the noble sacrifice of himself and his crew for the glory of the Emperor, the Japanese Empire and the Co-Prosperity Sphere that would liberate all Asians. Readjusting the timer, Captain Izuhara Toshikuni blew up with the ship alongside the crew, the Allied personal at the locks and the Allied military aboard and surrounding the ship. The massive ammunition explosion caused around 1,745 people nearby to die immediately, while a further 6,793 were injured in some way or another. The flooding beginning after the locks had blown up would cause further 18,023 people to die who could not be evacuated in time. Another 36,385 people would later die because of yellow fever and malaria as mosquito had a field day in the flooded, destructed jungles along the canal remnants afterwards. This made the so called Second Attack on the Panama Canal, the Panama Canal Explosion, Panama Canal Bombing or Panama Canal Flooding the deadliest attack on the Allies in the Americas during the Second Great War.
The Allies used the so called Allied China Fleet, also known as the Allied Chinese Fleet during the Second Great War, 28 vessels of the Hong Kong-based China Navigation Company, requisitioned by the Royal Navy and the Royal Australian Navy. Many of them joined the Allied retreat to Australia, six were acquired by the Royal Australian Navy; four of these were commissioned as auxiliary warships, while two served as Victualing Supply Issuing Ships. Knowing about this thanks to one of their spies the Japanese ordered Captain Izuhara Toshikuni alongside a mostly National Chinese and Taikokuoese (Cantonese) to a special Kempeitai mission to Central America. Captain Toshikuni himself had served in his fathers company in Manchuria and spoke fluently the Han Chinese language of Mandarin, therefore he had been chosen for this mission despite his low experience. The goal was to pass the whole crew and the ship as part of the Allied China Fleet, make it trough three locks towards the central Gatun Lake and blow up the Gatun Locks with a transport ship full of explosives. If done right the height level of elevation between the lake and the Atlantic Ocean should lead to a flooding that would destroy much of the rest of the locks towards the Atlantic Ocean as well. The plan had been supported by Admiral Yamamoto after new numerical American ship sightings had led to the believe that the damage done to the Panama Canal Locks by the Japanese Midget Submarine at the start of the Pacific War, had already been repaired by the Americans. This time however, the damage done would be able to be not easily repaired, as Isoroku had planned to not only blow up the locks directly at the lake, but flood and destroy the other ones towards the Atlantic Ocean as well. This way the Japanese Navy could ensure that the Americans had to continue using the longer route around South America if they wished to transfer ships to fight them from the Atlantic to the Pacific, something that would also prolong some of their supply and reinforcement lines in other regards as well and thereby be a good opportunity for Japan to increase and further fortify it's outer defense ring.
Knowing how important his mission was, Captain Izuhara Toshikuni had made sure that no other member of his crew knew about what their true plan and intention was in chase some of his Chinese crewmen were hidden Allied spies of the Chinese United Front. Until now he has had quit some luck as the local military and inspections did not suspect anything, now however he was like a sitting duck in the Gatun Lock as some of the local supervisor seamed to have found them and their ship suspicious. To not waste any time he had activated the timer to blow up the ship when suddenly Toshikuni saw American military police and soldiers walk towards his ship. Had they realized their plans? No impossible, but the moment they would get onto the ship and see the now installed timer at the ammunition payload they would know what was going on. Rushing down from the bridge as fast as he could reach the end of the stairs, then running down the corridor until he had reached the main cargo bay, Izuhara headed towards the timer, when he heard the Allied soldiers shout outside. It was to late he realized, the only thing that could still allow for their mission to succeed was the noble sacrifice of himself and his crew for the glory of the Emperor, the Japanese Empire and the Co-Prosperity Sphere that would liberate all Asians. Readjusting the timer, Captain Izuhara Toshikuni blew up with the ship alongside the crew, the Allied personal at the locks and the Allied military aboard and surrounding the ship. The massive ammunition explosion caused around 1,745 people nearby to die immediately, while a further 6,793 were injured in some way or another. The flooding beginning after the locks had blown up would cause further 18,023 people to die who could not be evacuated in time. Another 36,385 people would later die because of yellow fever and malaria as mosquito had a field day in the flooded, destructed jungles along the canal remnants afterwards. This made the so called Second Attack on the Panama Canal, the Panama Canal Explosion, Panama Canal Bombing or Panama Canal Flooding the deadliest attack on the Allies in the Americas during the Second Great War.
One that interests me otl and atl, the Japanese were fairly pragmatic in running their puppet states in all honesty.
Yeah, they were basically colonies, they wouldn’t waste any money on them...
Burma mostly used left British gear, reorganized China mostly captured nationalist gear, Vietnam French gear, the only nation really fully modernized army by the Japanese was Manchukuo. The Japanese wouldn’t waste money modernizing newly formed and unreliable armies when they already had sufficient gear.
Now I don’t know their plans post war but it helped them that their wasn’t exactly a shortage of weapons in China and Britain left over a shit ton of gear in the areas they lost.
Burma independence army keeps brIrish style
Reorganized nationalist Chinese army looks the same as Chiang’s forces.
And the Philippine puppet army project used American gear
Yeah, they were basically colonies, they wouldn’t waste any money on them...
Burma mostly used left British gear, reorganized China mostly captured nationalist gear, Vietnam French gear, the only nation really fully modernized army by the Japanese was Manchukuo. The Japanese wouldn’t waste money modernizing newly formed and unreliable armies when they already had sufficient gear.
Now I don’t know their plans post war but it helped them that their wasn’t exactly a shortage of weapons in China and Britain left over a shit ton of gear in the areas they lost.
Burma independence army keeps brIrish style
Reorganized nationalist Chinese army looks the same as Chiang’s forces.
And the Philippine puppet army project used American gear
Chapter 761: Yankoku Yanism, Yan Xishan Thought or Shangdism
Chapter 761: Yankoku Yanism, Yan Xishan Thought or Shangdism
Inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere member state and nation of Yankoku, their beloved leader, father Yan Xishan had started to persecute and suppress many local religious minority groups, like the Mohammedans, the Christians (mainly Catholics and Protestant groups), as well as other local sects and cults like Yiguandao, who in one way or another opposed his Coprospist State Ideology and Religion, known as Yan Xishan Thought, also known as Yanism and Shangdism. This identity and formulated ideology was concearned mostly with the so called Yan people, those living in Yankoku. The core of this ideology had formed during his studies in Japan, when he became attracted to militarism, traditionalism and social Darwinist ideals that would later also form the core of Coprospism. Yan also identified with Chinese conservative ideas of the time: that social and economic reform would progress from ethical reform, and that the problems confronting China could only be solved by the moral rehabilitation of the Chinese people. Believing that no single ideology existed to unify the Chinese people at the time that he came to power, Yan attempted to generate an ideal ideology himself, and once boasted that he had succeeded in creating a comprehensive system of belief that embodied the best features of "militarism, nationalism, anarchism, democracy, capitalism, communism, individualism, imperialism, universalism, paternalism and utopianism". Much of Yan's attempts to spread his ideology were through a network of semi-religious organizations known as "Heart-Washing Societies". Yan was emotionally attached to Confucianism by virtue of his upbringing, and because he identified its values as a historically effective solution to the chaos and disorder of his time. He justified his rule via Confucian political theories and attempted to revive Confucian virtues as being universally accepted. In his speeches and writing Yan developed an extravagant admiration for the virtues of moderation and harmony associated with the Confucian Doctrine of the Mean. Many of the reforms that Yan attempted were undertaken with the intention of demonstrating that he was a junzi, the epitome of Confucian virtue.
Yan's interpretations of Confucianism were mostly borrowed from the form of Neo-Confucianism that was popular in the Qing dynasty. He taught that everyone had a capacity for innate goodness, but that in order to fulfill this capacity people had to subordinate their emotions and desires to the control of their conscience. Yan admired the Ming dynasty philosophers Lu Jiuyuan and Wang Yangming, who disparaged knowledge and urged men to act on the basis of their intuition. Because Yan believed that human beings could only achieve their potentials through intense self-criticism and self-cultivation, he established in every town a Heart-Washing Society, whose members gathered each Sunday to meditate and listen to sermons based on the themes of the Confucian classics. Everyone at these meetings was supposed to rise and confess aloud his misdeeds of the past week, inviting criticism from the other members. Unlake many other Coprospists, Yan attributed much of the West's vitality to Christianity, and believed that China could only resist and overtake the West by generating an ideological tradition that was equally inspiring. He appreciated the efforts of missionaries (mostly Americans who maintained a complex of schools in Taigu) to educate and modernize Yankoku and while he banned them, his own missionary, priests and monks would attempt to do the very same and to establish new schools and teaching places. He regularly addressed the graduating classes of these new schools, but was generally successful in recruiting these students to serve his regime. Yan supported the indigenous shamanism traditions and church in Yankoku, and even seriously considered using them as religious people even inside of his army. His former public support of Christianity had waned early after 1925, when he failed to come to the defense of Christians during anti-foreigner and anti-Christian demonstrations that polarized Taiyuan. Yan deliberately organized many features of his Heart-Washing Society on the Christian church, including ending each service with hymns praising Confucius and himself. He urged his subjects to place their faith in a supreme being that he called "Shangdi": he justified his belief in Shangdi via the Confucian classics, but described Shangdi in terms very similar to the Christian interpretation of God. Like Christianity, Yan Xishan Thought was permeated with the belief that, through accepting his ideology, people could become regenerated or reborn. Yan also presented himself as the Prophet and leading High Priest of Shangdi at the same time.
In 1911, Yan came to power in Shanxi as a disciple of Chinese nationalism, but subsequently came to view nationalism as merely another set of ideas that could be used to achieve his own objectives. He stated that the primary goal of the Heart-Washing Society was to encourage Chinese patriotism by reviving the Confucian church, leading foreigners to accuse him of attempting to create a Chinese version of Shinto, something he would truly archive with Japanese help and his own ideology later on. Yan attempted to moderate some aspects of Sun Yat-sen's ideology that he viewed as potentially threatening to his rule. Yan altered some of Sun's doctrines before disseminating them in Shanxi, formulating his own version of Sun's Three Principles of the People that replaced the principles of nationalism and democracy with the principles of virtue and knowledge. During the 1919 May Fourth Movement, when students in Taiyuan staged anti-foreign demonstrations, Yan warned that patriotism, like rainfall, was beneficial only when moderate. After the Kuomintang succeeded in forming a nominal central government in 1930, Yan encouraged Nationalist principles that he viewed as socially beneficial. During the 1930s he attempted to set up in every village a "Good People's Movement" in order to promote the values of Chiang Kai-shek's New Life Movement. These values included honesty, friendliness, dignity, diligence, modesty, thrift, personal neatness and obedience. In 1931 Yan returned from his exile in Dalian impressed with the apparent successes of Soviet Union's first five-year plan, and attempted to reorganize the economy of Shanxi using Soviet methods, according to a local "Ten-Year Plan" that Yan himself developed. Throughout the 1930s Yan bluntly equated economic development with state control of industry and finance, and he was successful in bringing most major industry and commerce under state control by the late 1930s, when he had taken control of nearly all of the Chinese north. Yan's speeches after 1931 reflect an interpretation of Marxist economics (mostly drawn from Das Kapital) that he gained while in exile in Dalian. Following this interpretation, Yan attempted to change the economy of Yankoku to become more like that of the USSR in terms of modernizing and plannin, inspiring a scheme of economic "distribution according to labour". When the threat of Chinese Communists became a significant threat to Yan's rule, he defended the Communists as courageous and self-sacrificing fanatics who were different from common bandits (contrary to Kuomintang propaganda) and whose challenge must be met by social and economic reforms that alleviated the conditions responsible for communism.
He therefore became more open to the Japanese ideology of Coprospism and formed his ideology (and religion) into something more similar to that of his new Japanese allies and friends. Like Marx, Yan wanted to eliminate what he saw as unearned profit by restructuring Shanxi's economy to reward only those who worked. Unlike Marx, Yan reinterpreted Communism to correct what he believed was Marxism's chief flaw: the inevitability of class warfare. Yan praised Marx for his analysis of the material aspects of human society, but professed to believe that there was a moral and spiritual unity of mankind that implied that a state of harmony was closer to the human ideal than conflict. By rejecting economic determinism in favor of morality and free will, Yan hoped to create a society that would be more productive and less violent than he perceived communism to be, while avoiding the exploitation and human misery that he believed was the inevitable result of capitalism and western society influences (including colonialism and imperialism). Yan interpreted Roosevelt's New Deal as promoting socialism in order to combat the spread of communism. "The New Deal is an effective way of stopping communism," Yan said, "by having the government step in and ride roughshod over the interests of the rich." Yan then undertook a series of public works projects inspired by the New Deal in order to reduce unemployment in his own provinces. Thanks to the results of this efforts, Yan did succeed in making Yan Xishan Thought widely popular in Yankoku, and most of his subjects started to believe that his true objectives differed substantially from those of past regimes. Many even became interested in his religious part of the ideology, Yanism and Shangdism and converted. The repression of other religion and sects while using many of their own methods and hierarchies while at the same time oppressing them as rivals to his own ideology and religion. Yan kept a close eye on his officials to ensure they would not abuse their power and manage to bring his ideology to the common people. Therefore Yan had to use more simple language for his propaganda and spread of the ideology to the common people. He also harshly punished those governors and military leaders that behaved to dictatorial and authoritarian and therefore discredited Yan's ideology, this way Yan managed to generate popular enthusiasm for his regime, political ideology and religion.
Inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere member state and nation of Yankoku, their beloved leader, father Yan Xishan had started to persecute and suppress many local religious minority groups, like the Mohammedans, the Christians (mainly Catholics and Protestant groups), as well as other local sects and cults like Yiguandao, who in one way or another opposed his Coprospist State Ideology and Religion, known as Yan Xishan Thought, also known as Yanism and Shangdism. This identity and formulated ideology was concearned mostly with the so called Yan people, those living in Yankoku. The core of this ideology had formed during his studies in Japan, when he became attracted to militarism, traditionalism and social Darwinist ideals that would later also form the core of Coprospism. Yan also identified with Chinese conservative ideas of the time: that social and economic reform would progress from ethical reform, and that the problems confronting China could only be solved by the moral rehabilitation of the Chinese people. Believing that no single ideology existed to unify the Chinese people at the time that he came to power, Yan attempted to generate an ideal ideology himself, and once boasted that he had succeeded in creating a comprehensive system of belief that embodied the best features of "militarism, nationalism, anarchism, democracy, capitalism, communism, individualism, imperialism, universalism, paternalism and utopianism". Much of Yan's attempts to spread his ideology were through a network of semi-religious organizations known as "Heart-Washing Societies". Yan was emotionally attached to Confucianism by virtue of his upbringing, and because he identified its values as a historically effective solution to the chaos and disorder of his time. He justified his rule via Confucian political theories and attempted to revive Confucian virtues as being universally accepted. In his speeches and writing Yan developed an extravagant admiration for the virtues of moderation and harmony associated with the Confucian Doctrine of the Mean. Many of the reforms that Yan attempted were undertaken with the intention of demonstrating that he was a junzi, the epitome of Confucian virtue.
Yan's interpretations of Confucianism were mostly borrowed from the form of Neo-Confucianism that was popular in the Qing dynasty. He taught that everyone had a capacity for innate goodness, but that in order to fulfill this capacity people had to subordinate their emotions and desires to the control of their conscience. Yan admired the Ming dynasty philosophers Lu Jiuyuan and Wang Yangming, who disparaged knowledge and urged men to act on the basis of their intuition. Because Yan believed that human beings could only achieve their potentials through intense self-criticism and self-cultivation, he established in every town a Heart-Washing Society, whose members gathered each Sunday to meditate and listen to sermons based on the themes of the Confucian classics. Everyone at these meetings was supposed to rise and confess aloud his misdeeds of the past week, inviting criticism from the other members. Unlake many other Coprospists, Yan attributed much of the West's vitality to Christianity, and believed that China could only resist and overtake the West by generating an ideological tradition that was equally inspiring. He appreciated the efforts of missionaries (mostly Americans who maintained a complex of schools in Taigu) to educate and modernize Yankoku and while he banned them, his own missionary, priests and monks would attempt to do the very same and to establish new schools and teaching places. He regularly addressed the graduating classes of these new schools, but was generally successful in recruiting these students to serve his regime. Yan supported the indigenous shamanism traditions and church in Yankoku, and even seriously considered using them as religious people even inside of his army. His former public support of Christianity had waned early after 1925, when he failed to come to the defense of Christians during anti-foreigner and anti-Christian demonstrations that polarized Taiyuan. Yan deliberately organized many features of his Heart-Washing Society on the Christian church, including ending each service with hymns praising Confucius and himself. He urged his subjects to place their faith in a supreme being that he called "Shangdi": he justified his belief in Shangdi via the Confucian classics, but described Shangdi in terms very similar to the Christian interpretation of God. Like Christianity, Yan Xishan Thought was permeated with the belief that, through accepting his ideology, people could become regenerated or reborn. Yan also presented himself as the Prophet and leading High Priest of Shangdi at the same time.
In 1911, Yan came to power in Shanxi as a disciple of Chinese nationalism, but subsequently came to view nationalism as merely another set of ideas that could be used to achieve his own objectives. He stated that the primary goal of the Heart-Washing Society was to encourage Chinese patriotism by reviving the Confucian church, leading foreigners to accuse him of attempting to create a Chinese version of Shinto, something he would truly archive with Japanese help and his own ideology later on. Yan attempted to moderate some aspects of Sun Yat-sen's ideology that he viewed as potentially threatening to his rule. Yan altered some of Sun's doctrines before disseminating them in Shanxi, formulating his own version of Sun's Three Principles of the People that replaced the principles of nationalism and democracy with the principles of virtue and knowledge. During the 1919 May Fourth Movement, when students in Taiyuan staged anti-foreign demonstrations, Yan warned that patriotism, like rainfall, was beneficial only when moderate. After the Kuomintang succeeded in forming a nominal central government in 1930, Yan encouraged Nationalist principles that he viewed as socially beneficial. During the 1930s he attempted to set up in every village a "Good People's Movement" in order to promote the values of Chiang Kai-shek's New Life Movement. These values included honesty, friendliness, dignity, diligence, modesty, thrift, personal neatness and obedience. In 1931 Yan returned from his exile in Dalian impressed with the apparent successes of Soviet Union's first five-year plan, and attempted to reorganize the economy of Shanxi using Soviet methods, according to a local "Ten-Year Plan" that Yan himself developed. Throughout the 1930s Yan bluntly equated economic development with state control of industry and finance, and he was successful in bringing most major industry and commerce under state control by the late 1930s, when he had taken control of nearly all of the Chinese north. Yan's speeches after 1931 reflect an interpretation of Marxist economics (mostly drawn from Das Kapital) that he gained while in exile in Dalian. Following this interpretation, Yan attempted to change the economy of Yankoku to become more like that of the USSR in terms of modernizing and plannin, inspiring a scheme of economic "distribution according to labour". When the threat of Chinese Communists became a significant threat to Yan's rule, he defended the Communists as courageous and self-sacrificing fanatics who were different from common bandits (contrary to Kuomintang propaganda) and whose challenge must be met by social and economic reforms that alleviated the conditions responsible for communism.
He therefore became more open to the Japanese ideology of Coprospism and formed his ideology (and religion) into something more similar to that of his new Japanese allies and friends. Like Marx, Yan wanted to eliminate what he saw as unearned profit by restructuring Shanxi's economy to reward only those who worked. Unlike Marx, Yan reinterpreted Communism to correct what he believed was Marxism's chief flaw: the inevitability of class warfare. Yan praised Marx for his analysis of the material aspects of human society, but professed to believe that there was a moral and spiritual unity of mankind that implied that a state of harmony was closer to the human ideal than conflict. By rejecting economic determinism in favor of morality and free will, Yan hoped to create a society that would be more productive and less violent than he perceived communism to be, while avoiding the exploitation and human misery that he believed was the inevitable result of capitalism and western society influences (including colonialism and imperialism). Yan interpreted Roosevelt's New Deal as promoting socialism in order to combat the spread of communism. "The New Deal is an effective way of stopping communism," Yan said, "by having the government step in and ride roughshod over the interests of the rich." Yan then undertook a series of public works projects inspired by the New Deal in order to reduce unemployment in his own provinces. Thanks to the results of this efforts, Yan did succeed in making Yan Xishan Thought widely popular in Yankoku, and most of his subjects started to believe that his true objectives differed substantially from those of past regimes. Many even became interested in his religious part of the ideology, Yanism and Shangdism and converted. The repression of other religion and sects while using many of their own methods and hierarchies while at the same time oppressing them as rivals to his own ideology and religion. Yan kept a close eye on his officials to ensure they would not abuse their power and manage to bring his ideology to the common people. Therefore Yan had to use more simple language for his propaganda and spread of the ideology to the common people. He also harshly punished those governors and military leaders that behaved to dictatorial and authoritarian and therefore discredited Yan's ideology, this way Yan managed to generate popular enthusiasm for his regime, political ideology and religion.