Still trying to improve my TL's anyway I can, so can anyone tell me how others create this sweet wikiboxes for their TL's would be great to add something like that for some of the chapters in the future? :biggrin:
 
First, you go into Wikipedia and (if you have an account) copy and paste a box of the correct type into your sandbox or (if you don't) begin editing and hit "preview". Then, you change the source code from the original to say what you want it to say - if I recall correctly, there are guides to doing so on Wikipedia itself. Lastly, you screenshot the box.

Btw i'm liking how much it's progressing the story,keep it going!

And a small idea to suggest you:have Vichy France and Germany finance and support Quebec separatism to weaken Canada
 
DEWEY! DEWEY! DEWEY!

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That's just...very bad taste.
I know but that's just how she and her "joke's" work always been that way since 1989 and she will never change that habit I assume. :cryingface::confused:

Just hope I manage to portray Dewey right, stepping into Roosevelts office to replace such a big man OTL in TTL is no easy task and I neither want to portrait Dewey as unfit for the office or unrealisticly better later. I want him to be the man america needed in this times and do the best he possible could for the US nation and the world during the Second Great War no matter the outcome. :D
 
Chapter 78: The new Spanish Morocco
Chapter 78: The new Spanish Morocco:
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The Spanish protectorate in Morocco was established on 27 November 1912 by a treaty between France and Spain that converted the Spanish sphere of influence in Marocco into a formal protectorate. The Spanish protectorate consisted of a northern strip on the Mediterranean and the Strait of Gibraltar, and a southern part of the protectorate around Cape Juby, bordering the Spanish Sahara. The city of Tangiers was excluded from the Spanish protectorate and received a special internationally controlled status. Since France already held a protectorate over the entire country and controlled Morocco's foreign affairs (since 30 March 1912), it also held the power to delegate a zone to Spanish protection. The surface area of the zone was about 20,948 km2 (8,088 sq mi). In a convention dated 27 June 1900, France and Spain agreed to recognize separate zones of influence in Morocco, but did not specify their boundaries. In 1902, France offered Spain all of Morocco north of the Sebu River and south of the Sous River, but Spain declined in the belief that such a division would offend Britain. The British and French, without any Spanish insistence, declared Spain's right to a zone of influence in Morocco in Article 8 of the Entente cordiale of 8 April 1904. The two Governments, inspired by their feeling of sincere friendship for Spain, take into special consideration the interests which that country derives from her geographical position and from her territorial possessions on the Moorish coast of the Mediterranean. In regard to these interests the French Government will come to an understanding with the Spanish Government. The agreement which may be come to on the subject between France and Spain shall be communicated to His Britannic Majesty's Government. What exactly "special consideration" meant was dealt with in the secret third and fourth articles, specifying that Spain would be required to recognise Articles 4 and 7 of the treaty but could decline the "special consideration" if she wished:
The two Governments agree that a certain extent of Moorish territory adjacent to Melilla, Ceuta, and other presides should, whenever the Sultan ceases to exercise authority over it, come within the sphere of influence of Spain, and that the administration of the coast from Melilla as far as, but not including, the heights on the right bank of the Sebou shall be entrusted to Spain.

The British goal in these negotiations with France was to ensure that a weaker power (Spain) held the strategic coast opposite Gibraltar in return for Britain ceding all interest in Morocco. France began negotiating with Spain at once, but the offer of 1902 was no longer on the table. Since France had given up her ambitions in Ottoman Libya in a convention with Italy in 1903, she felt entitled to a greater share of Morocco. On 3 October 1904, France and Spain concluded a treaty that defined their precise zones. Spain received a zone of influence consisting of a northern strip of territory and a southern strip. The northern strip did not reach to the border of French Algeria, nor did it include Tangier, soon to be internationalized. The southern strip represented the southernmost part of Morocco as recognized by the European powers: the territory to its south, Saguia el-Hamra, was recognized by France as an exclusively Spanish zone. The treaty also recognized the Spanish enclave of Ifni and delimited its borders. In March 1905, the German kaiser, Wilhelm II, visited Tangier, a city of international character in northern Morocco. There he loudly touted Germany's economic interests in Morocco and assured the sultan of financial assistance in the event of a threat to Moroccan independence. At Wilhelm's urging, Sultan Abd el Aziz called for an international conference. The final act of the Algeciras Conference (7 April 1906) created the State Bank of Marocco, guaranteed the attending powers equal commercial rights in Morocco and created a native Moroccan police force led by French and Spanish officers.

The final Spanish zone of influence consisted of a northern strip and a southern strip centred on Cape Juby. The consideration of the southern strip as part of the protectorate back in 1912 eventually gave Morocco a solid legal claim to the territory in the 1950s. While the sparsely populated Cape Juby was administered as a single entity with Spanish Sahara, the northern territories were administered, separately, as a Spanish protectorate with its capital at Tetuán. The Protectorate system was established in 1912. The Islamic legal system of qadis was formally maintained. The Moroccan Sephardi Jews—many of them living in this part of the Maghreb after being expelled from Spain and Portugal in 1492 and 1497 respectively after the end of the Reconquista process—flourished in commerce, profiting from the similarity of Spanish and Ladino language and benefiting from the tax-exempt area in Tangier and a flourishing trading activity in the area.

Following the First Great War, the Republic of the Rif, led by the guerrilla leader Abd el-Krim, was a breakaway state that existed from 1921 to 1926 in the Rif region, when it was subdued and dissolved by joint expedition of the Spanish Army of Africa and French forces during the Rif War. The Spanish lost more than 13,000 soldiers at Annual in July–August 1921. Controversy in Spain over the early conduct in the war was a driving factor behind the military coup by General Miguel Primo de Rivera in 1923 which foreshadowed the Spanich Civil War. After the successful 1925 Alhucemas landing, the French–Spanish alliance ended up achieving victory and putting an end to the war. Before 1934, the southern part of the protectorate (Tekna) was governed from Cape Juby (within the same southern strip) since 1912; Cape Juby was also head of the Spanish West Africa. Then, in 1934, the southern part began to being managed directly from Tetuán (in the northern part of the protectorate) and the seat of the Spanish West Africa was moved from Cape Juby to the territory of Ifni (not a part of the protectorate), which had been occupied by the Spaniards that year.
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The Spanish Civil War started in 1936 with the partially successful coup against the Republican Government, which began in Spanish Morocco by an uprising of the Spanish Army of Africa stationed there, although within a day uprisings in Spain itself broke out. This force, which included a considerable number of Moroccan troops (regulares), was under the command of Francisco Franco (who spent much time in Morocco) and became the core of the Spanish Nationalist Army (later the Royal Spanish Nationalist Army). The Communist Party of Spain and Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM), advocated anti-colonial policies, and pressured the Republican Government to support the independence of Spanish Morocco, intending to create a rebellion at Franco's back and cause disaffection among his Moroccan troops. The government — then led by the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) — rejected that course of action as it would have likely resulted in conflict with France, the colonial ruler of the other portion of Morocco. Because the locally recruited Muslim regulars had been among Franco's most effective troops, the protectorate enjoyed more political freedom and autonomy than Francoist Spain-proper after Franco's victory. The area held competing political parties and a Moroccan nationalist press, which often criticized the Spanish government.

When the Second Great War came and the Fall of France occurred, the Nationalist Spanish Empire occupied international Tangier on the pretext that a Italian invasion was imminent. Later Spain joined the Axis Central Powers and helped defeat the British in Gibraltar and the recapture and annexation of Gibraltar by the Spanish state became a huge strategic, tactical and propaganda victory for Spain and the rest of the Axis Central Powers. From 1938 onward the French Protectorate of Morocco had extended it's troops from 20,000 to 70,000 troops, but when the Germans defeated France, this troops joined with the fascists and monarchist Fascist France. Then with a little diplomatic help and pressure from the German Empire, the Spanish took over all of Morocco, unifying it with their own Moroccan colony. With the Petroleum, Coal, Iron, Manganese, Molybdenum, Phosphate, Chopper, Lead, Tin and Zinc from Morocco Nationalist Spain could rebuild better from the Spanish Civil War knew Franco and hoped that the Allies would not focus on Spain to much directly. The Spanish Army of Africa, together with their allies of the Fascist France in Morocco as well as the German West Africa Army under General Wilhelm Ritter von Thoma expandet the railways and roads in new Spanish Morocco, that already connected towards Fascist French Algiers and Italian Tunesia with Tunis and Sfax from where the Italians tried to connect the railway towards Tripolis. On the Spanish side of this Axis Central Powers north and west African campaign, the Spanish, French and Germans in Morocco tried to expand the road that came from Algier over Tanger towards Marrakesh, so that it would lead from there towards Agadir and from there towards Spanish Sahara to better supply the Axis Central Power forces in the region.
 
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Chapter 79: Coprospism – the ideology of the Co-Prosperity Sphere
Chapter 79: Coprospism – the ideology of the Co-Prosperity Sphere:
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Coprospism, or more formally known as the Co-Prosperity Sphere-ism, was the loosely defined political ideology that aims to replace and counter capitalism, democracy, fascism and communism in the struggle of modernizing and liberating the Asian nations from foreign powers and influence. Instead of the working class or the rich capitalists, Coprospism aimed at the historical Asian structures of society, religion and states. Coprospism took inspiration by Sun Yat-sen's teachings of he Three Principles of the People, so the Japanese and the Co-Prosperity Sphere developed the Five Noble Truths as a new ideology. The Five Noble Truths were Aristocracy, Traditionalism, Pan-Asian-Nationalism/Populism, National Governments by the People and finally the People's welfare/livelihood, a concept best understood as social welfare and security and as a direct criticism of the inadequacies of both socialism and capitalism. Coprospism believed that all development came from strong traditions that aimed from the future, after all weren't the Europeans monarchist aristocracies, when they industrialized and started to colonize the whole world? Clearly Asia was a little behind technologically, but unlike Europe or America the Asian nation had not yet lost their connection to their traditional society systems and values. Coprospism believed that the traditional Asian religions like Shintoism, Buddhism were creating a moral superior code way above the monotheistic religions coming from the West like Jewish Faith, Christianity or Mohammedanism. The Asian mindset simply was wider and therefore more open for greatness in any way. This meant that Authoritarian ruler figures as well as the societies and castes in Asian societies were cultures and traditions that were supreme to any other in the world as long as they stood together and enriched each other as brothers and sisters. A Tyrant, Dictator, Emperor or other Authoritarian Figure was thereby destined to rule over a caste society where everyone knew it's place and how important it was.

The Industry in Coprospism were supposed to be ruled by traditional strong and powerful families, like these ruling over their suspects, or parts of the new united governments that emerged out of this smaller states. Every citizen had to serve his family, every family their clan and every clan the country/state/nation. Unlike in Democracy where everyone had a voice, Coprospism believed that some were destined to rule and better to do so then others. Therefore the families/clans that had the longest traditions and knowledge of certain aspects of the state and the economy should be in power to oversee and rule exactly these aspects. In the eyes of Coprospism the family did not end with the clan, but the whole state/nation was a part of a big united family, as were the neighboring countries of Asia. Just like the everyday citizen, the economy, the military and the whole state should be ruled in a aristocratic, authoritarian ruler.

At the same time these rulers had a responsibility to run society fairly for everyone inside it's castes and clans. With a little modernization of the Asian nations inside the unified Co-Prosperity Sphere, Coprospism promised that they were destined to become the new hegemony of the world. When their huge populations with their superior mindset and traditions would manage to come to the same technological and industrialized level that the Americans and Europeans had by now. There was another kind of working class and farmers in the Asian nations, so Coprospism focused on these and their traditions, hopes and believes instead of working class like Communism or other ideologies. The majority masses were ruled by the destined minority with no need for democracy as long as anyone would know his or her place. Organization as well as hard work and a strong mind were the superior way of Coprospism and stood in opposition to the lunatic and simpleminded ideas from outside of Asia, like monotheism, capitalism, socialism, communism or fascism. Despite this strictly ordered and ruled societies inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere there were still Unions, smaller Societies and even parties or political organizations inside these states, nations and societies.

A common grating and cheer inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere would become Banzai. The traditional cheer given to the Japanese Emperor and other dignitaries, or on special commemorations, was Tenno Heika Banzai (天皇陛下万歳 or 萬歲, 'long live the Emperor') or later the shortened form, Banzai. The latter term, which means "ten thousand years," is an expression of Chinese origin (万歳) and was adopted by the Japanese in the Meji period. In its original sense, it is meant to represent an indeterminably lengthy time and is used to wish long life to a person, state, or project. As co-opted by the Japanese, it originally was simply used in this sense to wish long life to the Emperor (and by extension the Japanese state and other member states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere). As the Second Great War progressed, it became the typical Japanese war cry or victory shout and was used to encourage Co-Prosperity Sphere troops in combat.

Imperial or Monarchic Coprospism (sometimes called Hirohitoism after Emperor Hirohito) was a branch of Coprospism with a strong monarchistic component, where a king or emperor stood atop the society. Imperial-coprospists often believed that their rules were divine and send by the gods, making them religious fanatic and very loyal in some chases. The Coprospists in Nippon, Chosen, Manchukuo, Mengjiang, Taikoku and later Tibet had this ideology.

Authoritarian or Totalitarian Coprospism (sometimes Yanism called after Yan Xishan) was a form of Coprospism that focused on a single authoritarian or tyrannical leader with no religious aspect to his rule, but often a strong family tradition, or self proclaimed dynasty to rule after him. This authoritarian-coprospists often hoped to expand their leader cult to a true religious aspect and become imperial-coprospists over time. Authoritarian-coprospist societies and states were a little more open then imperial-coprospists societies in regards of cultural and society changes. The Coprospists in Wang Jingwei's Nationalist China, Yankoku, and Taikoku as well as partly Yikoku had this ideology.

Democratic Coprospism (often called the the Philippine Way) was a form of Coprospism with democratic elements. While it still could have a monarchic or authoritarian leader, most of the power lay by the parliament and elections by the people. To integrate this way with the rest of the ideology of Coprospism, there was a strong emphasis on the cultural and traditional basis of the ideology, the Clans and Families that build the Asian societies. Often more open and free with debates and discussions about the government and the state, this form of Coprospism often allowed and encouraged parties, union, publications and newspapers that were not a part of the government. This allowed for more different views and ideas to flourish, sometimes even these critical of Coprospism, or the own state and people. The Coprospists in the Philippine as well as partly Yikoku had this ideology.

National Coprospism (sometimes called Ri Ginism or Uimin/Euiminism) was a form of Coprospism, where the Co-Prosperity Sphere member state was heavily populated by a single national ethnic and could therefore focus on being Imperial or Authoritarian Coprospism more easily because they had a unified and single population or ethnic they could rely on in their nation state. National-coprospists often wished to see their nation in a stronger, or hegemonic position inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere beside their neighbors, while at the same time working together with them on common threats and enemies. National-coprospist states and nations were often already more hegemonic and united than others. The Coprospism in Japan, Chosen, Tibet, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and to a extend in Mengjiang, Tibet, Yankoku and Wang Jingwei's Nationalist China had this ideology.

Multinational Coprospism (Puyiism after Puyi/ Pu Yi or after Lu Xing-Yong, depending if someone asked in former northern or southern China) was a form of Coprospism were the state was formed out of many ethnic groups without one clearly dominating the other. Multinational-coprospists often had two goals to form strong National Coprospist nation states. Some multinational-oprospists tried so by assimilating all ethnic groups into one of them over time (either the already biggest ethnic or culture, or the one they themselves came from), while other tried to merge all ethnic groups into a single new one (either a historically, or one of their own creation) for their new nation. The Coprospism in Manchukuo, Taikokuo and Yikoku had this ideology.
 
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Chapter 80: National Monarchism/ Fascist Royalism – the new ideology of Europe
Chapter 80: National Monarchism/ Fascist Royalism – the new ideology of Europe:
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National Monarchism or Fascist Royalism was a ideology that formed with the recreation of the German Empire and Austria-Hungary in Europe. It emerged from the founded ideologies of Fascism (Italy), Austrofascism (Austria) and Nationalism (Germany) and build upon this ideas. Although Fascist Royalism and National Monarchism seamed to be similar or even inspired by Coprospism but developed on it's own on similar ideals and grounds. This confusion lead many Western Powers like Great Britain and the United States of America to believe that both ideologies were natural allies and one unified block, when they were not. This chaotic view even blinded some members of Coprospism, Fascist Royalism and National Monarchism and lead to their close cooperation and alliance that aimed to hold back the Soviet Union and the United States of America from interfering in their New Order for Europe and Asia. While it looked like a common ideology to many Democrats or even the Socialists and Communists, Coprospism and Fascist Royalism/ National Monarchism had very few in common in their believes, ideals and overall goals.

Later historians would see Fascism and Nationalism as a previous form of Fascist Royalism and National Monarchism that formed out of a alliance of fascist/nationalist and monarchist elements (then called the Fascist Feudalists) to strengthen their power and influence to form a stability and central government opposing the other democratic factions like Liberalism, Socialism or even Communism as their ideological enemy. Despite this Fascist Royalism and National Monarchism had some socialists elements inside it's ideology, mostly left overs from their Fascists and Nationalist elements that merged with the Royalists. In fear of another Revolution like in 1918 the monarchists and fascists tried to ally with the workers and soldiers to form a strong base for a united state. This union of union of fascist and monarchist elements saw democracy and Bolshevism as the main enemies and threats for the monarchy and a functioning state. Because the Monarchists had close ties with the Christian Evangelic or Catholic and Orthodox Church this created some tension with these elements of Fascist Royalism and National Monarchism that did not care for the church or even wanted to replace it with a leader cult of their own. In the minds of the Austrofascists Royal-Monarchists, Fascist Royalists and National Monarchists the whole state from the family to trade unions, over the economy, industry and military should be lead by a centralized, monarchistic state. They also had racist ideologies, believing that European Nations were destined to rule other ethnics and cultures as Colonies, sometimes even fellow Europeans when they were not Germanic or Romanic. Because they emerged in different states and ideologies, even if they shared some similar believes and goals, but still differed from one another.

Fascist Royalism (sometimes called the Italian/ Romanian Way, Mussoliniism or Francoism) was the original Italian root of Fascism that served the Monarchy. Fascist-royalists believed that both the King and the Leader (sometimes but not often the same person) were important for a strong and powerful state. This authoritarian leader(s) had a cult of loyal followers and hold the main political power in their states and nations, even if some form of parliament and senate was still present in someway. Fascist-royalists saw themselves as the true inventors of the whole ideology and believed that their form of it was the most efficient way to govern their home states and colonial empires. The Italian Kingdom/ Empire and the Nationalist Spanish Kingdom had this ideology.

National Monarchism (sometimes called the German Way, or Wilhelmism) was a form that originated in Germany and united a strong centralized Emperor or King in a position were all government power was in his hands in the end. While there may still be some senates and parliaments in these states they heavily listen to their beloved Emperor. This form of Fascist Royalism also relied on a single ethnic group that was the core population of the central empire, that sometimes ruled over their minorities like others ruled over their colonial population. The German Empire as well as the, French Empire, the Kingdom of Poland, the Kingdom of White Ruthenia, the Kingdom of Ukrainia and the United Kingdom of the Netherlands had this ideology.

Austrofascistmonarchism (sometimes called the Austrian-Hungarian Way, Schuschniggism or Ottoism) was a form of National Monarchism and Fascist Royalism that combined parts of both ideological parts in them. This meant that the Emperor or King of the Austrofascist movements served as a benevolent leader that often was the unifying figure and element of his whole (most often multi-ethnic) country. The Austrian-Hungarian Empire as well as the United Baltic Duchy and later to a part the Russian Empire had this ideology.

Fascist Monarchism (sometimes called Mosleyism, the Anglo Way or Democratic Fascist Monarchism or Democratic National Royalism) was a form of ideology that came from Sir Oswald Ernald Mosley, the 6th Baronet of Ancoats (and the British politician who was the leader of the British Union of Fascists - BUF). Because Oswald hat not the same popularity and influence in Great Britain and the British Empire than Mussolini had in Italy or even Hitler before had in Germany, he tried to ally with the monarchy in his own version of Fascist Monarchism and National Royalism to gain more power, popularity and influence. What would later be called Mosleyism because of him, kept elements of democracy and focused more on a constitutional fascism monarchy/ constitutional national royalism. Because of slowly growing popularity and acceptance of the British Union of Fascist under Oswald Mosley, as well as the in the same way slowly growing popularity of the soon similar structured Monarchistic German American Bund (MGAB)/ Monarchistic German American Federation (MGAF) this more democratic forms of the ideology were more and more popular in the Anglo world and became later known as the Anglo Way because of it.
 
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Chapter 81: The Empire of Taikoku
Chapter 81: The Empire of Taikoku:
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The Empire of Taikoku (also Taikukuo or Taijiang, created out of the former Guangxi Clique after the Guangxi Civil War) was in control of parts of Chinas former Guangxi, Guangdong and Hunan provinces. They opposed Yuan Shikai's monarchist ambitions during the National Protection War and started the Constitutional Protection Movement. The fact that Chiang Kai-shek tried to reorganize the army after the Northern Expedition lead Guangxi in opposition to him. This differences between the central government and the regional powers/warlords led to the break of in the relations between Li Zongren, Bai Chongxi and Huang Shaohong of the Guangxi Clique and Chiang in March 1929, which started the confrontation that lead to the Central Plains War. Chiang Kai-shek defeated the Clique in 1929. Following defeat in that civil war, Guangxi allied with Chen Jitang after he became chairman of the government of Guangdong in 1931, and turned against Chiang Kai-shek. Another civil war later broken out between Chiang and Wang Jingwei. But before that Guangxi faced it's own civil war between Bai Chongxi and Huang Shaohong of the Guangxi Clique on one side supported by Chiang Kai-shek's National China and Li Zongren and Chen Jitang on the other side of the New Guangxi Clique (later Guangxi-Guangdong Clique then Taikoku), the latter supported by Japan and the Co-Prosperity Sphere. Despite heavy losses the new state of Taikoku quickly reconstructed it's progressive administration and could soon once again supply a large number of troops.
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To secure their independence once and for all the State of Taikoku (also Taikukuo or Taijiang) as it was now called as a new member of the Co-Prosperity Sphere tried to establish itself as a independent nation state. While the State of Taikoku lost the island of Hainan to Japan who used it as a base for the Imperial Japanese Army and their Air Forces like Taiwan, it could hold on to it's other territories and even gain some border regions from the Shanghai Government of China. Iron, Cotton, Tin and Wolfram together with a already well going industry and major important ports like Canton (and later Hong Kong) as well the Hsi River and others that connected the whole state besides it's roads and railways Taikoku had a very good chance ad evolving into a powerful member of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. While Chen Jitang stayed the commander of the forces, Li Zongren ruled, following after Lu Rongting and establishing the Li (or Taijin) dynasty. Willing to create a modern and powerful member state of the Co-Prosperity Sphere the Japanese supported the new government the best they could. The ambitions of Taikoku to unite all Tai people (similar to how Siam/Thailand aimed to do so) threatened the independence of Laos shortly, but the nearby Co-Prosperity Sphere members of Yikoku and Vietnam as well as secretly Japan opposed the idea as it would have meant that Taikoku had to annex other regions and would have created a open rivalry with Siam/Thailand as well as a way to powerful Tai state that could have become a hegemonic power over it's Co-Prosperity neighbors.
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This meant that the Authoritarian, Totalitarian and Multinational Coprospism ruling in Taikoku under Li Zongren could not simply rely on the Tai and Cantonese (or Guangzhounese, Guangdongnese and Guangxinese) people majority alone. They also heavily supported the Cantonese (that's what the Han Chinese were called here to further separate them from the southern Han Chinese in the future as a own culture and ethnic group), the second strongest ethnic group. To educate the Cantonese to believe they were not Han Chinese, but a different ethnic the government and the Taikokuo Film Association produced propaganda movies that greatly supported the idea and helped to form a new, independent national identity. At the same time this propaganda claimed (by simply lying) that the Tai, Cantonese, Yue, Zhuang, Yao, Miao, Dong, Tujia cultures and people were very close to each other in hopes to once unify them as the Taikokuo culture and ethnic. The third largest group thanks to the Japanese Empires colonization plans were the Japanese that were supposed to come into the new state by 100,000 people each year since it's creations, 314,857 in total till 1940/41. This made the Japanese population in Taikokuo one of the greatest inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere only behind Manchuria, Chosen and Japan itself. Originally up to 500,000 were supposed to already live there by this time, but the Guangxi Civil War destroyed parts of the infrastructure and industry. Still the Japanese coming were advisers and skilled professional workers for the new government, the Japanese Zaibatsu as well as the newly created Taikokuo Imperial Army and Navy and had a very different position inside the new state. By a overall total population 45,838,000 this meant that the Japanese were very influential as the forth ethnic group (right behind the Zhuang mnority in numbers, who were lessinfluential) even before the native minorities of Miao and Yao people. Thís huge population allowed the Empire of Taikoku to field a army of 1,300,000 troops, many former Guangxi Clique soldier and some with questionable loyalty to the new government. Because of that some former Guangxi soldiers joined the Communist Rebels, the Chiang Nationalist Rebels or the Old Guangxi Rebels that were fighting the new pro-Japanese, pro-Co-Prosperity Sphere government.
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To further unite the Tai and Yue people, Li Zongren named the new state the Empire of Taikokuo, referring to all it's people as Tai from now on, in hopes to truely unite them one day. The former Chinese Republic provinces of Guangxi and Guangdong were further split up into the new provinces of Baise, Chongzhou, Qinzhou, Nanning, Hechi, Beast Bijie, Guyang, South Kaili, Yuling, South Huaihua, Leizhou, Maoming, Jiangmen, Zhaoqing, Hezhou, Yongzhou, Chengzhou, Shaoguan, Heyuan, Shantou, Guangzhou, Shantou and Chanting. While Taikokuo used a huge army /(the Imperial Taikokuo Army, supported and trained by the Imperial Japanese Army) with dual leadership (Tai-Yue) up from the officers to the generals, parts of the land were also secured by the Imperial Taikokuo Navy (supported by the Imperial Japanese Navy that had a new huge bases at Hainan). Thanks to its well developed transportation network, it's important resources and huge army, Taikokuo quickly became a important member of the Co-Prosperity Sphere, despite the Army and Navy rivalry over who should guard the main homeland at the south Chinese Sea primarily. Supported by Taikoku Steel Works who provided the own Army and Navy as well as the Japanese and Wang Jingwei's Chinese Nationalists, Taikoku also leased forces to Laos to fight the Communist Rebels as well as to help Wang in the Chinese Civil War. This meant that the Education and Industrialization Council as well as with the Trade and Transportation Council of Taikokuo, the Bank of Taikokuo, the Taikokuo Industrial Developement Company did not rely on Japan or other member states to much for their modernization and were very less in debt compared to other new member states.
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It's just a shame that all of those monarchies have to be of the evil hard-right type, instead of the constitutional type.
Not all of them to the core and things can change over time. ;D

BTW Poland will come soon (and generall every one of these states including the new ones will get a own chapter).

Also open for more crazy ideologies like Technocracy or Syndicalism or even own new ones to show op once or twice along TTL.
 
Chapter 82: The Kingdom of Poland (Królestwo Polskie)
Chapter 82: The Kingdom of Poland (Królestwo Polskie):
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The Kingdom of Poland (Polish: Królestwo Polskie), also known informally as the Regency Kingdom of Poland (Polish: Królestwo Regencyjne), was a puppet state of the German Empire at the End of the First Great War and recreated during the Second Great War. The decision to propose the restoration of Poland after a century of partitions was taken up by the German policymakers in an attempt to legitimize further imperial omnipresence in the occupied territories. The plan was followed by the German propaganda pamphlet campaign delivered to the Poles in 1915, claiming that the German soldiers were arriving as liberators to free Poland from subjugation by Russia. A draft constitution was proposed in 1917. The German government used punitive threats to force Polish landowners living in the German-occupied Baltic states to relocate and sell their Baltic property to the Germans in exchange for the entry to Poland. Parallel efforts were made to remove Poles from Polish territories of the Prussian Partition.

Before the onset of war in 1914, for the purposes of securing Germany's eastern border against the Russian Imperial Army, Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg, the German Chancellor, decided on the annexation of a specific strip of land from Congress Poland, known later on as the Polish Border Strip. In order to avoid adding the Polish population there to the population of imperial Germany, it was proposed that the Poles would be moved to a proposed new Polish state further east, while the strip would be resettled with the Germans. As the First Great War started, the German Emperor William II conceived of creating a dependent Polish state from territory conquered from Russia, since the majority of all Poles had lived in the area ever since the nation vanished from the European maps, after the three splittings of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1772-1795.

This putative Polish kingdom, of limited autonomy, would be ruled by a German prince and have its military, transportation and economy controlled by Germany. Its army and railway network would be placed under Prussian command. During the first year of the war, German and Austrian troops quickly conquered the Russian Vistual Land, the former Congress Poland, and in 1915, divided its administration between a German Governor General in Warsaw and an Austrian counterpart in Lublin. The German expansion and its goals in eastern Europe were of a different nature from those in the west. Already through Prussia's victory in the 1870 Franco-Prussian War, had the unified Germany reached its western borders which was lost in 1645 at the Treaty of Westphalia. Rather than focusing on mineral and industrial resources, the purpose of eastern expansion was to strengthen German agriculture, expand Junker holdings and acquire large settlement areas for the German farmers and settlers. In this way, the German leadership hoped both to appease the Junker elites and, at the same time, ease the class conflicts in its rural areas. In addition, the confiscation of fertile territories was seen as one way of gaining war reparations from Russia.

In several memoranda sent during 1915 and 1916, Hans Hartwig von Beseler, the Governor-General of the Polish areas under German control, proposed the establishment of an independent Polish state. Under the influence of General Erich Ludendorff, then in effect the director of Germany's eastern European operations, this proposal included the annexation of considerable amounts of land by Prussia, Lithuania and Austria-Hungary. Gerhard von Mutius, cousin of Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg and the foreign office's representative at Beseler's headquarters, disputed the use of annexation, insisting that "if the military interests allow for it, divisions and secessions should be avoided", as such a policy would secure an "anti-Russian inclination toward the new Poland".
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Austria-Hungary had three different ideas regarding Poland. One, the "Austro-Polish solution", involved the creation of a Polish kingdom under the Emperor of Austria, who, among his other titles, was already King of Galicia and Lodomeria. German and Magyar (Hungarian) elements within the Habsburg monarchy opposed such a move for fear of creating a predominantly Slavic area. Unlike Emperor Francis Joseph, however, Charles I of Austria, who had acceeded to the Habsburg thrones in 1916, promoted the idea. The other two ideas involved the division of the former Congress Poland between Prussia and Austro-Hungary, or between Austro-Hungary and a state built from Lithuania, Belarus (White Russia) and the remnants of Congress Poland. The Austrians, however, had underestimated Germany's desire to determine Poland's fate. They did recognise, according to Prime Minister Karl von Stürgkh, that "Poles will remain Poles [...] even 150 years after Galicia was joined to Austria, Poles still didn't become Austrians". It was clear to Austrian politicians that the creation of a Polish state along the lines intended by Germany would mean the loss of Galicia, so they proposed its partition and the formation of East Galicia as an Austrian province. Of the candidates for the new Polish throne, Archduke Charles Stephen of Austria (Polish: Karol Stefan) and his son Charles Albert were early contenders. Both resided in the Galician city of Saybusch and spoke Polish fluently. Charles Stephen's daughters were married to the Polish aristocrats Princes Czartoryski and Radziwill. By early 1916, the "Austro-Polish solution" had become hypothetical. Erich von Falkenhayn, the German Chief of the General Staff, had rejected the idea in January, followed by Bethmann-Hollweg in February. Bethmann-Hollweg had been willing to see an Austrian candidate on the new Polish throne, so long as Germany retained control over the Polish economy, resources and army. German candidates for the throne were disputed between the royal houses of Saxony, Wüttenberg and Bavaria. Bavaria demanded that their Prince Leopold, the Supreme Commander of the German forces on the Eastern front, become the new monarch. Württemberg's candidate Duke Albrecht was considered suitable for the throne because he belonged to the Catholic line of the house. The Saxon House of Wettin's claim to the Polish throne was based on Fredrick Augustus I of Saxony, who was made Duke of Waraw by Napoleon during the Napoleonic Wars, and also to the election of Augustus II the Strong as the King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania in 1697.

With the lost war and the End of the German Empire in 1918 the Kingdom of Poland stopped to exist, but Poland remained independent. But in 1940 the Axis Central Powers guaranteed Poland's independence against the Soviet Union in exchange for retaking the lands they lost in 1918 to the independent polish state. The loss of Germany during the war let Poland gain the Province of Posen, huge parts of West Prussia and Upper Silesia and claim land against the West Ukrainian People's Republic. From February 1919 to March 1921 Poland fought the Polish Soviet War against the Soviet Union, followed by the Polish-Lithuanian War in 1920 none of them leading to satisfying results for all sides. The 1940 Axis Central Power guarantee and the rise of monarchist elements inside the new polish government beside autocratic and fascists elements formed a state very close to Germany and itself also anti-Semitic. Over the next year Poland even leaned closer to the German Empire that promised it's independence, while Austria had suspicious intentions to retake even more once lost parts of it's Empire from Poland. The new Polish Government worked closely together with the Imperial German Army that defender it against the once again growing threat of the Soviet Red Army in the East. Many Polish settled back from the once again German Provinces of the west to strengthen the polish ethnic expansion in the east of their nation against Russian and Ukrainian minorities. Because of the growing Soviet Threat the Germans encouraged the Baltic States to form the United Baltic Duchy as their protectorate north of Poland once again. At the same time the Germans declared the Polish that it would be easy for the Soviet Union to use the Russian and Ukrainian minorities against the Polish State and provoke rebellious insurgencies to undermine and attack it. Because of this danger and the already massed troops at the eastern border of Poland the Polish Government, by now formed out of Monarchist and Polish Nationalist adapted a form of National Monarchism and agreed to new eastern polish borders in favor of a stronger, more united polish national state. Out of Poland Eastern Provinces, the Kingdom of White Ruthenia (White Russia, another German Protectorate) and the Kingdom of Ukrainia (a Protectorate of Austria-Hungary) was formed. Instead of using this two minorities against Poland, now the new Polish state could be assured that they would be used against the Soviet Union.
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The major problem for the new polish state was that the National Monarchists could not agree on a polish aristocratic for the throne of their new monarchistic Kingdom. The Polish Regency Council wished to prevent another situation like in the First Great War and even looked for possible German monarchs, from Bavaria, Wüttenberg and Saxony, to further close it's alliance and ties to the German Empire that just had defeated France and looked like it would be the major hegemonic power in Europe from now on. Their choice felt upon Georg, Crown Prince of Saxony, (born 15 January 1893), because the last King of Poland had come from Saxon too, Georg had becom Catholic and spoke spoke fluid French, Italian, Spanish, English, Czech and Polish. Georg the heir to the King of Saxony, Fredrick August III, until he renounced his right to follow as the King of Saxony. Georg was born on 15 January 1893 in Dresden, Saxony, Germany. He was the son of Prince Frederick Augustus, the later King Friederick Augustus III and his wife, Louise, née Archduchess Louise of Austria-Tuscany. His siblings were the Princes Friedrich Cristian (the later King of Saxony) and Ernst Heinrich and the Princesses Margarete, Maria Alix and Anna Monika. After his parents divorced in 1902, his father took sole parental responsibility for his children. He emphasized the Christian faith and a Catholic lifestyle. The children were educated by private tutors in a "prince's school" established by their father at the Saxon court. Most of the teachers were Protestants; this contributed to his later ecumenical attitude. Georg became Saxony's crown prince at age eleven, when his father acceded to the throne in 1904. After graduating from high school in 1912, Georg studied political sciences for three months at the University of Breslau. He then began to study economics. During this time, he joined the KDSt.V. Winfridia. After completing his studies in 1912, Georg joined the 1st Royal Saxon Lieb-Grenadier Regiment No. 100. His friend and fellow officer Ludwig Renn also served in that regiment; at the time, Ludwig still used his birth name Arnold Friedrich Vieth von Golßenau. Georg held the rank of Captain when he was sent to the front at the start of the First Great War. He suffered a serious leg injury during the first months of the war. In 1915, Kaiser Wilhelm II granted him the Iron Cross first class "in recognition of the services he rendered in the recent battles.". On 27 July 1916, he was added to the staff of Army Group Gallwitzz. On 30 August 1916, he received the Military Order of St. Henry for his services in this staff. On 30 November 1917, he was promoted to major and made commander of the 5th Royal Saxon Infantry Regiment "Crown Prince" No. 104. He commanded this regiment on both the Eastern and Western. He held this command until 22 May 1918. In the spring of 1918, newspapers announced the prince's engagement to Duchess Marie Amelia, daughter of Albrecht, Duke of Wüttenberg, the heir to the throne of the Kingdom of Wüttenberg. The end of the Saxon monarchy in the Weihmar Republic and the prince's desire to become a priest apparently led to the end of the engagement. The duchess died unmarried in 1923. When Germany lost the war, the monarchies in Germany collapsed. Georg's father abdicated on 13 November 1918. This marked a fundamental turning point in his career planning.

In 1919, he decided to renounce his rights on the Saxon throne, and become a Catholic priest instead. This decision was very controversial among people who hoped that the monarchy might one day be restored, and also met with significant concerns from the side of the Catholic Church. For example, Franz Löbman, the Apostolic Vicar for Saxony and Lusatia, and Archbishop Adolf Bertram of Breslau initially held that Georg should continue to hold political responsibility for Saxony. Nevertheless, Georg entered the Franciscan Order. Finding the Franciscan life too intellectually limiting, Georg soon applied to transfer to the Jesuits instead. In the winter semester 1919/20, he studied philosophy at the University of Tübingen. During this period, he joined the A. V. Guestfalia Tpbingen. In the next semester, he studied at the University of Breslau. In the winter semester 1920/21, he began studying theology at the University of Freiburg. He joined the KDSt.V. Hohenstaufen and Saxo-Thuringia. He completed this study in 1923. In the same year, he formally renounced his rights to the Saxon throne and became a Jesuit Priest. He was ordained as priest in Trzebnica on 15 July 1924 by Bishop Christian Schreiber of Meissen. The next day, he celebrated his first mass at the royal palace in Szczodre (German: Sibyllenort. His uncle Maximilian gave the homily during this service. Thereafter, the prince was generally known as Pater Georg (Father George) and used the last name von Sachsen. After his ordination, Georg worked as an auxiliary priest in his native Diocese of Meissen. He then continued his studies at the Jesuit Collegium Canisianum in Innsbrck. In the fall of 1925, he joined the Upper German province of the Society of Jesus, however, in 1927, he switched to the East German province, which included his native Saxony. From 1928 to 1930, he studied at a Jesuit college in Valenburg. From 1933, he did pastoral work in Berlin. He helped building the Jesuit residence Canisius College with the Catholic Gymnasium at Lietzensee. He took his final vows in Berlin in 1936. He gave lectures and spiritual exercises all over Germany. In his lectures, he promoted ecumenism and in particular the Una Sancta movement. Among his friends were spiritual leaders of different religions. During one of his many lectures, he said in Meissen in 1929, referring to the increasing antisemitic agitation by some right-wing parties: Love is the order of the day in the relationship between Catholics and Protestant, and also to our Jewish fellow citizens. So he opposed Nazism from the beginning. He found it unbearable that the Nazi Party and after 1933 the Nazi State vilified and sought to destroy core values that were important to him personally — monarchical and dynastic Saxon traditions and fundamental values of Western Christianity. He felt that his family honor was offended and his work as a pastor was significantly impeded.

Because of that Georg opposed the Nazis and was happy when the Military stopped Hitler and helped Emperor Wilhelm II to come back from Exile and restore the Monarchy. The death of Hitler and the End of National Socialism that was replaced by National Monarchism was a lucky day for Georg because the Catholic priest and a member of the Jesuit order, he was seen as highly suspect by the Nazi regime. He was even shadowed by the Gestapo because he helped Jews opposition politician hiding from the regime. This activities led to a great start inside the renewed German Empire, but Georg refused to claim the Throne of Saxony once again, because he had abdicated his rights as the Crown Prince of Saxony. However, when the Polish Regency Council discussed him as a potential candidate for the Polish Throne because of the Saxon-Polish royal heritage and his Catholic faith and knowledge as a priest he felt honored. About to refuse it was a telephone call from Emperor Wilhelm III that changed Georg's mind and lead to his crowning in Warsaw to become George I., King of Poland (Jerzy I.).

Determent to be a good and just King Jerzy I. started to modernize Poland's infrastructure and increased it's trade with Germany, Austria-Hungary, as well as the Kingdom of White Ruthenia and the Kingdom of Ukrainia who he made treaties of friendship with (just like with the United Baltic Duchy). To protect the polish independence, King Jerzy I. Also expanded and modernized the Royal Polish Army, disbanding parts of the old cavalry regiments in favor of more modern motorized divisions and the first polish tank army, created out from older German models. In the Night of the National Monarchy the new polish King and it's military eliminated parts of the far-right polish nationalists as well as communists and polish royals that posed a threat for his life and the stability of Poland as a nation, claiming it was a Soviet rebellion to destabilize and invade the Kingdom of Poland. With this internal enemies gone, King Jerzy I. Concentrated on further strengthening the renewed Polish Monarchy and state. In one of his first acts he modernized and reformed the government alongside the military and called the Polish Kingdom a free-haven for all minorities and faith, encouraging Jews (who were unwelcome in most of the rest of Europe, just like in Poland before his purges of the Antisemitic Fascist Elements) to settle in the Polish Kingdom. This lead to a increasing Jewish population in Poland coming from all over Europe and partly even Africa. Critics of King Jerzy I. called him a Jewish-Freemason and strongly opposed his idea to settle ethnic Polish people from Russia and Austria-Hungary in his Kingdom to expand the polish border east. Some even believed he wished to claim the Black Sea as a new Polish Ocean after losing the land connection towards the Baltic Sea, but King Jerzy I. just wished to strengthen the polish numbers in the eastern provinces as many White Ruthenia (White Russias) and Ukrainians left Poland to settle in their own independent Kingdoms now. King Jerzy I. would later be remembered in the Kingdom of Poland and among the Polish People as Jerzy the Just, Jerzy the Good and even Jerzy the Pole from Saxon.
 
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