The Co-Prosperity Sphere

[CountofDooku]

I fail to see how AH and Germany will avoid war with Britain (they can't afford such a war and know it), WHILE supporting Italian designs on French and British colonies + Greece.

Maybe it's a plan to let Mussolini stay the center of French British attention with his speaches and claims while they themself at the moment have other goals. ;D

 

[skarosianlifeform]

Well, it would make Mussolini and Italy useful (as a pawn but still useful) to his "allies", instead of being the weak AND stupid (and turncoat) ally...

Also, current Germany now has the same problem as 1870s Germany.
In 1870s, Germany wanted to isolate France, and NEEDED Russia and AH (despite their Balkan rivalry) both at her side (but without alienating Britain, the main rival of Russia).
Now, Germany needs AH on her side (to secure south flank, isolate France and beat USSR), and Italy too (to further isolate France and in case of Western war), both having conflicting ambitions (with each other and Britain). While avoiding conflict with Britain.

I wonder what Stalin is doing though.

 

[CountofDooku]

Well, it would make Mussolini and Italy useful (as a pawn but still useful) to his "allies", instead of being the weak AND stupid (and turncoat) ally...

Further more both AH and Germany can claim the same Mussolini said OTL, that they need more time to rearm and are not prepared for war yet, giving him the option to slow down his ambitions (as long as they claim to be unprepared and haven't started the war themselves yet) further or fear to face France and Britain alone.

 

[LanzCorporalAssWipe]

Thanks a lot.

The Japanese plan is to support the Independence Movement (either diect by war or indirect by a rebel movement) there and set up ap a collaboration government that would join the Co-Prosperity Sphere (under the Ganap Party) and secure the trade path towards the southern ressource regon.

I've played HoI4 and it's a good idea, in the game atleast. But in RL the Philippines is, at it's core, a Democracy. We rose up against our Spanish overlords, and fought for our independence against the US. No one in the PH wants a fascist/dictator as head of government. EDSA revolition is an example.
So don't completely rely on the game. Japan is a Empire but doesn't mean it's fascist just cause it is in the game.
So support Philippine democracy. And besides president Aguinaldo was still alive at that time and he wanted an independent Democratic PH.
I suggest watching the Filipino film's El presidente and Heneral Luna

 

[skarosianlifeform]

I've played HoI4 and it's a good idea, in the game atleast. But in RL the Philippines is, at it's core, a Democracy. We rose up against our Spanish overlords, and fought for our independence against the US. No one in the PH wants a fascist/dictator as head of government. EDSA revolition is an example.
So don't completely rely on the game. Japan is a Empire but doesn't mean it's fascist just cause it is in the game.
So support Philippine democracy. And besides president Aguinaldo was still alive at that time and he wanted an independent Democratic PH.
I suggest watching the Filipino film's El presidente and Heneral Luna

Well, Japan is maybe relatively wanked in this TL, but can still make blunders (like supporting non-democratic Filipino rebels) and fail (for example alienating Filipinos). Just because it is their plan, doesn't mean it'll work alright.

Also, under their cloak of Panasianism, this is still a colonial country.

 

[CountofDooku]

Chapter 25: The Reichskolonialbund:

The Reichskolonialbund (RKB) (English: Reich Colonial League) was a collective body that absorbed all German colonial organizations during the time of the Third Reich. It was led by Franz Ritter von Epp. The purpose of the Reichskolonialbund was to reclaim the overseas colonies that Germany had lost as a result of the Treaty of Versailles at the end of the Great War. The first efforts in rallying support for a re-establishment of a German Colonial Empire in Germany can be traced back to 1923. As a result, a number of pro-colonial organizations, supported by both conservative-minded Germans and nationalists, were established in different parts of Germany. Founded in 1925, the foremost outfit was the Koloniale Reichsarbeitsgemeinschaft (KORAG). This organization, along with other groups, led to the foundation of the preliminary Reichskolonialbund in 1933. The establishment was made in two steps, the second one being its incorporation (Gliederung) into the Nazi party structure and later the new German Empire; as a result many references give three different years for the Reichskolonialbund foundation, 1933, 1936 and 1938.

The Reichskolonialbund was officially established on 13 June 1936 by the former governor of German East Africa, Heinrich Schnee. Whether the organizations that joined it did so freely, or were forced to do so in the name of Gleichschaltung, is a subject of conjecture. Led by Ritter von Epp, the organization's alleged purpose was to "keep the population informed about the loss of the German Imperial colonies, to maintain contact with the former colonial territories and to create conditions in opinion favorable to a new German African Empire. The foundation of RKB was marred with difficulties, for only two months after its establishment, Rudolf Hess decreed its disbandment. However, after lengthy discussions l, the decree was revoked in November of the same year.

As the new German Empire under Emperor Wilhelm II and Chancellor Hitler hoped, the Reichskolonialbund was intended to take over the role of the disbanded German Colonial Society, (Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft) (DKG). Since Germany had no colonies, the Reichskolonialbund was mainly engaged in mostly virulent political agitation. While Wilhelm II truly hoped to regain his lost colonies, for Chancellor Hitler the Rechskolonialbund was a diplomatic weapon against France and Great Britain. This agitation was conducted largely in Germany by means of newspapers, magazines, conferences and "Colonial Exhibitions". That was meant to keep open the so-called Colonial Question (Kolonialfrage) and to gather funds for the organization. The most important weekly publications of the Reichskolonialbund from 1937 onwards were Kaiserkolonie und Heimat and the Deutsche Reichs-Kolonialzeitung, the former mouthpiece of the German Colonial Company. The RKB also printed colorful posters for the advancement of its cause.

The Reichskolonialbund had its own youth organization, the Colonial Youth, which was incorporated as a wing of the Hitler Youth and later the German Imperial Youth. Its members wore the regular Marine or former Colonial (Schutztruppe, English: Protection Force) uniform with Reichskolonialbund badges and insignia's. The youth regularly staged rallies and collected money for the colonial cause during the events organised by the Reichskolonialbund. Adult members of the Reichskolonialbund also wore uniform during parades and rallies. The design was inspired by the Solonial Schutztruppe uniforms of the German Imperial Era. The Reichskolonialbund held two parliamentary sessions, the first in Bremen in May 1938 and the second in Hamburg in May 1939.

 

[CountofDooku]

I've played HoI4 and it's a good idea, in the game atleast. But in RL the Philippines is, at it's core, a Democracy. We rose up against our Spanish overlords, and fought for our independence against the US. No one in the PH wants a fascist/dictator as head of government. EDSA revolition is an example.
So don't completely rely on the game. Japan is a Empire but doesn't mean it's fascist just cause it is in the game.
So support Philippine democracy. And besides president Aguinaldo was still alive at that time and he wanted an independent Democratic PH.
I suggest watching the Filipino film's El presidente and Heneral Luna

Oh no, just for a projapanse government after their true liberation from Amercia, the Second Philippine Republic will have votes later on after that. Unlike mostly Vietnam, or Thailand, Burma and such, were more liberators/rebels hoped for Monarchies of some form as the new liberated state.

And yes just as German Natinalsoialism isn't like Italian fashism, the A-H variation TTL differs much too in their multi-ethnic state, same will go for Japan's new Co-Pros. Shere ieology TTL (both are more authoriatarian and partly racial but that's it).

Well, Japan is maybe relatively wanked in this TL, but can still make blunders (like supporting non-democratic Filipino rebels) and fail (for example alienating Filipinos). Just because it is their plan, doesn't mean it'll work alright.

Also, under their cloak of Panasianism, this is still a colonial country.

That is true I don't believe them supporting the rebels will be change very much (because to open will rise tensions with the USA very much) so the true liberation will only come later with the IJA.

True while their Panasianism is more open and independent then OTL, it is still just another form of British Commonwealh type of Colonial Empire in some form.

 

[LanzCorporalAssWipe]

Is there a flag for the Co-Prosperity Sphere? I tried to Google it and it came up with mainly fan made stuff. One actually was basically the ASEAN flag

 

[CountofDooku]

Is there a flag for the Co-Prosperity Sphere? I tried to Google it and it came up with mainly fan made stuff. One actually was basically the ASEAN flag

Not that I know of, most likely because the Japanese OTL just planned it as a nicer name for their colonial empire.

 

[CountofDooku]

Chapter 26: The Schleswig-Holstein Question:

After Germany had lost the Great War, in which Denmark had been neutral, the victors offered Denmark a chance to redraw the border between Denmark and Germany. The sitting government of Carl Theodor Zahle chose to hold the Schleswig Plebiscite to let the inhabitants of Schleswig decide which nation they, and the land they lived on, should belong to. King Christian X of Denmark, supported by various groups, was opposed to the division. Using a clause in the Danish constitution that the king appointed and dismissed the Danish cabinet, and using the justification that he felt the Danish population was at odds with Zahle's politics, the king dismissed Zahle and asked Otto Liebe to form the Cabinet of Liebe to manage the country until a parliamentary election could be held and a new cabinet formed. Since Zahle's had support from a small majority in the Folketing his Social Liberal Party and the allied Social Democrats felt that the king had effectively staged a state coup against the Danish democracy. A general strike was organized by Fagbevaegelsen to put pressure on the king and his allies. As Otto Liebe was unable to organize an election, M.P. Friis replaced him after a week, and succeeded in holding the election, and as a result the Social Liberal Party lost half their electoral support and their rivals the Liberal Party were able to form the minority cabinet led by Niels Neergaard: the Cabinet of Neergaard II. The whole affair was called the Easter Crisis of 1920.

The Schleswig plebiscites were two plebiscites, organized according to section XII, articles 109 to 114 of the Treaty of Versailles of June 28, 1919, in order to determine the future border between Denmark and Germany through the former duchy of Schleswig. The process was monitored by a commission with representatives from France, the United Kingdom, Norway and Sweden. The plebiscites were held on 10 February and 14 March 1920, and the result was that the larger northern portion (Zone I) voted to join Denmark, while the smaller southern portion (Zone II) voted to remain part of Germany. The Allied powers arranged a referendum in Northern and Central Schleswig. In Northern Schleswig on February 10, 1920 75% voted for re-unification with Denmark and 25% voted for Germany. In Central Schleswig on March 14, 1920 the results were reversed; 80% voted for Germany and just 20% for Denmark, primarily in Flensburg. While in Northern Schleswig some smaller regions (for example Tonder) had a clear majority of voters for Germany in Central Schleswig all regions voted for Germany (see Schleswig Plesbiscites). No vote ever took place in the southern third of Schleswig, because the result for Germany was predictable. On June 15, 1920, North Schleswig officially returned to Danish rule. Germany continued to hold the whole of Holstein and South Schleswig, remaining within the Prussian province of Schleswig-Holstein. The Danish-German border was the only one of the borders imposed on Germany following World War I which was never challenged by Hitler.

The Schleswig Question was not the most important in Chancellor Hitler's ambitions and plans, but it was still a important questions for the German public view and population. For Emperor Wilhelm the question was more important as it was connected to the strategic situation of the nearby Kaiser-Wilhelm-Kanal (also known as the Nord-Ostsee-Kanal, literally "North-[to]-Baltic Sea canal") and the Imperial German Navy (once again known as the High See Fleet, German: Hochseeflotte). To Wilhelm II the Navy was still the most important and most prestige of the now three military branches of the German Empire and rebuilding it at least to some of it's former glory. Because the Anglo-German Naval Agreement from 1935 limited the German Ship tonnage and thereby overall numbers heavily Wilhelm II dreamed of bigger and more powerful ships, able to stand their ground against superior enemy ship numbers and proving once and for all Germany's superiority on sea. The German Emperor even addressed the Navy to partly not finish these ships or to simply lie about their tonnage so that he could have the moment of surprise on his side.

Adolf Hitler on the other hand used the European tension over the so called Yugoslavian Crisis and the diplomatic pressure of the Reichscolonialbund and the claims to regain the German Colonial Mandates as true German colonies to pressure the danish. Hitler called the Schleswig Question a important part of German naval, coastal and trade security, reminding the German people and nation of how the Allies starved Germany out during the Great War. Public opinion in Germany called for at least another new Schleswig plebiscite and Chancellor Hitler himself attacked King Christian X of Denmark and the Danish people as cowards and traitorous bad neighbors for stealing Schleswig in the Threaty of Versailles after the Great War even if they did not actively take part in the fight but stayed neutral during the conflict. The “Stealing of Schleswig” as the German propaganda called it was highly expanded in the German propaganda during this time and King Christian X himself traveled to Berlin (Potsdam to be exact) where Wilhelm II treated him as a honorable diplomatic guest during their meeting in the New Palace (German: Neues Palais) was the palace situated on the western side of the Sanssouci park. In the past years and months, after Wilhelm himself became the German Emperor again, the German Empire's trade with Denmark increased rapidly making it more important, even if by far the trade between Denmark and Great Britain remained the bulwark of their foreign trade.

The upcoming diplomatic talks would be one of a kind in the history of meetings. While Wilhelm II and Christian X got along very well and tried to get to some form of agreement that would suit both sides, Chancellor Hitler openly threatened the Danish King as the talks were not going as planned for him fast enough. Hitler literally said if the danish King is unwilling to decide right now to give the German territory of northern Schleswig back, he would be forced to make a phone call, ordering the attack and occupation of all of Denmark and within a day Christian's whole country would be nothing more then a German state. Wilhelm II himself was shocked at this rude forms and the until now almost buddy like, calm Christian so perplex and outraged that he himself now shouted back at Hitler, claiming that the British Government would not allow such a act that threatened their security in the North Sea and immediately guarantee Denmarks independence and fight alongside them. If he wanted this war Christian claimed, Hitler just had to continue this act, before the Danish King left the room angry. Wilhelm II himself was still stunned and saw how Hitler himself stormed away in rage and anger. Emperor Wilhelm followed Christian and explained to him that for the Private Hitler who fought during the Great War and gave it his all was very emotional about this issue because of his past. Wilhelm II declared that there was nothing wrong with gaining territory trough a honorable fight and peace like Brest-Litowsk like Germany tried during the Great War, but stealing territory without a good bloody fight was unjust said the German Emperor.

After a long discussion with Chancellor Hitler too, both Christian X and the Chancellor returned and Wilhelm was able to start the discussion over Schleswig again. In the end Hitler's treats and Wilhelm's proposals managed to change the mind of Christian and regain the lost German territory, but it came for a price. The German Empire had to declare that they finally accepted the returning of their territory and would from now on respect the integrity of the remaining Danish territory in Europe and it's colonies. The Treat returning the German territory of Schleswig was called the Danish-German Treaty of Friendship and Protection and gained Denmark some things in return. First of all the relations between both countries normalized and became more normal from now on. German propaganda even viewed and called the Danish fellow German brothers since this agreement. Further more the Treaty not only prevented aggressive fighting between both nations but declared that Germany would respect and protect the Danish state from now on against any aggression. Because the Soviet Baltic Fleet would have to pass Denmark on their way towards the high sea this was also meant as another direct move against Stalin's own ambitions with the Soviet Union. Denmark would later even join the Anti-Comintern Pact. And continue it's good relations with the German Empire. The Treaty also allowed Denmark a increasing trade relationship with Germany on very good terms and additionally gave them german imperial state changes as a form of payment for the lost territory too.

 

[LanzCorporalAssWipe]

Not that I know of, most likely because the Japanese OTL just planned it as a nicer name for their colonial empire.

can you make one? Or pick one out on the internet?

 

[CountofDooku]

can you make one? Or pick one out on the internet?

Most likely I will later along TTL.

 

[CountofDooku]

Chapter 27: Reintegration of Eupen-Malmedy:

While the Danish-German Treaty of Friendship and Protection looked like another victory for Germany under Wilhelm II and Chancellor Hitler it changed quiet a few things on the other side of the English Chanal. In Great Britain the Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain was replaced by Sir Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill. Prime Minister Churchill quickly addressed the British Parliament and stated that the era of appeasement would stop right now and that the continued expansion of the Axis Central Powers had to stop. While Churchill had nothing against the German Empire and Austria-Hungary to stop the Soviet Union as a Bulwark, he had no intention to simply replace one enemy state that wanted to conquer Europe and the world with another. Because of that the new Prime Minister made it his goal to stop the rise of any authoritarian state across the world.

During Great War, Belgium was invaded by the German Empire and, between 1914 and 1918, much of Belgium's territory was under German military occupation. With the defeat of Germany in 1918, Belgian politicians attempted to expand Belgian territory at German expense. However, the settlement at the Treaty of Versailles proved disappointing for Belgium. Belgium failed to gain any territory from the Netherlands or Luxembourg, but was awarded the small German colonial territory of Ruanda-Urundi in Africa and Eupen-Malmedy in Europe, together with the previously neutral territory of Moresnet. At the time, Eupen-Malmedy had approximately 64,000 residents. Although the Belgian government attempted to depict Eupen-Malmedy as an ethnically Belgian territory, many Belgians were suspicious of the move.

In 1919, a Transitional Government was established for Eupen-Malmedy by the Belgian government. It was headed by a Belgian general, Herman Baltia. Under the terms of the Treaty, Belgian control over the territory was contingent on the result of a local plebiscite, held between January and June 1920. The plebiscite itself was held without a secret ballot, and organized as a consultation in which all citizens who opposed the annexation had to formally register their protest; just 271 of nearly 34,000 eligible voters did so. The League of Nations accepted the result and the Transitional Government prepared for the unification of Eupen-Malmedy with Belgium in June 1925. In June 1925, the Eupen-Malmedy was finally incorporated into the Belgian state as part of the Province of Liège. The inhabitants of the region voted in its first Belgian general election in 1925 and returned a vote in favor of the centre-right Catholic Party. A local centre-right party, the Christliche Volkspartei (Christian People's Party), emerged by 1929.

The early Belgian administration of Eupen-Malmedy was paralleled by secret negotiations between Belgian and Weimar German government of Gustav Stresemann over a possible return of the region in exchange for money. The negotiations collapsed in 1926, following the German signature of the Locarno Treaties (1925) guaranteeing Germany's western borders and international pressure. Various ethnic German organizations emerged in the Eupen-Malmedy region in the late 1920s, campaigning to promote German culture and the return of the territory to Germany. After the rise to power of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party in Germany in 1933, agitation in Eupen-Malmedy increased and many inhabitants began to wear swatisca badges. Local socialists began to distance themselves from calls to return to Germany. In 1935, an openly pro-Nazi party emerged locally, known as the Heimattreue Front, which achieved a majority in all three of the Eupen-Malmedy districts in the elections of 1936 and 1939. With the return of Wilhelm II as the German Emperor and the transformation of Nazi Germany into the Third Reich the Heimattreue Front was absorbed into the new state and it's imperial organizations. Chancellor Hitler called for a new Eupen-Malmedy Plebiscite knowing by now that a new vote would clearly turn out in Germany's favor.

As their intentionally call for a new vote was unheard and King Leopold III of Belgium faced other problems as well. The 1930s also saw the growth of several authoritarian and fascist political parties in both Wallonia and Flanders. In the 1936 elections, one of these, the French-speaking Rexist party, gained 11.6 percent of the national vote. By 1939 however, extremist parties lost many of the seats that they had previously gained in new elections and political stability seemed to be returning. Chancellor Hitler and Wilhelm II however hoped that these political parties could be aided to destroy the unnatural construct that was the Belgian buffer state in their eyes. Aiding these different nationalists parties alongside the Heimattreue Front, Germany hoped that a Belgian government would be with these parties inside would be to focused on internal fighting and splitting up the Belgian state along their ethnic territories within it. But as the situation calmed, Belgium stood behind their government against the German aggression and once again Britain and France declared to protect the independence of Belgium at any cost against the Axis Central Powers.

Emperor Wilhelm II and Chancellor Hitler knew that the German Empire was not yet ready for a full-out war. Because of that Hitler, knowing how well prepared the Belgian army was and how well defended their border, state was with heavy fortifications an assault on Belgium was not a wise decision either. This meant that Chancellor Hitler had to try another strategy if they wanted to return Eupen-Malmedy to the German Empire. Because of that Chancellor Hitler approved a different path to get these lost regions back. He and Wilhelm II called for the League of Nations and said that the German Empire was fully behind the right of self-determination as preached by American President Woodrow Wilson during the Great War, as long as other nations of the League of Nations would accept for themselves what they were preaching for others. If a new vote over the future of Eupen-Malmedy would be held Hitler promised to accept the independence of the Netherlands and Belgium right away.

The League of Nations called for a peaceful solution, wanting to prove unlike during the Japanese invasion of Manchuria or the Italian invasion of Abyssinia that they could secure the world and protect the peace if needed. Unknown to them they played right into Hitler's hands and the plebiscite over Eupen-Malmedy ended with a enormous victory for the by now renamed Kaisers Heimattreue Front, leading to the return of the Eupen-Malmedy region to the German Empire. It would be the last time Germany, Wilhelm II and Hitler had archived to gain territory in Europe without a fight or any form of violence and brutality. They both knew that their claims on the former German Colonies would go not as easy and that the Third French Republic would not again let go of the former Imperial Territory of Alsace-Lorraine (German: Reichsland Elsaß-Lothringen or Elsass-Lothringen, French: Terre d'Empire d'Alsace-Lorraine or Alsace-Moselle) without a war fought over whose country would dominate and rule Europe in the future.

 

[CountofDooku]

Beginning tomorrow there will be a few votes coming up what plans Germany should follow and focus on now, attack the East first or the West?, try to ally with Britain or oppose it and France? recreate democracy in Germany or go for a full authoritarian, absolutistic Monarchy? and such things.

 

[Icee]

East i say they are the most danger enemy

 

[skarosianlifeform]

East.
They MIGHT be able to beat the Soviets (who will be pressed by Japan, isolated, weakened by purges...). That would gain them an empire full of resources, and remove a major threat and ideological enemy.

They will never ever invade Britain, nor India, Canada, Australia, SA and NZ (they might take Egypt at most). And war with Britain means risk of war with the USA, which is national suicide.

 

[CountofDooku]

Chapter 28: The new German Society:

While many assets and organizations of Nazi Germany were reused and imperialistic used under Emperor Wilhelm II like the Reich Labour Service (Reichsarbeitsdienst; RAD) and even the Radio where the Emperor now held his daily address to the public, other were not quiet as lucky. With the rebuild Friedrich Krupp AG the Wilhelm Werke (were the people's car “Volkswagen” in German were build also known as the Emperor's car “Kaiserwagen” in German) and the Department of Aviation Technic (Institut für Luftfahrttechnik) the German Empire tried it's best to build ab the most elite and most modern army, navy and air force possible, while mostly hiding it's massive rearmament. With rest elements of the Weimar Republic, Militarists, Aristocrats, Nazis, Fascists and other elements trying to reshape the Third Empire to their own wishes Emperor Wilhelm II and Chancellor Hitler had no easy task ahead of them to bring all these ideas under the same hat. Heavy discussions over the future way of the imperial German society were fought. Some called for more democracy, others for more monarchy or authoritarian state. The next wanted a liberal economy others only state controlled conglomerates, or to even ban foreign (mostly french organization and companies) and liquidate these that were unprofitable and unfit to create a new stronger Germany in a planned economy. Some hoped to finally gain true democracy in Prussia or to even restore the legislative Reichsrat, or the Reichstag also known as the Imperil Diet (Parliament).

Some wished to fortify the North Sea Cost and rebuid the Navy others wished to expand the army to secure the grain and steel needed for German autarkic economy in Europe. Then there was the question of coal and fuel and where to get an secure the new Empire's needs for it. Romania and the Caucasus were near, but also oil from Mesopotamia and Venezuela could be used, even if it was questionable how long the supply from there could be secured if war broke out against Britain and France again. A close alliance with Austria-Hungary was wished by many militarists and aristocrats, while most fascists and Nazis preferred a alliance with Italy. Preparations on the next possible blockade with stockpiles of food, grain, coal and oil had to be made, enough for at least a few years. In the High Sea Fleet some favored submarines, others battleships and some even wanted to build carriers. Some in the Navy wished to form a alliance wit Great Britain and later break the Anglo-French colonial hegemony by calling for the return of German colonies lost after the Great War and even retake the former Imperial Territory of Alsace-Lorraine as well as part of Luxembourg, Belgium and the Netherlands as new annexed German lands, while others favored a expansion in the east.

 

[CountofDooku]

Vote on the new German Society:
(all open one week)

The future politics of the German Imperial State
http://www.strawpoll.me/14654309

The German Empire Economy:
http://www.strawpoll.me/14654315

German Army or Navy:
http://www.strawpoll.me/14654320

German coal, oil and fuel and where to get it:
http://www.strawpoll.me/14654324

Our future German allies:
http://www.strawpoll.me/14654330

The new German Navy:
http://www.strawpoll.me/14654341

German Technology and Superweapon focus:
http://www.strawpoll.me/14654357

New special Forces:
http://www.strawpoll.me/14654378

 

[Analytical Engine]

Voted in all the polls.

 

[CountofDooku]

Chapter 29: The Winter War:

The Winter War (Finnish: talvisota, Swedish: vinterkriget, Russian: Зи́мняя война́/ Zimnyaya voyna) was a military conflict between the Soviet Union (USSR) and Finnland starting in 1939. The war began with the Soviet invasion of Finland on 30 November 1939, as a result of the German Empire and Austria-Hungary's plan to form a Anti-Comintern alliance against the Soviet Union in the region. The League of Nations deemed the attack illegal and expelled the Soviet Union from the League. Stalin knew that the guarantee of the Finnish independence was not worth much since none of the Axis Central Powers could reach Finland for a easy support after the russian assault as long as he blockaded the Finnish coast. Stalin attacked because of this in hopes of a easy victory and to show the Anti-Comintern that their pact and agreement was not worth the paper it was written on. The Soviet Union ostensibly sought to claim parts of Finnish territory, demanding—amongst other concessions—that Finland cede substantial border territories in exchange for land elsewhere, claiming security reasons, primarily the protection of Leningrad, 32 km (20 mi) from the Finnish border. Finland feeling secure because of the Axis Central Powers guarantee refused and the USSR invaded the country. Many sources conclude that the Soviet Union had intended to conquer all of Finland, and use the establishment of a puppet Finnish Communist government, while other sources argue against the idea of a full Soviet conquest. The Soviet Union had similar plans for the smaller Baltic states that should allow Soviet bases and be later annexed by the Soviet Union if the Finnish Adventure would be a success.

The Soviets possessed more than three times the amount of soldiers as Finland, thirty times as many aircraft, and a hundred times as many tanks. The Red Army, however, had been crippled by Soviet leader Joseph Stalin's Great Purge of 1936-38. With over 36,000 of its officers executed or imprisoned, the Red Army had many inexperienced senior and mid-level officers. Because of these factors, and high morale in the defending forces, Finland repelled Soviet attacks for three months, much longer than the Soviets expected. However, after reorganization and adoption of different tactics, the renewed Soviet offensive overcame Finnish defenses at the borders.

Hostilities ceased in March 1940 with the signing of the Moscow Peace Treaty. Finland ceded territory representing 11 percent of its land area and 13 percent of its economy to the Soviet Union. Soviet losses were heavy, and the country's international reputation suffered. Soviet gains exceeded their pre-war demands and the USSR received substantial territory along Lake Ladoga and in Northern Finland. Finland retained its sovereignty and enhanced its international reputation. The poor performance of the Red Army encouraged the Axis Central Powers, that an attack on the Soviet Union would be successful and reconfirmed negative Western opinions of the Soviet military.

Until the beginning of the 19th century, Finland constituted the eastern part of the Kingdom of Sweden. In 1809, to protect their imperial capital, Saint Petersburg, the Russian Empire conquered Finland and converted it into an autonomous buffer state. The resulting Grand Duchy of Finland enjoyed wide autonomy within the Empire until the end of the 19th century, when Russia began attempts to assassinate Finland as part of a general policy to strengthen the central government and unify the Empire through russification. While aborted because of Russia's internal strife, these attempts ruined Russia's relations with the Finns and increased support for Finnish self-determination movements. The outbreak of the Great War in 1914 led to the collapse of the Russian Empire during the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the Russian Civil War of 1917–1920, giving Finland a window of opportunity; on 6 December 1917, the Senate of Finland declared the nation's independence. The new Bolshevik Russian government was fragile, and civil war had broken out in Russia in November 1917; the Bolsheviks determined they could not hold onto peripheral parts of the old empire. Thus, the Soviet Union (USSR) recognized the new Finnish government just three weeks after the declaration .

Finland achieved full sovereignty in May 1918 after a 4-month civil war and the expulsion of Bolshevik troops. Finland joined the League of Nations in 1920, from which it sought security guarantees, but Finland's primary goal was cooperation with the Scandinavian countries. The Finnish and Swedish militaries engaged in wide-ranging cooperation, but focused on the exchange of information and on defence planning for the Aland islands rather than on military exercises or on stockpiling and deployment of materiel. Nevertheless, the government of Sweden carefully avoided committing itself to Finnish foreign policy. Finland's military policy included clandestine defense cooperation with Estonia. The 1920s and early 1930s proved a politically unstable time in Finland. The Communist Party of Finland was declared illegal in 1931, and the nationalist Lapua Movement organized anti-communist violence, which culminated in a failed coup attempt in 1932. The successor of the the Lapua Movement, the Patriotic People's Movement, only had a minor presence in national politics with at most 14 seats out of 200 in the Finnish parliament. However, by the late 1930s, the export-oriented Finnish economy was growing and the nation's extreme political movements had diminished.

After Soviet involvement in the Finnish Civil War in 1918, no formal peace treaty was signed. In 1918 and 1919, Finnish volunteer forces conducted two unsuccessful military incursions across the Soviet border, the Viena and Aunus expeditions. In 1920, Finnish communists based in the USSR attempted to assassinate the former Finnish White Guard Commander-in-Chief, Marshal Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim. On 14 October 1920, Finland and Soviet Russia signed the Treaty of Tartu, confirming the new Finnish–Soviet border as the old border between the autonomous Grand Duchy of Finland and Imperial Russia proper. In addition, Finland received Petsamo, with its ice-free harbor on the Arctis Ocean. Despite the signing of the treaty, relations between the two countries remained strained. The Finnish government allowed volunteers to cross the border to support the East Karelian uprising in Russia in 1921, and Finnish communists in the Soviet Union continued to prepare for a revanche and staged a cross-border raid into Finland, called the Pork mutiny, in 1922. In 1932, the USSR and Finland signed a non-aggression pact, which was reaffirmed for a ten-year period in 1934. While foreign trade in Finland was booming, less than one percent of Finnish trade was with the Soviet Union. In 1934, the Soviet Union joined the League of Nations.

During Joseph Stalin's rule, Soviet propaganda painted Finland's leadership as a "vicious and reactionary fascist clique". Field Marshal Mannerheim and Vaino Tanner, the leader of the Finnish Spcial Democratic Party, were targeted for particular scorn. With Stalin gaining absolute power through the Great Purge of 1938, the USSR changed its foreign policy toward Finland in the late 1930s and began pursuing the reconquest of the provinces of Tsarist Russia lost during the chaos of the October Revolution and the Russian Civil War almost two decades earlier. Soviet leadership believed that the old empire possessed ideal the amount of territorial security, and wanted the newly-christened city of Leningrad to enjoy a similar level of security; in essence, the border between Finland and Russia was never supposed to become international.

In April 1938, NKVD agent Boris Yartsev contacted the Finnish Foreign Minister Rudolf Holsti and Prime Minister Aimo Cajander, stating that the Soviet Union did not trust Germany and that war was considered possible between the two countries. The Red Army would not wait passively behind the border but would rather "advance to meet the enemy". Finnish representatives assured Yartsev that Finland was committed to a policy of neutrality and that the country would resist any armed incursion. Yartsev suggested that Finland cede or lease some islands in the Gulf of Finland along the seaward approaches to Leningrad; Finland refused. Negotiations continued throughout 1938 without results. Finnish reception of Soviet entreaties was decidedly cool, as the violent collectivization and purges in Stalin's Soviet Union resulted in a poor opinion of the country. In addition, most of the Finnish communist elite in the Soviet Union had been executed during the Great Purge, further tarnishing the USSR's image in Finland. At the same time, Finland was attempting to negotiate a military cooperation plan with Sweden, hoping to jointly defend the Aland Islands.

The Soviet Union tried to force the Baltic states were soon forced to accept treaties allowing the USSR to establish military bases and to station troops on their soil. The government of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania declined the ultimatum, feeling secure by the guarantees by the German Empire and Austria-Hungary. Finland even started a gradual mobilize under the guise of "additional refresher training." The Soviets had already started intensive mobilisation near the Finnish border in 1938–39. However, assault troops thought necessary for the invasion did not begin deployment until October 1939. Operational plans made in September called for the invasion to start in November. On 5 October 1939, the Soviet Union invited a Finnish delegation to Moscow for negotiations. J.K. Paasikivi, the Finnish envoy to Sweden, was sent to Moscow to represent the Finnish government. The Soviet delegation demanded that the border between the USSR and Finland on the Karelian Isthmus be moved more westward to a point only 30 km (19 mi) east of Vyborg (Finnish: Viipuri) and that Finland destroy all existing fortifications on the Karelian Isthmus. Likewise, the delegation demanded the cession of islands in the Gulf of Finland as well as the Kalastajasaarento Peninsula. Furthermore, the Finns would have to lease the Hanko Peninsula for thirty years and permit the Soviets to establish a military base there. In exchange, the Soviet Union would cede Repola and Porajärvi municipalities from Eastern Karelia, an area twice the size of the territory demanded from Finland. Accepting Soviet demands would have forced the Finns to dismantle their defenses in Finnish Karelia.

The Soviet offer divided the Finnish government, but was eventually rejected. On 31 October, Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov announced Soviet demands in public in the Supreme Soviet. The Finns made two counteroffers whereby Finland would cede the Terijoki area to the Soviet Union, which would double the distance between Leningrad and the Finnish border, far less than the Soviets had demanded, as well as the islands in the Gulf of Finland. On 26 November 1939, an incident was reported near the Soviet village of Mainila close to the border with Finland: A Soviet border guard post had been shelled by an unknown party resulting, according to Soviet reports, in the deaths of four and injuries of nine border guards. Research conducted by several Finnish and Russian historians later concluded that the shelling was a false flag operation carried out from the Soviet side of the border by an NKVD unit with the purpose of providing the Soviet Union with a casus belli and a pretext to withdraw from the non-aggression pact.

Molotov claimed that the incident was a Finnish artillery attack and demanded that Finland apologize for the incident and move its forces beyond a line 20–25 km (12–16 mi) away from the border. Finland denied responsibility for the attack, rejected the demands and called for a joint Finnish–Soviet commission to examine the incident. In turn, the Soviet Union claimed that the Finnish response was hostile, renounced the non-aggression pact and severed diplomatic relations with Finland on 28 November. In the following years, Soviet historiography described the incident as Finnish provocation. Doubt on the official Soviet version was cast only in the late 1980s, during the policy of glasnost.

Before the war, Soviet leadership expected total victory over Finland within a few weeks. Stalin's expectations of a quick Soviet triumph were backed up by politician Andrei Zhdanov and military strategist Kliment Voroshilov, but other generals had their doubts. The Chief of Staff of the Red Army Boris Shaposhnikov advocated a serious buildup, extensive fire support and logistical preparations, and a rational order of battle, deploying the army's best units. Zhdanov's military commander Kirill Meretskov reported at the start of the hostilities: "The terrain of coming operations is split by lakes, rivers, swamps, and is almost entirely covered by forests [...] The proper use of our forces will be difficult." However, these doubts were not reflected in his troop deployments. Meretskov announced publicly that the Finnish campaign would take two weeks at the most. Soviet soldiers had even been warned not to cross the border into Sweden by mistake. However, Stalin's purges in the 1930s had devastated the officer corps of the Red Army; those purged included three of its five marshals, 220 of its 264 division-level commanders or higher, and 36,761 officers of all ranks. Fewer than half of all the officers remained. They were commonly replaced by soldiers who were less competent but more loyal to their superiors. Furthermore, unit commanders were overseen by political commissars, whose approval was needed to ratify military decisions and who evaluated those decisions based on their political merits. The dual system further complicated Soviet chain of command and annulled the independence of commanding officers.

After the Soviet loss in the Battles of Khalkhin Gol against Japan and it's vassals on the USSR's eastern border, Soviet high command had divided into two factions: One side was represented by Spanish Civil War veterans General Pavel Rychagov from the Soviet Air Force, tank expert General Dmitry Pavlov, and Stalin's favorite general, Marshal Grigory Kulik, chief of artillery. The other side was led by Khalkhin Gol veterans General Grigoriy Shtern of the Red Army and General Grigory Kravchenko of the Soviet Air Force. Under this divided command structure, the lessons of the Soviet Union's "first real war on a massive scale using tanks, artillery, and aircraft" at Nomonhan went unheeded. As a result, during the Winter War, Russian BT tanks were less successful and it took the Soviet Union three months and over a million men to accomplish what little success they had against Finland.

Finnish Army centres, by contrast, were deep inside the country. There were no paved roads, and even gravel or dirt roads were scarce; most of the terrain consisted of trackless forests and swamps. War correspondent John Langdon-Davies observed the landscape as follows: "Every acre of its surface was created to be the despair of an attacking military force.” Waging Blitzkrieg in Finland was a highly difficult proposition, and according to historian William R. Trotter, the Red Army failed to meet the level of tactical coordination and local initiative required to execute Blitzkrieg tactics in the Finnish theatre.

The Soviet forces were organized as follows:

• The 7th Army, comprising nine divisions, a tank corps and three tank brigades, was located on the Karelian Isthmus. Its objective was the city of Vyborg. The force was later divided into the 7th and 13th Army.
• The 8th Army, comprising six divisions and a tank brigade, was located north of Lake Ladoga. Its mission was to execute a flanking manoeuvre around the northern shore of Lake Ladoga to strike at the rear of the Mannerheim Line.
• The 9th Army was positioned to strike into Central Finland through the Keinuu region. It was composed of three divisions with one additional division on its way. Its mission was to thrust westward to cut Finland in half.
• The 14th Army, comprising three divisions, was based in Murmansk. Its objective was to capture the Arctic port of Petsamo and then advance to the town of Rovaniemi.

Finnish order of battle:
The Finnish strategy was dictated by geography. The 1,340 km (830 mi) long frontier with the Soviet Union was mostly impassable except along a handful of unpaved roads. In pre-war calculations, the Finnish Defence Command, which had established its wartime headquarters at Mikkeli, estimated seven Soviet divisions on the Karelian Isthmus and no more than five along the whole border north of Lake Ladoga. In the estimation, the manpower ratio would have favoured the attacker by three to one. The true ratio was much higher; for example, 12 Soviet divisions were deployed to the north of Lake Ladoga.

An even greater problem than lack of soldiers was the lack of material; foreign shipments of anti-tank weapons and aircraft were arriving in small quantities. The ammunition situation was alarming, as stockpiles had cartridges, shells, and fuel only to last 19–60 days. The ammunition shortage meant the Finns could seldom afford counterbattery or saturation fire. Finnish tank forces were operationally non-existent. The ammunition situation was alleviated somewhat since many Finns were armed with Mosin-Nagant rifles dating from the Finnish Civil War capable of cambering the 7.62x54mmR cartridge used by Soviet forces. Some Finnish soldiers maintained their ammunition supply by looting the bodies of dead Soviet soldiers.

The Finnish forces were positioned as follows:

• The Army of the Isthmus was composed of six divisions under the command of Hugo Österman. The II Army Corps was positioned on its right flank and the III Army Corps on its left flank.
• The IV Army Corps was located north of Lake Ladoga. It was composed of two divisions under Juho Heiskanen, who was soon replaced by Waldemar Hägglund.
• The North Finland Group was a collection of Civic Guards, border guards, and drafted reservist units under Wiljo Tuompo.

On 30 November 1939, Soviet forces invaded Finland with 21 divisions, totaling some 450,000 men, and bombarded Helsinki inflicting substantial damage and casualties. In response to international criticism, Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov tated that the Soviet Air Force was not bombing Finnish cities, but rather dropping humanitarian aid to the starving Finnish population, sarcastically dubbed Molotov bread baskets by Finns. The Finnish statesman J. K. Paasikivi commented that the Soviet attack without a declaration of war violated three separate non-aggression pacts: the Treaty of Tartu signed in 1920, the non-aggression pact between Finland and the Soviet Union signed in 1932 and again in 1934, and also the Covenant of the League of Nations, which the Soviet Union signed in 1934. Field Marshal C.G.E. Mannerheim was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Finnish Defense Forces after the Soviet attack. In further reshuffling, the Finnish government named Risto Ryti as prime minister and Väinö Tanner as foreign minister. Finland brought up the matter of the Soviet invasion before the League of Nations. The League expelled the USSR on 14 December 1939 and exhorted its members to aid Finland.

On 1 December 1939, the Soviet Union formed a puppet government, called the Finnish Democratic Republic and headed by Otto Wille Kuusinen, in the parts of Finnish Karelia occupied by the Soviets. Kuusinen's government was also referred to as the "Terijoki Government," after the village of Terijoki, the first settlement captured by the advancing Red Army. After the war, the puppet government was disbanded. From the very outset of the war, working-class Finns stood behind the legitimate government in Helsinki. Finnish national unity against the Soviet invasion was later called the spirit of the Winter War.

The Mannerheim Line, an array of Finnish defense structures, was located on the Karelian Isthmus approximately 30 to 75 km (19 to 47 mi) from the Soviet border. The Red Army soldiers on the Isthmus numbered 250,000, facing 130,000 Finns. The Finnish command deployed a defence in depth of about 21,000 men in the area in front of the Mannerheim Line to delay and damage the Red Army before it reached the line. In combat, the most severe cause of confusion among Finnish soldiers was Soviet tanks. The Finns had few anti-tank weapons and insufficient training in modern anti-tank tactics. However, according to Trotter, the favoured Soviet armoured tactic was a simple frontal charge, the weaknesses of which could be exploited. The Finns learned that at close range, tanks could be dealt with in many ways; for example, logs and crowbars jammed into the bogie wheels would often immobilise a tank. Soon, Finns fielded a better ad hoc weapon, the Molotov cocktail, a glass bottle filled with flammable liquids and with a simple hand-lit fuse. Molotov cocktails were eventually mass-produced by the Finnish Alko alcoholic beverage corporation and bundled with matches with which to light them. 80 Soviet tanks were destroyed in the border zone engagements.

By 6 December, all of the Finnish covering forces had withdrawn to the Mannerheim Line. The Red Army began its first major attack against the Line in Taipale—the area between the shore of Lake Ladoga, the Taipale river and the Suvanto waterway. Along the Suvanto sector, the Finns had a slight advantage of elevation and dry ground to dig into. The Finnish artillery had scouted the area and made fire plans in advance, anticipating a Soviet assault. The Battle of Taipale began with a forty-hour Soviet artillery preparation. After the barrage, Soviet infantry attacked across open ground but was repulsed with heavy casualties. From 6 December to 12 December, the Red Army continued trying to engage using only one division. Next, the Red Army strengthened its artillery and deployed tanks and the 150th Rifle Division forward to the Taipale front. On 14 December, the bolstered Soviet forces launched a new attack but were pushed back again. A third Soviet division entered the fight but performed poorly and panicked under shell fire. The assaults continued without success, and the Red Army suffered heavy losses. One typical Soviet attack during the battle lasted just an hour but left 1,000 dead and 27 tanks strewn on the ice.

North of Lake Ladoga on the Ladoga Karelia front, the defending Finnish units relied on the terrain. Ladoga Karelia, a large forest wilderness, did not have road networks for the modern Red Army. However, the Soviet 8th Army had extended a new railroad line to the border, which could double the supply capability on the front. On 12 December, the advancing Soviet 139th Rifle Division, supported by the 56th Rifle Division, was defeated by a much smaller Finnish force under Poova Talvela in Tolvajärva, the first Finnish victory of the war. In Central and Northern Finland, roads were few and the terrain hostile. The Finns did not expect large-scale Soviet attacks, but the Soviets sent eight divisions, heavily supported by armour and artillery. The 155th Rifle Division attacked at Lieksa, and further north the 44th attacked at Kuhmo. The 163rd Rifle Division was deployed at Suomussalmi and charged with cutting Finland in half by advancing on the Raate road. In Finnish Lapland, the Soviet 88th and 122nd Rifle Divisions attacked at Salla. The Arctic port of Petsamo was attacked by the 104th Mountain Rifle Division by sea and land, supported by naval gunfire.

World opinion largely supported the Finnish cause, and the Soviet aggression was generally deemed unjustified. World War II had not yet directly affected France, the United Kingdom or the United States; the Winter War was the only real conflict in Europe at that time and thus held major world interest. Several foreign organisations sent material aid, and many countries granted credit and military material to Finland. The German Empire allowed arms to pass through Sweden to Finland, but after a Swedish newspaper made this fact public, Chancellor Adolf Hitler and Emperor Wilhelm II prepared the Axis Central Powers for “Operation: Kaiserwetter” (an operation preparing for securing the Scandinavian states, their resources and strategic locations for the Axis Central Powers against the Soviet Union). Volunteers arrived from various countries. By far the largest foreign contingent outside of the Axis Central Powers came from neighboring Sweden, which provided nearly 8,760 volunteers during the war. The Swedish Volunteer Corps (Svenska Frivilligkaren), formed from Swedes, Norwegians (727 men) and Danes (1,010 men), fought on the northern front at Salla during the last weeks of the war. A Swedish unit of Gloster Gladiator fighters, named "the Flight Regiment 19" also participated. Swedish anti air batteries with Bofors 40mm guns were responsible for air defense in Northern Finland and the city of Turku. Volunteers arrived from Hungary, Italy and Estonia. 350 American nationals of Finnish background volunteered, and 210 volunteers of other nationalities made it to Finland before the war ended. Max Manus, a Norwegian, fought in the Winter War before returning to Norway and later achieving fame as a resistance fighter during the German occupation of Norway and Sweden. In total, Finland received 12,000 volunteers, 50 of whom died during the war.