Chapter 278: Wilhelm's Sharks
Chapter 278: Wilhelm's Sharks:
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While German Emperor Wilhelm III preferred a strong surface fleet and saw the prestige of the High Seas Fleet liked his father Wilhelm III before him, he realized that the U-Boate (submarines) had the true potential to starve Great Britain into surrendering long before the Axis Central Power Fleets could hope to fight the Royal Navy head on. In the Axis Central Powers propaganda these submarines were soon known as Wilhelm's sharks, that raided the Atlantic Ocean to cu of England from Allied supply's by sea.

“This was all way easier without the American air-cover and convoys.” sad one of the German sailors in the submarine.

“Yeah it was like shooting sitting ducks Fritz.” said Achim annoyed. He liked the new trill and action of attacking these well defended convoys.

“It's still like that if you are experienced enough.” smiled Commander (Kommandant) Erwin Blumbach as they approached the Allied transport ship convoy, guarded by American and British Navy ships.

“Allied convoy ahead, all men on their stations.” shouted the submarine commander and watched every movement of the enemy convoy and it's escort ships as they approached it.
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“Slowly and steady now.” ordered the German Submarine Commander as they sneaked right past the escort ships, their own machines turned of to not make any sudden noises. With the periscope he now could easily watch every step of the convoy ships above him. He knew he had to wait for the right time when they were in between the convoy ships so that the escorts could not simply stop or attack them after they had attacked and raided the convoys.

“Surface now.” smiled the German Commander and his submarine slowly emerged in the cover of the night. “Wait for it, wait for it … fire stern torpedoes.” shouted the Submarine commander as one of the allied convoy ships was in perfect position. Then he watched as the two torpedoes slowly seeded towards their target, hit it and sunk the allied raw material cargo ship. Normally this would have been the time to submerge once again under the water surface, but he had purposely positioned his submarine so that he could hit the next convoy ship with their prow torpedoes shortly after. “Fire prow torpedoes now.” ordered the Commander Blumbach and the next two torpedoes were on their way to sink the closely allied tanker. Honestly he had hoped to sink a Allied troop transport, a ammunition cargo ship, or a cargo ship for tanks, planes and other supplies, but any sunken Allied ship was a small step towards a Axis Central Powers victory anyway. The question now was if they should simply escape and hope for the other sharks in their group to have a similar success at the other ends of the convoy, or if they should try to get a few more Allied ships sunken themselves.
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“Enemy search lights.” warned the captain that the convoy had now started to look on the water surface for them with their search lights. Now they had to quickly dive weather they wanted to or not, as soon the Allied ships would launch their depth charge launchers, anti-submarine mortars that were introduced just this year to prevent loss of sonar contact. These mortars, the first of their type being Hedgehog, fired a pattern of small depth charges. One type of charge was used to create entire patterns of explosions underwater around a potential enemy. This meant that the German submarine had not only to escape silently, but also to avoid any hits by accident. Driving in some shortcuts to confuse the Allied patrol ships pursuing them, the German submarine. “Incoming.” warned one of the German sailors as the next allied devise exploded right above the submarine, ripping it apart and killing the whole crew.
 
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Chapter 279: Co-Prosperity Sphere Civilian and POW camps in the Siamese/Thai Empire
Chapter 279: Co-Prosperity Sphere Civilian and POW camps in the Siamese/Thai Empire:
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Inside the Siamese/Thai Empire, the Co-Prosperity Sphere focused on two major railroads, the eastern link between Bangkok, Pnompenh and Saigon, as well as the western link between Bankok and Rangoon (by connecting Meklon and Maulmein). These railways connected the Siamese/ Thai Empire with the rest of the Co-Prosperity Sphere and allowed the flow of the southern ressources north into the Chinese states, Mengjiang, Manchukuo, Chosen and Japan. The railway also supported their forces and supplies at the Burma front against the Allies. The Siamese/ Thai however build a additional from their already existing route in Utanauit to Nongkhav on the border to the Kingdom of Laos, were it connected to Vientiane. This last part was mostly a tool for Siam/Thailand to expand it's economic and military involvement and influence over the fellow Tai ethnic in Laos in hopes to one day annex the region. As one of the longest railways build in the Co-Prosperity Sphere right next to the New-Guinea, Sumatra and Celebes ones, the Siamese/Thai railways would link over 1,660 kilometer (1,032 miles) in Siam/Thailand, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam. The majority of them would be build and finished between 1942 and 1943. Between 900,000 and 1,000,000 Southeast Asian civilian laborers (so called romusha) and about 70,000 to 80,000 Allied prisoners of war or European citizens of the former colonies were subjected to forced labor during the railways construction in the Siamese/Thai Empire alone. About 316,000 civilian laborers and more than 14,000 Allied prisoners died during the construction. As their main source for quick supplies and reinforcements the Imperial Japanese Army and the Imperial Siamese/Thai Army massively supported the railway project in any form they could.
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Another idea more favored by the Imperial Japanese Navy and the Imperial Siamese/Thai Navy was a idea so old it dated back to 1882. With 40,34 miles or 65 kilometer the isthmus of Cra/Kra was not even half as long as the Suez Channel and would shorten the around around the Strait of Malacca by four whole days. Knowing the danger that such a plan would be for Singapore the British Empire made a contract with Siam that no third power would be allowed to build anything there. But the contract did not explicitly forbid Siam/Thailand to start building the Cra/Kra Channel on it's own even with foreign money. With the growing intense economic and trade relations between the Empire of Japan and Siam before the Second Great War many suspected that the channel would soon be stared and build. The major problem back then was that the shortest planned route for the Cra/Kra Channel would have it's inlet be dominated by the British island of Matthew and Victoria Point as well as the Andaman and Nicobar Islands the southern end of British Burma and British India. This changed when the Co-Prosperity Sphere started to liberate the region and all of the mentioned places (with the exception of the Andaman Islands who would become a part of the new Kingdom of Burma) got under control of the Siamese/ Thai Empire. Beside the military factor that a Cra/Kra Channel would shorten the supply routes and ship redeployment for the Co-Prosperity Sphere between he South Chinese/ Vietnamese Sea and the Bay of Bengal it would also mean a immense source of income for the already massively expanded Siamese/Thai Empire that was by now in control of the Malayan Peninsula as well as parts of former British Burma (now the Kingdom of Burma) and French Indochina (now the Kingdoms of Cambodia and Laos).
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Chapter 280: The French Empire (Empire Français) continues to fight
Chapter 280: The French Empire (Empire Français) continues to fight:
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The British attack on the technically still allied French fleet in Toulon and Mers-el-Kébir many french even none-national monarchists and none-fascist royalists saw the British as traitors. When the German Empire allowed them to annex southern Belgium (Wallonia) in compensation for Imperial Territory of Alsace-Lorraine (German: Reichsland Elsaß-Lothringen or Elsass-Lothringen as well as their acceptance of Napoléon VI as the Emperor instead of just a King for the resurrected French Empire many French felt proud once again to not be completely humiliated. What they did not know was that some German militarists and expansionists like the Burgundian Order (similar to the eastern Teutonic and Gothic Orders) secretly dreamed about annexing the United Netherlands as well as huge parts of former Burgundy in eastern France into the German Empire. In the colonies the loss of Morocco to Spain and Tunis to Italy, two of the most precious, important and incorporated colonies for the French Fatherland weight heavy, but Fascist France hope that these colonies would return or at least be exchanged like Alsacre-Lorraine before at expense of the British Empire once the Second Great War was won for the Axis Central Powers.
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But to do so Napoléon and his Fascist Royalist Government knew that France had to fight alongside the Axis Central Powers fully if they wished to be accepted as a equal member at the Peace Conference later on. The fight of French fighters and bombers over England and the fight of French forces in the Soviet Union during the Eastern Crusade. To do so the former French military was reorganized and renamed Armée Impériale Français and added with new formations, subdivisions and troop units. The Légion Imperiale for example served as the sole defender of he Imperial French Motherland (including Mainland France and Algiers), while the Phalange Afrisaine (African Phalanx) and the Phalange Orientale (Middle East Phalanx) served in he colonies and alongside Axis Central Power Forces outside of Europe. There the Phalanxes consisted mostly 2/3 French and 1/3 Algerians, or other African and Oriental citizens of former French Colonies, Territories or League of Nation Mandates (like Syria).
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Another unit fighting for the Fascist Royalist French Empire were the Groupes mobiles de réserve (French: mobile reserve groups), often referred to as GMR, paramilitary units created by the new government with the task to serve as a fusion between police and military. This way they could serve as Gendarme as well as soldiers, depending on the need of the situation. They were not as good trained and equipped as the regular armed forces, but still much better trained and equipped then the guards and police. But just like in the Italian/ new Roman Empire and the Kingdom of Spain these forces drastically lacked equipment that was not outdated and a good military leadership. This was mostly thanks to the factor that all three nations promoted their higher ranks rather on political affiliation then on experience or ability in fear of communists or other traitorous elements in their forces.
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Chapter 281: Manchuria and the White Russian Far East Republic of Vladivostok
Chapter 281: Manchuria and the White Russian Far East Republic of Vladivostok:

During the October Revolution, the Japanese were already gaining influence in Chinese Manchuria. They were surprised when the Bolsheviks successfully took power in Russia. While the Americans were interested in supporting Kolchak's White government, the Japanese aimed to take over Russian ports and coastal territories. In 1918, Japan occupied Vladivostok with the United States Marines. The Japanese had plans of rapid expansion starting in Amur and Ussuri River region all the way to Lake Baikal (a plan later revisited during the Second Great War). In response to the Russians' establishment of the Far Eastern Republic, the Japanese backed the Provisional Pramurye Government.
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Konstantin Vladimirovich Rodzaevsky (Russian: Константи́н Влади́мирович Родзае́вский; born 11 August 1907) was the leader of the Russian Fascist Party, which he led in exile from Manchuria. Rodzaevsky was also the chief editor of the RFP paper "Nash Put'". Born in Blagoveshchensk (across the Amur from China) in a family of the Siberian middle-class, he fled the Soviet Union for Manchuria in 1925. In Harbin, Rodzaevsky entered the law academy and joined the Russian Fascist Organisation. On May 26, 1931, he became the Secretary General of the newly created Russian Fascist Party; in 1934 the Party amalgamated with the Russian Fascist Organisation of Anastasy Vonyatsky, Rodzaevsky becoming its leader. He modeled himself on Benito Mussolini and also used the Swatiska as one of the symbols of the movement. Later he would replace the sign with the Russian Cross when his movement became the Russian Fascist Royalist Organisation in 1941 and supported the new Russian Empire. Rodzaevsky collected around himself personally selected bodyguards, and used symbolism of the former Russian Empire along with Russian nationalist symbols; like the Italian Blackshirts, the Russian Fascists wore white uniforms (Whiteshirts) with black crossed belts; they were armed with weapons obtained from Imperial Japanese Army. They created an international organization of White émigrés with a central office in Harbin, the "Russian Far East Moscow", and links in twenty-six nations around the world. The most important of these international posts was in New York City.

Rodzaevsky had around 12,000 followers in Manchukuo. During the 2,600th anniversary of the founding of the Empire of Japan, Rodzaevsky, with a select group of people, paid his respects to Emperor Hirohito at the official celebration in the region. The fascists installed a great swatiska (later the russian cross) of neon light at their branch in Manzhouli (Manchouli), at least 3 km from the Soviet border. It was kept on all day and night to provide a show of power against the Soviet government. Rodzaevsky awaited the day when, leaving these signs on the Russian border, he would lead the White Anti-Soviet forces, joining White General Kislitsin and Japanese forces, into battle to "liberate the people of Russia from Soviet rule". Their main military acts involved the training of Asano Detachment, the all ethnic-Russian special forces in the Kwantung Army, organized for carrying out sabotage against Soviet forces in case of any Japanese invasion of Siberia and Russian Far East areas; Japan was apparently interested in creating a White Russian state in Outer Manchuria at this time.

During the Second Great War, Rodzaevsky tried to launch an open struggle against Bolshevism, and Japanese authorities encouraged the RFP’s activities to acts of sabotage in the Soviet Union shortly before their northern Invasion. A notorious anti-Semite, Rodzaevsky published numerous articles in the party newspapers Our way and The Nation; he was also the author of the brochure "Judas’ End" and the book "Contemporary Judaisation of the World or the Jewish Question in the 20th Century". After the Japanese, Manchurian, Mengjiang and Yankoku invasion of the Soviet Union, Rodzaevsky established a short lived National Monarchist regime known as the White Russian Far East Republic that forced the Jewish Oblast to resettle in Manchuria and leave the are (later they were resettled there by Manchukuo). When most of the Russian Far East was outright annexed by Manchuria and Mengjiang, Rodzaevsky felt betrayed and parted with the Japanese. He left Asia to directly join the new Russian Empire under Tsar Vladimir where he became the President of the new National Monarchist and Fascist Royalist dominated Duma.
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Vladimir Alexandrovich Kislitsin (Russian: Влади́мир Алекса́ндрович Кисли́цын) (born January 9, 1883, Bila Tserkva) was an officer in the Imperial Russian army, later commanding General of the pro-monarchist White Army in the later stages of the Russian Civil War and finally Commander (General) of the White Anti-Soviet forces that invaded the Soviet Union at the side of the Co-Prosperity Forces during the Northern Expansion Doctrine (北進論, Hokushin-ron or Northern Road, also known as the “Eastern Crusade” in Europe, the Great Jihad in the Neo-Ottoman Empire or the Second Russian Civil War in the Russian Empire). As a son of Admiral Alexander Kislitsin, Vladimir took his education at the Odessa Military Institution in 1900 and the Sandomir Officer Training School. He was assigned to the Special Frontier Corps on the Western border of the Russian Empire. Thus, he was sent to the Russo-Japanese War. In the course of the First Great War he headed as an officer of the 11th Dragoon Regiment, gaining a rank as colonel in 1916. Vladimir Kislitsin was awarded the Order of St. Georg of the Fourth Degree (1915), the Order of Saint Stanislaus (Imperial House of Romanov) of the 3rd and 2nd classes, the St. George honor weapon, and the Order of St. Anna, the 4th and 1st classes. He was repeatedly wounded, many times in the head.

In 1918 he was appointed commander of the 3rd Cavalry Division of Ufa and then 3rd Cavalry Corps in the army of the Hetmanate. In 1919 Kislitsin served as a company commander in the Northern Army of Evgenii Miller. In July of the same year, Vladimir Kislitsin was appointed commander of 2nd brigade of Ufa Cavalry Division under Admiral Kolchak, in December 1919 he was appointed commander of 2nd Ufa Cavalry Division. After the defeat of Admiral Kolchak's armies in the Ural and Western Siberia, Vladimir Kislitsin took part in the Great Siberian Ice March. After arrival at Chita, Ataman Grigory Semyonov trusted into his hands the 1st Ataman Semyonov Manchurian Detachment until the end of the White movement in Transbaikal (1921-1922).

Vladimir Kislitsin emigrated to Harbin in November 1922, where he became a dentist, but also served in the police. In Manchuria he was a head of local "legitimists" (legitimisti, in Russian легитимисты), who supported Grand Duke Cyril Vladimirovich (and later Vladimir Kirillovich, Grand Duke of Russia) as a legal heir to Russian throne. In 1928 he was promoted to full general by Grand Duke Cyril Vladimirovich. In 1936 Kislitsin's memoirs ('In the fires of the Civil War: Memoires') were published in Harbin (then a part of Manchukuo) by Nash Put publishing house. From 1938 to 1942 Kislitsin acted as a chairman of Bureau for Russian Emigrants in Manchuria (BREM), established by Japanese occupational forces of the Kwantung Army. When the Co-Prosperity Sphere invaded the Russian Far East, he lead the White Anti-Soviet forces made up by

150,000 exile White Russian Soldiers who fought alongside the Co-Prosperity Sphere (mainly Japan, Manchukuo, Mengjiang and Yankoku) forces against the Red Army in the Far East and later Siberia as their General under the High Command of Ataman Grigory Semyonov. When Japan, Manchukuo and Mengjiang annexed huge parts of the region directly, he felt outraged, but when Tsar Vladimir signed the Imperial Russian – Co-Prosperity Sphere Border Agreement he accepted the new reality and continued to fight the remnants of the Red Army in Siberia for the Russian Empire until they were wiped out.

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The Russian Fascist Party (RFP) (Russian: Российская фашистская партия), sometimes called the All-Russian Fascist Party, was a minor Russian émigré movement that was based in Manchukuo during the 1930s and 1940s. Fascism had existed among the Manchurian Russians and had been promoted by the minor Russian Fascist Organisations amongst others. The defeat of the White Armies in the Russian Civil War, which discredited the older White leaders, together with the rise of the Fascism in Italy caused much of the younger Russian emigres to look for fascism as an alternative that might best Communism. The fascist movement among the Russian emigres existed around the world, but the majority of those inclined were to be found in Manchuria and the United States. A number of Russians had settled in Manchuria when the region was occupied by Russia in the years 1900-1905, which further increased by an influx fleeing after the Red Army victory in the Russian Civil War. A secret convention of the various groups was held, leading to the foundation of the RFP under the presidency of Major General Vladimir Dmitrievich Kozmin. Konstantin Rodzaevsky became Secretary General of the party's central committee on May 26, 1931, becoming the de facto leader of the party. Adopting the slogan "God, Nation, Labour" and publishing the journal Natsiya, the party called for Italian-style fascism to take advantage of the shaky position of the Bolshevik leaders in the face of both external and internal opposition. During the Japanese Invasion/ Liberation of Manchuria in 1931-32, the Russian Fascist Party came out very strongly in the support of Japan, forging close links with the Kwantung Army, that lasted till the annexation of the former Russian Far East by Japan, Manchuria and Mengjiang.

By cooperating with Japan, the RFP became the most influential émigré group in Manchukuo, setting up a party school in Harbin in 1932. The party also developed close links to like-minded groups in the United States, including Anastasy Vonyatsky during his exile. On March 24, 1934 a merger was agreed in Tokio between the RFP and Vonsyatsky's supporters (who also used the label All-Russian Fascist Organisation), although they would later clash over Rodzaevsky's attempts to accommodate more conservative Russians, as well as his anti-Semitism, which Vonsyatsky rejected. In a pamphlet published in Connecticut in 1932 titled On Russian Jews, Vonsyatsky had written: "Among the Jews, only the red Jew is our enemy. Do not touch the peaceful Jewish inhabitant, his wife or his children. We are Christians. We do not shed innocent blood, we do not lament the guilty". By contrast, Rodzaevsky's followers had been translating various völkisch tracts from German into Russian since 1932, and he had been an open admirer of Nazi Germany right from the beginning.

Much to his own discomfort, the Kwantung Army forced Rodzaevsky to concede that in the event of a war with the Soviet Union, all of the Russian emigres in Manchuria were come under the command of Ataman Grigory Semyonov, which caused tensions with Vonsyatsky, who argued that Semyonov was an incompetent general who had been defeated in the Russian Civil War, and an unsavory character to boot, being well known in Manchuria for his involvement with organized crime. In an open letter published on 31 December 1934, Vonsyatsky condemned Rodzaevsky for his "deviations" by agreeing to work with Semyonov. Rodzaevsky justified his willingness to work with the Kwantung Army under the grounds: "Japan is the only country not interested in the dismemberment of Russia, but the creation of a great and powerful Russia, which would be Japan's friend". Vonsyatsky argued that the "liberation of Russia" could only be accomplished by the Russians themselves, and was against working with foreign powers. Eventually the RFP broke with the Americans, and in 1935 Vonsyatsky was expelled, breaking off to form a more minor movement in the United States called "Russian National Revolutionary Party", which was of anti-communist orientation and claimed that their only intention was "to form in Russia a truly democratic government".

Nevertheless, the RFP under Rodzaevsky had grown strong and he claimed in a speech on 22 May 1935 to have 20,000 activists organized in 597 local chapters across the world, with the majority being in Manchukuo. Subsidiaries of the RFP were set up – Russian Women's Fascist Movement (RGFD), Fascist Union of Youth, Union of Young Fascists) and Union of the Little Ones. Rodzaevsky's book, The Russian National State, outlined the program of the party to establish fascism in Russia by May 1, 1938, including a desire to get rid of the Jews, indicating a strong break from the Vonsyatsky-wing. The party also had a strong commitment to the Russian Orthodox Church, promising a special relationship between the Church and the state in his projected fascist Russia. The group also promised to respect the traditions of Russia's nationalities and instigate corporatism.

In a series of articles published in the spring of 1935, Rodzaevsky gave as his aims the "liquidation of Jewish rule in Russia", the re-establishment of the Eastern Orthodox Church as the state religion of Russia, rejection of the "tendency towards cosmopolitanism", and "Russia for the Russians". Rodzaevsky called "class co-operation" instead of "class conflict", which was to be achieved via an Italian style "corporate state", which would mediate between the interests of labor and capital by imposing "national unions". Rodzaevksky stated that once the Soviet regime was overthrown, he would create a "temporary dictatorship" that would establish a "federated state", and he never explicitly claimed that he was to serve as a leader, but his rhetoric left little doubt that he saw himself as the future vozhd of a fascist Russia. Rodzaevksy's definition of Russian nationalism did not define Russianness in ethnic terms so much, but rather in terms of a "common historical destiny", which meant that provided that they were loyal the Russian state (with the exception of the Jews who Rodzaevsky saw as born disloyal), all of the non-Russian ethnic groups were to be considered "Russian". Though Rodzaevsky excoriated Imperial Russia in many ways, his definition of Russian nationalism as those loyal to the Russian state owed much to definition of Russianness in the Imperial period, where those who were loyal to the House of Romanov were considered Russian, regardless of what their language was. Under his leadership, Rodzaevsky envisioned Russia taking back Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Finland, and in addition, he planned to annex Romania, Bulgaria, Iran, Afghanistan, and Mongolia.

Finally, to finally resolve the problem of "domination by the Jews and Freemasons", Rodzaevsky called for an alliance of Fascist Russia, Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan. A problem with this future foreign policy was the open anti-Slavic racism expressed by the Nazis, who saw all Slavs as untermensch (sub-humans) and the Soviet Union as a place that was to be Germany's Lebensraum ("living space") that would be colonized by millions of Germans after the Soviet Union was conquered. One of the völkisch tracts not translated into Russian by the Russian Fascist Party was Mein Kampf, as Hitler's denigration of Slavs as untermensch and his statements that Germany's lebensraum was to be found in the Soviet Union presented problems for the Russian Fascists. Rodzaevsky wrote to Hitler, asking him to amend Mein Kampf, and upon receiving no reply, finally did translate Mein Kampf into Russian in 1936 with the offending passages removed. In his speeches to his followers, Rodzaevsky praised Hitler as a "great statesmen" and tried to explain away Hitler's anti-Russian statements and his intentions to colonize Russia in Mein Kampf as something that was written a long time ago that was not relevant at present, saying he knew Hitler had changed his views about Russia. Several of the RFP leaders called for the restoration of the monarchy, but Rodzaevsky himself was vague on this issue until 1940, only saying that a Russia under his leadership would not be a republic and refused to commit himself explicitly to a Romanov restoration.

In November 1935, the psychological war laboratory of the German Reich Ministry of Defence submitted a study about how best to undermine Red Army morale should a German-Soviet war break out. The Wehrmacht had dispatched a team to Manchukuo to contact the leaders of the Russian Fascist Party and working together the German-Russian team created a series of pamphlets written in Russian for distribution in the Soviet Union by Germany. The pamphlets written in Manchukuo were designed to play on Russian anti-Semitism, with one pamphlet calling the "Gentlemen commissars and party functionaries" a group of "mostly filthy Jews", and ended with the call for "brother soldiers" of the Red Army to rise up and kill all of the "Jewish commissars". Although this material was not used at the time, later in 1941 the material the psychological war laboratory had developed in 1935 in Manchukuo was dusted off, and served partly as the basis not only for German propaganda in the Soviet Union but also for propaganda within the German Imperial Army for the Eastern Crusade.

The party maintained very close links with Japanese military intelligence, and in January 1934, Rodzaevsky visited Tokyo to ask the Army minister General Sadao Araki for a Japanese support to raise an army of 150, 000 men from ethnic Russian population of Manchukuo that would be led by him to invade the Soviet Union, a plan later used when war between the Co-Prosperity Sphere and the Soviet Union broke out. From 1936 onward, members of the party were infiltrated into the Soviet Far East from Manchukuo to engage in sabotage and hand out pamphlets calling for the overthrow of the Soviet regime. This was extremely dangerous work, and most of the volunteers who infiltrated the Soviet Union were captured; in July 1938, a "spy school" was established to provide training for the volunteers, but the capture rate remained high. At the same year until 1940 the former Russian Fascists slowly began to evolve into Fascist Royalists and by 1941 fully supporter the new Russian Empire and it's Tsar.
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From 1940 to December 1941, there was a resumption of cooperation between Konstanin Rodzaevsky and Anastasy Vonsyatsky, interrupted by the start of Japanese-American War. When war was declared, the activities of the RFP outside Manchuria slowly came to an end whilst the group was restricted by the Japanese following the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact of 1941. In 1941, the Soviet spy ring headed by Richard Sorge in Tokyo was uncovered, which caused the Japanese to have an exaggerated and paranoid fear that Soviet spies were everywhere. The Kenpeitai began to suspect that some White Russians in Manchukuo were in fact a Soviet agents. As the Co-Prosperity Sphere believed the time to be right for a assault, they encouraged the White Russian to restart their spy and sabotage activities in the Russian Far East before their direct assault. In Vladivostok these pro-fascist and pro-monarchist supporters established a White Government, that was close to the Axis Central Powers and the Co-Prosperity Sphere and directly saw themselves as governors in absence of the Tsar himself. Their White Anti-Soviet forces defeated the Red Army alongside the Co-Prosperity Sphere forces in Outer Manchuria and served as the prolonged arm of the Russian Empire in the west until Japan, Manchuria and Mengjiang directly annexed most of the former Russian Far East. Their White Army tactics and strategies, even if mostly outdated and from the First Great War (Cossak Cavalry, Armored Trains and others) worked surprisingly good for the trained Mengjiang and Manchurian forces as supplies were thin and open steppe and single railways of major importance in the region.
 
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Chapter 282: Hitler's former Cabinet – A tale of Hermann Muhs
Chapter 282: Hitler's former Cabinet – A tale of Hermann Muhs:
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(Axis Central Powers pro Teutonic Order Propaganda)

Hermann Muhs (born 16 May 1894, Barlissen) was a Secretary of State and Minister for Church Affairs (Minister für Kirchenfragen) in Nazi Germany. After the First Great War Muhs studied law in Göttingen and graduated in 1922. He opened a lawyer office and became a member of the NSDAP in 1929. From 1930 he was a member of the Prussian State Parliament and after 1933 he became the district president of Hildesheim. In 1935 Muhs was the Secretary of State in the Reichsministerium für Kirchenfragen. His synchronization efforts and theological incompetence caused many disputes with the churches. Against the orders of Heinrich Himmler who wanted to draw distance between the Schutzstaffel and the Church, Muhs wished to further unite both groups. With the military coup of 1938, Muhs denied to close ties with the Nazi's and the SS and even got rid of his own SS uniform, closely after. Muhs managed to get out of court without going to jail or getting sentenced to death for treason, besides his SS membership. Shortly after he and close ideological sympathizers became members of the new Teutonic Order in the east. Later their freshly created group started to get a major influence among the German population inside the United German Duchy. Here Muhs and others combined racist ideology with christian crusader order ideals and combined both into the new Teutonic Order for the full Germanisation of the United Baltic Duchy and finally it's integration into the German Empire as a new Duchy/ Province/ State. During the Eastern Crusade Muhs rose to the ranks of a Master in the new Order and the new Teutonic Knights that were among the most successful and most feared soldiers during the Eastern Crusade against Bolshevism. These new elite Teutonic Knights were Eisenkrieger (German: Iron Warrior – Germany), similar to the Imperial German Armored Sturminfantry (IGAS troops) used by the Imperial German Army. But unlike regular troops they were ideological fanatics based on racist and religious thinking that saw the Orthodox and Slavic eastern states and cultures as inferior to their own Baltic/ German and Catholic/ Protestant heritage and believes.
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(Comintern/ Soviet Union anti Teutonic Order Propaganda)
 
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Chapter 283: Coprospism: National Han Chinese Jingweiism
Chapter 283: Coprospism: National Han Chinese Jingweiism:
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The Coprospism inside the Imperial Centralized Republic of China (ICRC), also known as the Han Empire, the Han Republic, Hankoku, Centralized China, the (new or reborn) Chinese Empire, Republic of China, or Imperial China was a form of the ideology that had elements of Authoritarian or Totalitarian Coprospism in form of a single authoritarian leader in Wang Jingwei (known as Jingweiism or Wangism). Because of northern Yankoku and southern Taikoku and Yikoku, the majority of the population was Han Chinese and the former Chinese Republic slogan of Five Nations under One Banner caused tension and conflict between Hankoku and the other Chinese member states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. Because of that Wang Jingwei's new government not only embraced Fascist elements like the former Kuomintang did partly, but openly encouraged National Coprospism in hopes to ease tensions with it's direct neighbors, as well as with the Empire of Manchukuo, where former Qing Emperor Puyi still claimed all of China as his Empire. Border Treaties between the mainland Chinese members of the Co-Prosperity Sphere negotiated by the Empire of Japan helped eased some of this tensions and Wang Jingwei's new National Coprospism and the declaration of Hankoku helped the other former Chinese states to believe in possible cooperation between each other, then in further confrontation. Wang Jingwei wasn't pleased with this outcome, just as northern Emperor Puyi wasn't pleased with accepting this other Chinese States of the Co-Prosperity Sphere besides his own rule, but both needed Japanese and Co-Prosperity Sphere money, trade, modernization, industrialization and military to stabilize their states and nations. Wang even more so as he still fought the Chinese Civil War against Chiang Kai-shek in the West.

To support his new rule and government, Wang Jingwei used the support of the Central Bureau of Investigation and Statistics (CBIS) Chinese:: 中國國民黨中央執行委員會調查統計局), commonly known as "Zhongtong" (Chinese: 中統局). It was an intelligence unit under the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang. As one of Chiang Kai-sheks's two police and military intelligence agencies, the other being the Military Bureau of Investigations and Statistics headed by Dai Li from 1929 onward. The previous body of CBIS had its origin in the CC Clique, which was founded in 1927 as a secret spying agency. In 1931, Chen Lifu was appointed the head of the Kuomintang's Organization Department and he set up the intelligence unit. In 1935, this intelligence body was re-organized as the Central Bureau of Investigation and Statistics. The majority of the CBIS stayed loyal to Chiang, when National China split between him and Wang, while the rest joined the new Shanghai Government under Wang Jingwei. The National Bureau of Investigation and Statistics (Military Commission, NBIS or BIS, in Chinese: 國民政府軍事委員會調查統計局), commonly known as Juntong (Chinese: 軍統), the military intelligence agency of the Republic of China was devoted to intelligence gathering and covert spying operation for purposes of national security and defense, headed by Dai Li. The NBIS had a great influence among the Nationalist Government's military, police, administration, and transportation agencies, as well as embassies and consulates abroad of the Republic of China. It was often criticized by the political dissidents as a "secret police" involving in covert and espionage operation, including surveillance, kidnapping, assassinations, elimination and house-arrest against Chinese communists, Japanese spies as well as political dissidents. During the Chinese Civil War, the NBIS was involved in a number of counter-intelligence and covert espionage warfare against the Shanghai and later Nanking Government of Wang Jingwei, as well as the other Chinese state under Chiang for Wang by hose who had joined the Shanghai Government. There were NBIS agents who defected to Wang and his supporters Japanese, and many of the secret police in Wang Jingwei Government vontrolled areas were former NBIS agents. Out of the total 100,000 active spies of the NBIS 68,537 joined Wang's Government over Chiang and a possible Alliance with the Chinese Communists under Mao in a United Front.

The NBIS was a important part in securing Wang Jingwei's Government and stabilizing it together with these parts of the National Chinese Republic's Military that had joined him. Major support also came from the Blue Shirt Society, who supported Wang over Chiang and helped form the new one-party dominated state. Wang tried to merge differed new aspects of the old China as well as the future China he envisioned and so the Hankoku Coprospism was often seen as Democratic Centralism or a Imperial Republic with a central democracy by most outsiders. Cultural and social changes were needed according to Wang to modernize, stabilize, secure and prepare China for the challenges of a modern world. Part of his new government thereby had elements of Democratic Coprospism, with a true parliament (the Legislative Yuan), voted into office by the Chinese people in elections. Wang Jingwei would be the head of the Executive Yuan (often translated as president, or premier), who also chose the Justices that served in the Judicative Yuan. Wang Jingwei's Government was heavily supported by the Blue Shirt Society and the NBIS intelligence that had a huge influence and control over parties, union, publications and newspapers in Hankoku. Under a never resting Wang Jingwei a new Hankoku constitution was written, that reorganized the whole government. The assembly of the Constitution was done and the new constitution of the Imperial Republic of China was created. Wang also passed a economic, agricultural and tax reforms, started the Anti-Communist Campaign and the Han Spiritual Campaign. Wang also supported the Centralist Clubs and members of his government that encouraged a stronger centralization of power in the national political council. Wang Jingwei started national school program and ordered modern universities to be build. A overall national social and healthcare program was started to modernize society. The new government nationalized the majority companies like other Coprospist states did to and cooperate centralization was a normal state of economy. Because of the Chinese Civil War Wang ordered a constitutional draft to create a strong police and army for his nation state. Wang Jingwei promoted a monopolistic economic policy that benefited Japanese and Hankoku zaibatsu (conglomerates) and local representatives. These Japanese and Hankoku companies were treated the same just like any other in the Co-Prosperity Sphere by their governments. Still some in Hankoku's government believed that the Japanese companies were favored inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere.
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The ideology of Wang Jingwei's new government remained the Three Principles of the People (also translated as Three People's Principles, San-min Doctrine, or Tridemism), a political philosophy developed by Sun Yat-sen as part of a philosophy to mak China a free, prosperous, and powerful nation. The three principles were often translated into and summarized as nationalism, democracy, and the livelihood of the people. He believed that the economic livelihood of the people depended on adopting the teachings of the American economist Henry George, writing that "The teachings of your single-taxer, Henry George, will be the basis of our program of reform." This philosophy has been claimed as the cornerstone of the Republic of China's policy as carried by the Kuomintang and later Wang's Blue Shirts. The concept first appearing in the newspaper Min Bao in 1905 appearing as "Three Big Principles" (三大主義) instead of "Three Principles of the People" (三民主義). In 1894 when the Revive China Society was formed, Sun only had two principles: nationalism and democracy. He picked up the third idea, welfare, during his three-year trip to Europe from 1896 to 1898. He announced all three ideas in the spring of 1905, during another trip to Europe. Sun made the first speech of his life on the "Three Principles of the People" in Brussels. He was able to organize the Revive China Society in many European cities. There were about 30 members in the Brussels branch at the time, 20 in Berlin, and 10 in Paris. After the Tongmenghui was formed, Sun published an editorial in Min Bao (民報). This was the first time the ideas were expressed in writing. Later on, in the anniversary issue of Min Bao, his long speech of the Three Principles was printed, and the editors of the newspaper discussed the issue of people's livelihood. The ideology is said to be heavily influenced by Sun's experiences in the United States and contains elements of the American progressive movement and the thought championed by Abraham Lincoln. Sun credited a line from Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, "government of the people, by the people, for the people", as an inspiration for the Three Principles. Dr. Sun's Three Principles of the People are inter-connected as the guideline for China's modernization development as stretched by Hu Hanmin.

The Principles:
The Principle of Mínzú (民族主義, Mínzú Zhǔyì) is commonly rendered as "nationalism", literally "Populism" or "the People's rule/government", "Mínzú/People" clearly describing a nation rather than a group of persons united by a purpose, hence the commonly used and rather accurate translation "nationalism". By this, Sun meant independence from imperialist domination. To achieve this he believed that China must develop a "China-nationalism," Zhonghua Minzu, as opposed to an "ethnic-nationalism," so as to unite all of the different ethnicities of China, mainly composed by the five major groups of Han, Mongols, Tibetans, Manchu and Hui (Mohammedan), which together are symbolized by the Five Color Flag of the First Republic (1911–1928). This sense of nationalism is different from the idea of "ethnocentrism," which equates to the same meaning of nationalism in Chinese language. To achieve this he believed that China must develop a "national consciousness" so as to unite the Han in the face of imperialist aggression. He argued that "minzu", which can be translated as "people", "nationality" or "race", were defined by sharing common blood, livelihood, religion, language and customs. Wang Jingwei later focused Minzú around the Han Chinese Majority of his Imperial Centralized Republic of Huikoku (the central region of the ancient chinese civilizations and nation states florished).

The Principle of Mínquán (民權主義, Mínquán Zhǔyì) is usually translated as "democracy"; literally "the People's power" or "government by the People." To Sun, it represented a Western constitutional government. He divided political life of his ideal for China into two sets of 'powers': the power of politics and the power of governance. The power of politics (政權, zhèngquán) are the powers of the people to express their political wishes, similar to those vested in the citizenry or the parliaments in other countries, and is represented by the National Assembly. There are four of these powers: election (選舉), recall (罷免), inittiative (創制), and referendum (複決). These were also seen as "civil rights". The power of governance (治權, zhìquán) are the powers of administration. Here he expanded the European-American constitutional theory of a three-branch governmen and a system of checks and balances by incorporating traditional Chinese administrative tradition to create a government of five branches (each of which is called a Yuan (院, yuàn, literally "court"). The Legislative Yuan, the Executive Yuan and the Judicative Yuan came from Montesquieuan thought; the Control Yuan (a investigation agency monitoring the other government branches and the Examination Yuan (Personal Management or Selection Office) came from Chinese tradition. (Note that the Legislative Yuan was first intended as a branch of governance, not strictly equivalent to a national parliament.)

The Principle of Mínshēng (民生主義, Mínshēng Zhǔyì) is sometimes translated as "the People's welfare/livelihood," "Government for the People". The concept may be understood as social welfare and as a direct criticism of the inadequacies of both socialism and capitalism (later identified as Coprospism by Wang Jingwei). Here he was influenced by the American thinker Henry George. Sun intended to introduce a Georgist tax reform. Sun Yat-sen said that land value tax as he only means of supporting the government is an infinitely just, reasonable, and equitably distributed tax, and on it we will found our new system. He divided livelihood into four areas: clothing, food, housing, and healthcare; and planned out how an ideal (Chinese) government can take care of these for its people. Sun died before he was able to fully explain his vision of this Principle and it has been the subject of much debate within both the Chinese Nationalist and Communist Parties, with the latter suggesting that Sun supported socialism. Dr. Sun transliterated Mínshēng in the Chinese context but did not address in full detail before he died. Wang Jingwei further elaborated the Mínshēng principle of both the importance of social well-being and activities for a modernized Hankoku.
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The most definite exposition of these principles was a book compiled from notes of speeches that Sun gave near Guangzhou (taken by a colleague, Huang Changgu, in consultation with Sun), and therefore is open to interpretation by various parties and interest groups and may not have been as fully explicated as Sun might have wished. Indeed, Wang Jingwei supplied an annex to the Principle of Mínshēng, covering two additional areas of livelihood: education and leisure, and explicitly arguing that Mínshēng was not to be seen as supporting either communism or socialism. The book is a work of propaganda and its purpose is to appeal to action rather than to thought. As Sun Yat-sen declared, a principle is not simply an idea; it is "a faith, a power."

The Three Principles of the People were claimed as the basis for the ideologies of the Kuomintang under Chiang Kai-shek, the Communist Party of China under Mao Zedong and the Coprospist Imperial Centralized Republic of China (ICRC) under Wang Jingwei. The Kuomintang, the Communist Party of China and the Blue Shirt Society largely agreed on the meaning of nationalism but differed sharply on the meaning of democracy and people's welfare, which the former saw in Western social democratic terms, the middle interpreted in Marxist and communist terms and the latter viewed it as the base for a national Han Chinese state in coprospist terms (as anti-imperialism and more in terms of cooperating with Japan to advance a pan-Asian, Co-Prosperity Sphere union, as written by Wangg Jingwei in his manifest books; "Coprospism - the Asian Way", "Blue Shirts and the new China" an "Su Yat-sen, a dream becomes reality").
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Chapter 284: Battle of Cyprus/ Invasion of Cyprus
Chapter 284: Battle of Cyprus/ Invasion of Cyprus:
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The overall strategic situation in the Eastern Mediterranean and the overall Second Great War had changed greatly ever since the Neo-Ottoman Empire had joined the Axis Central Powers. The Turkish Dardanelles with a length of 65 km (40,38 miles) and a wide of 1,9 km (1,18 miles). After the First Great War the Channel was opened English steel and Russian grain with the Conference of Lausanne 1923. At the same time the Turkish State was forced to demilitarize the area. The Soviet Union used this opening to have free trade trough the Dardanelles. With the Conference of Montreaux 1936 the Turkish State managed to get the control of the Dardanelles back and fortify it's coastlines. The Soviet Union with it's coal (55%), grain (40%), and oil (90%) production around the Black Sea heavily depended on exports and the free trade trough the Dardanelles Therefore they expanded the Soviet Black Sea Fleet that consisted of 1 battleship, 6 cruisers, 16 destroyers, 60 motor torpedo boats and 40 submarine threatened to force a passage and rule the Black Sea for the Comintern. These fleet was countered by the Axis Central Powers with the Neo-Ottoman Fleet made up by 4, battleships, 6 cruisers, 2 yachts, 6 destroyers, 6 gunboats, 2 minelayers, 4 tugs, 8 motorboats, 6 torpedo boats and 2 gunboats. Germany helped with 16 torpedo boats, 6 submarines, 50 ASW craft, over 100 landing crafts, Bulgaria had 11 torpedo boats, 5 ASW craft and 14 landing craft, Italy helped out with 8 torpedo boats and 6 submarines, while the Austrian-Hungarian Empire had send 2 cruisers, 4 destroyers, 8 gunboats and 4 minelayers to the Black Sea.

South of the Neo-Ottoman Empire lay another major important bastion of the Allies, Cyprus. In the aftermath of the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878) and the Congress of Berlin, Cyprus was leased to the British Empire which de facto took over its administration in 1878 (though, in terms of sovereignty, Cyprus remained a de jure Ottoman territory until 5 November 1914, together with Egypt and Sudan) in exchange for guarantees that Britain would use the island as a base to protect the Ottoman Empire against possible Russian aggression. The island would serve Britain as a key military base for its colonial routes. By 1906, when the Famagusta harbour was completed, Cyprus was a strategic naval outpost overlooking the Suez Canal, the crucial main route to India which was then Britain's most important overseas possession. Following the outbreak of the First Grea War and the decision of the Ottoman Empire to join the war on the side of the Central Powers, on 5 November 1914 the British Empire formally annexed Cyprus and declared the Ottoman Khediate of Egypt and Sudan a Sultanate and British protectorate. In 1915, Britain offered Cyprus to Greece, ruled by King Constantine I of Greece, on condition that Greece join the war on the side of the British. The offer was declined. In 1923, under the Treaty of Lausanne, the nascent Turkish republic relinquished any claim to Cyprus, and in 1925 it was declared a British crown colony. During the Second Great War 30,000 to 35,000 Cypriots fought for the British Armyand , many enlisted in the Cyprus Regiment. Many in the Greek Cypriot population, meanwhile, had become hopeful that the British administration would lead to a unity of all Greek territories inhabited y Greeks in the former Ottoman Empire, including Cyprus, and even Asia Minor with the capital of Constantinople, a goal heavily supported by the Greek and Cypriot Orthodox Church. The Greek Cypriots viewed the island as historically Greek and believed that union with Greece was a natural right, founding the guerrilla organization Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston or National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (even some former soldiers of the Great Wars).

The major importance of Crete was it's strategic situation in the Eastern Mediterranean n range of only 500 km (310,68 miles) around Cyprus were Italian Rhodes (around 400 km, 248 miles), Alexandria, Port Said (430 km, 267,19 miles) the end of the Suez Chanel and Haifa (270 km, 167,7 miles) the end of the Iraq oil pipeline from Mossul. Cyprus with it's 9,251 km2 (3,572 sq mi) was much bigger then Crete with it's only 75 km2 (194 sq mi). With only 180 British Infantry in 180 soldiers in 1936, the British expended the defence of the island to a naval an air base for their military. The port of Farmagusta was heavily expended and the military bases at Akrotiri (Limassol)and Dhekelia (Famagusta) were heavily defender. And the capital Nicosia got a military airport and heavy fortifications.

The German conquest of Crete in May 1941 while one of their more astonishing victories of the Axis Central Powers had also been a military disaster. Their 22,050 paratroopers supported by 1,190 aircraft, were able to defeat an Allied force of at least 40,000 troops and about 50 aircraft. It was a battle won by good luck, speed, surprise, morale and above all, air-power. However, the victory was bought at an extreme cost. Around 6,000 casualties, over a quarter of their entire force; and nearly half their aircraft were lost or damaged. Worse, the troops lost were elite paratroopers who could not easily be replaced. With the Neo-Ottoman Empire, Cyrus was suddenly in range Axis Central Powers fighters and bombers. While air raids on Crete happened the Italian Navy had not performed very good against the British Royal Navy and the Cypriots strongly supported the Allies. There was no Conscription, but 6,000 Cypriot volunteers fought with the British during the Greek campaign (May 1941). Over all during the War, 30,000-35,000 Cypriots served with the British. Cyprus was primarily important as a supply and training base as well as a naval station for the hard-pressed Royal Navy. The Indian 4th Infantry Division formed part of the British garrison. Cypriot women sknitted sweaters and gloves for the troops in Epirus. British Primeminister Winston Churchill hoped that with the Royal Navy victories over the Italian Fleet and the Axis Central Powers focused on the invasion of the Soviet Union (Eastern Crusade) they would not take Cyprus.
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The losses of German paratroopers during the conquest of Crete with around 6,000 casualties meant that an immediate attack on Cyprus in the aftermath of Crete was simply impossible. There were no longer enough trained Fallschirmjäger and no longer enough Ju-52 transport aircraft to carry out such an operation. Waiting for replacements took months and the German Empire was focused on the imminent invasion of the Soviet Union. There was also the fact that the extent of the losses, both to personnel and aircraft, shocked the German high command as it was a Pyrrhic Victory. There was a feeling that, to quote King Pyrrhus, "One more such victory and we are undone". Crete would remain the last large-scale parachute operation the Germans carried out during the war. The British, of course, were unaware of this German decision at the time. They certainly feared a follow-up attack on Cyprus, which in June 1941 was defended by only 4,000 men. Accordingly, they began a disinformation campaign to deter an attack. A public announcement was made that the officer commanding the Cyprus garrison had been promoted to major-general, the usual rank of a divisional commander and his force was redesignated the 7th Division. Fake telegrams and orders were sent out purporting that 16,000 troops had been sent to the island as reinforcements. Dummy tanks were sent to the island, and signposts and empty barracks buildings erected. A fake defence plan of the island was 'accidentally' leaked to a pair of known Axis female spies. The Germans fell for the deception entirely something the British knew through ULTRA intercepts. Their decision not to invade Cyprus changed, when Allied (American) bombers started to bomb the Turkish Baghdad Railway an supply routes in Syria. A assault on Cyprus thereby served defensive and offensive value for the Axis Central Powers. From the British perspective, it was only important to keep Cyprus out of hostile hands; the island had little inherent value to them for itself. The so called Axis Central Powers Mediterranean Strategy in 1941 was a attack on Cyprus to take the island and cover the assault on Palestine and Egypt from there, to overrun the Middle East and its oil resources and then maybe link up with Japan somewhere in the middle of India or Russia. The capturing of Cyprus would be an essential step in that chain of events as well as to secure the Axis Central Powers own supply lines in the Eastern Mediterranean.

The Invasion of Cyprus started with heavy bombardments by Axis Central Powers fighters and bombers, accompanied by some paratroopers in the northern part of the island at Lapithos, Kyrenia and Bellapaise. It would become the greatest combined air, land and sea battle in the Mediterranean during the Second Great War. The Allies (British English, Commonwealth- Australian, Indian and South African, New Zealand and even some Arabian forces together with Americans) troops on Cyprus managed to fight, but not fully encircle this northern beach head right from the start with local forces. In the south a combined Italian lead, Austrian-Hungarian, Bulgarian, Greek and partly even German Axis Central Powers fleet tried to take the British base at Limassol, but was stopped and fought by the British Navy, so that their invasion force turned around, while a big naval battle around Cyprus started. The northern German lead, Neo-Ottoman and partly Italian fleet however managed to land forces on the coast and secure the beach head long enough with fighter and bomber support for heavy equipment to be landed.
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With the southern Invasion failed, the Axis Central Powers had a hard time taking the island, despite their air superiority above it. The Allies tried to stop the beachhead from expanding further inland and prepared their defence across the inland railway from their Farmagusta base on the east of the island, to the capital Nicosia in it's center and further west to Eurichion. With the southwest Troodes Mountains covering their back here and the southern Axis Central Power Fleet forced back, they focused their main defences northward. The fight across Cyprus was especially hard in the well fortified city of Nicosia and eastwards to Famagusta, where the Axis Central Power forces tried to cut off the fighting Allies from supplies by sea coming from Egypt (Port Said) and Palestine (Haifa). Trying to outflank each others front eastwards, the Allies and Axis Central Power forces fought all across the Karpas Peninsula all the way up to Cape Apostolos Andreas. In the west heavy fights occurred along the city of Morphu, who ceased to exist thanks to the heavy urban battle there and Axis Central Powers aerial bombardment. The main battle however took place in the well defended and heavily fortified capital of Nicosia, where nearly every house was contested in close-quarter-combat by both sides.
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The fight for Cyprus lasted from 13 May to 7 October 1942 and would cost many of the 8,000 and later 16,000 Allied soldiers fighting to defend Cyprus. The Allies would lose 5,234+ dead, 2,500 wounded and 12,852 captured soldiers as well as 1 battleship (plus two damaged), 1 aircraft carrier, 5 cruisers (plus 4 damaged), 8 destroyers (plus 2 damaged), and 3 submarine (one damaged). The invading Axis Central Powers would suffer 18,000+ dead and 21,043 wounded. The Axis Central Powers Navies suffered 3 lost battleships, 4 cruisers, 7 destroyers, 1 submarine and 27 smaller ships (like torpedo boats, transports and such), limiting their operations in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans because of these heavy losses. In the air the Axis Central Powers would suffer nearly 348 aircraft as either destroyed or written of and over two-hundred damaged. The then Axis Central Power occupied and controlled island was placed under administration of the Neo-Ottoman Empire, even if the Kingdom of Hellas, the Roman/ Italian Empire and even the French Empire and German Empire had plans of annexing it themselves. In exchange the Turks agreed to allow military access to the rest of the Axis Central Powers on Cyprus and allowed their air forces and navies to use the island against the Allied forces in Egypt and Palestine to further advance. Cyprus also became a important base for German, Austrian-Hungarian and Italian supplies transports with ships to Syria and northern Iraq.
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Chapter 285: Coprospism: Taikoku Liism/ Delinism
Chapter 285: Coprospism: Taikoku Liism/ Delinism
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The Coprospism of the Empire of Taikoku, that was also called Taikukuo or Taijiang, was heavily influenced by General Li Zongren, who lead the new state of the former Guangxi Clique region. Because of this it was called Delinism or Liism and clearly a combination of Imperial or Monarchic Coprospism (in form of a military dictatorship/ stratocracy) and Authoritarian or Totalitarian Coprospism where General Li Zongren ruled authoritarian over his state just as he ruled over his immense forces. He promoted a Multinational Coprospism, because of the many ethnic group living within his new state, mainly the Tai and Cantonese, but also Yue, Miao, Yao, Zhuang and others (all called Tai to further unite them by fusing their culture and societies into a unified new one). This way the various groups would soon merge into one another and form a unified strong National Coprospist nation states. Li introduced what he called the Seven Great Peace Policies, meant to pacify and unify the new nation state. This policies included; Bandit pacification commands (剿總) to be controlled by military officers, former overly strict orders are to be more lenient, eliminate communist special commando units, release political prisoners, allow a free press, eliminate unusual cruelty in punishment and eliminate arrest of civilians without proper reasons. This meant that the former Guangxi Clique, now the Taikoku Empire under Li Zongren was one of the more free and moderate Coprospist states, despite being one of the most authoritarian and militaristic ones. The right to vote and full citizenship could be held by anyone inside the Empire of Taikoku who had previously served inside of it's forces.

Li Zongren loved empires and Mussolini, so the deal to join the Co-Prosperity Sphere as his very own Taikoku Empire and rule it similar authoritarian, was quickly favored by him. Both tried to break Chiang Kai-shek's dominance and the rise of Communism in China. He was one of the best candidate to cooperate with Japan and many outsiders saw him as a mixture of Hitler's charisma, Rommel's tactical genius and Mussolini's ambitions in one and the same guy. Therefore he gained support of other authoritarian and fascist regimes besides Japan, like Germany, Italy and others later on. Li saw fascism and fascist royalism as a solution for the problems of china, a once proud nation humbled by international dissension and external weakness. He was a military genius (later famous for the Sichuan Clique Encirclement Campaign) and with the support of the Japanese (with equipment and money) his army further organized and modernized, proving that Ching's and Mao's United Chinese Front had no chance of stopping them. This cooperation eased some of the tension that had build up between Li Zongren and the Empire of Japan after the Mukden Incident.
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Li Zongren was known as a militarist and confirmed anti-intellectual, but with a rugged sense of integrity. He was known for disliking music. His ethic was self-consciously drawn from Confucianism and patriotism. As an admirer of the British historian Edward Gibbon and his monumental historical work, "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire", Li Zongren believed that to save China, Taikoku had to become a strong, modern, fully militarized and strictly ranked Nation State This Taikoku Empire that evolved elements similar of the Indian Caste system within their society because of the military pyramid established there. Li Zongren and his close staff member, the Mohammedan General Bai Chongxi, were powerful partners in politics and military affairs. A similar close relationship connected Li Zongren with northern Yankoku Emperor/ Father Yan Xishan, as both cooperated in military campaigns even before the Co-Prosperity Sphere membership of their regions and both tried to limit Chiang Kai-shek's power and influence. While imposingly allied with the government of Wang Jingwei inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere Li and Yan remained suspicious of the potential power of the powerful Nanking Government centered between them and therefore formed a close alliance to counter it's power and protect their own independence with Japanese support.
 
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Chapter 286: The Atlantic Ranger
Chapter 286: The Atlantic Ranger:
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In December 1941, she was returning to Norfolk from an ocean patrol extending to Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago, when the Japanese attacked the Philippines. To slow for Pacific it arrived in Norfolk on 8 December, she sailed on 21 December for patrol in the South Atlantic. Ranger then entered the Norfolk Navy Yard for repairs on 21 March 1942. It was one of 14 ships to receive the early RCA CXAM-1 radar. Ranger then served as the flagship of Rear Admiral A. B. Cook, Commander, Carriers, Atlantic Fleet, until 6 April 1942. The US Atlantic Fleet played a vital part protecting the Allied ship route transports to the Allies in Europe and Africa as well as securing the Americas from any direct Axis Central Power intervention, involvement and invasions.

“The Axis Central Powers assaults on our convoys is increasing in this area, military intelligence suspects that one of their Zeppeline (Airship) Aircraft Carriers was operating in the region and directing the ACP Submarines and Surface Ships against the allied shipping routes.” suspected one of the US Navy soldiers.

“That's why we are sending fighters with additional tanks as scouts to search for it.” said one of the other men on deck as they were preparing for their start.


“This is hopeless.” said the American pilot as he still did not sea any sign of the supposed enemy airship aircraft carrier. If that monster was somewhere in the area it was hard to find in all the clouds and rainy weather.

“Now look at that.” blurred he out surprisingly as he suddenly caught the glimpse of a shiny reflection from one of the clouds. Driving closer to the object and realized that it was the German Airship Aircraft Carrier they were searching for, painted in blue and gray colors to make it nearly invisible against the sky and sunlight, let alone at night. A cover best used with additional clouds as cover, but luckily for the Allies and the American pilot their planes were not and he caught a reflection of one of them docked below the airship.

“This is Bloodhound 5, I have found the enemy airship, need backup now.” announced the American pilot as German fighters from the airship were already en route to intercept him.

“Nice, real nice.” cursed the American his bad luck. But pilot Andrew Johnson just knew that his luck wasn't done yet, he just had to stall them long enough to escape, or distract them long enough, so that the Allied fighters and bombers were able to successfully fly a attack on the ACP Airship Aircraft Carrier and destroy it.
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“Bravo Wing here, ready to intercept the enemy.” was suddenly heard over radio and the hunted allied scout fighter could already see his friends come to his direction in hopes to destroy the German fighters and their flying carrier.

“Admiral Cook, we finally have a location, this must be the enemy Airship Carrier.” stated the crewmen on the radar, that they finally were sure this was their target. “Strange it looks like it's coming closer.” he then added. Of course it was, realized the Admiral, now that they had spotted the German Airship there was no way it could escape their fighters and bombers. It could however counter attack them, since it also had bombing bays aboard and try to sink them. With the carrier and most of their fighters and bombers gone, it's escape would be way easier.

“Start all fighters immediately, bring it down before it reaches us.” ordered A. B. Cook all men to be ready for battle and hoped that they managed to bring down the flying enemy behemoth, before it caught up to them. The role of cat and mouse turned around, but the superior allied fighter numbers kept the German Stuka dive bomber at bay, while damaging the enemy airship. As it was going down German Airship Captain Admiral Franz Luchs ordered his crew to parashoot out or use the remaining fighters or the escape glider to get out of the burning ship without getting killed. The Allies lost a few good pilots and airplanes that day, but the Axis Central Powers German Air Force lost a whole Airship Carrier, it's fighter wings and all of their skilled crew. The majority did not die that day, but was caught as Prisoners of War by the Allies when fished out of the water.
 
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Chapter 287: Coprospism: Yinkoku Longism
Chapter 287: Coprospism: Yinkoku Longism:
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The Coprospism inside the Kingdom of Yikoku (also Yikukuo or Yijiang, former Yunnan Clique) was mostly a Authoritarian or Totalitarian and partly even Imperial Coprospism with Long Yun (Chinese: 龍雲) as the leader also used partly Multinational Coprospism with democratic tendencies. This was mostly to the fact that Long Yun relied on the Miau, Han and Bai ethnic majorities, but did not wish to exclude the ethnic minorities like his own Yi people. The National Assembly of Yinkoku at the capital Kunming, that was known as a "democratic fortress" commonly. From here the new Yikoku reorganized and reformed it's political, military, economic, cultural and education. The politics were stable, the social stability good and the democracy strong. The expanded use of paper money, the Yinkoku Yen and the reorganization of taxes helped the economy greatly. The Agriculture and grain farming was expanded, the tax collection reformed and modernized. The building of new railways and roads also linked the state to the rest of the Co-Prosperity Sphere in the Northeast and South, making it a hub for southern resources to the northeast industrial centers and for reinforcements and supplies from there to the front in the west. Most of this new roads, highways and railways were quiet curvy and followed the rivers and valleys, even the former Burma Road was updated to a full railway to support the front in Burma with fresh supplies and troops even faster.
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Monarch Long stood above the National Assembly and left most ethnic groups and provinces a great deal of local autonomy. Even the Hui (Mohammedan) population had to decide their own local rules and laws. Despite this autonomy, Long Yun tried to further unite the State of Yinkoku with means of propaganda by news, radio and other means. This was even more important since the partly democratic Yikoku was had a direct border with the Allies in Burma and India and was heavily contested in it's airspace by Allied fighters and bombers, that dropped leaflets and bombs to undermine the morale and stability. Yikoku Coprospism was very concerned with possible communist activities from the nearby United Chinese Front, or the nearby local rebels in Burma, Laos, or Vietnam, that sometimes split over into Yikoku. To stop them from gaining influence Long Yun did everything to increase the living conditions for each citizen in his state, better the taxes and how they were collected, increase the infrastructure and make the country self-sufficient in terms of food and some other resources. The lack of most major resources besides food and some medicine however made Yikoku depending on the import of resources for it's growing industry, modernization and industrialization. In exchange Yikoku traded the goods produced in it's factories with the rest of the Co-Prosperity Sphere and taxed the trade going trough it's state.
 
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