I like how TTL Axis are taking logistics and infrastructure seriously. First with that Grand Canal linking the North Sea with the Black Sea and the Mediterranean across Europe, and now railways.
The Co-Prosperity Sphere
- Thread starter CountofDooku
- Start date
Well the Canal will not be finished during the war, same goes for other major projects because ress for military first. ;D
I know. But once it is, I imagine it'll be a huge hit for the already-ailing British economy, given European nations will no longer have as much need for British merchantmen to ship goods for them.
Chapter 268: Teutschland Cowboys Campaign
Chapter 268: Teutschland Cowboys Campaign:
In the former German Colony of Südwestafrica (German Southwest Africa), the so called Neu Teutschland Cowboys/ Southwestler Cowboys continued to raid the land sometimes even supported by Anti-British, Anti-South African and Anti-Allied farmers and settlers. Their quick hit-and-run tactics tied down many Allied forces desperately needed in North or West Africa instead. While they were down to 109 machine guns and fewer artillery and anti tank guns then before, only 5 tanks and 17aircraft because of deterioration by the weather and over-usage. On the upside their numbers increased to over 4,803 to later 5,165 soldiers (not including the up to 1,852 native tribal that had joined them for support roles as carriers and such) because some of the German settlers still living their and some South African Boer Nationalist joined and supported their mobile campaign. Avoiding large battles and allied surrounding, the Neue Teutschland Cowboys got rations, equipment and other supplies by local supporters or because of their own raids. Recently the German Cowboys had raided the Otavi (Otawi) Chopper Mines, stealing money and eve some chopper from the South African Republic there to further finance and support their own guerrilla-warfare. While their armed tribal support warriors of the Hilfstruppen/ Askari were not equipped to fight the Allies head on, they were used to raid Allied loyal farms and settlements, they even were allowed to keep what they stole there for themselves and their tribes to spread terror between the Allied settlers and the indigenous tribes and separate their forces. Nearly surrounded on the Onjali Mountains, the New Teutchland Cowboys had to abandon their plan to attack the capital city of Windhuk and retreat, but managed to sabotage the railroad from there to Swakopmund (Walfisch-Bay). By doing so the German Cowboys made the Allied supply for campaigns in the Northern part of the League of Nations Mandate of German Southwest Africa very problematic, and that encouraged a few more tribes and their warriors to join the Axis Central Powers Campaign in Southwest Africa.
In the former German Colony of Südwestafrica (German Southwest Africa), the so called Neu Teutschland Cowboys/ Southwestler Cowboys continued to raid the land sometimes even supported by Anti-British, Anti-South African and Anti-Allied farmers and settlers. Their quick hit-and-run tactics tied down many Allied forces desperately needed in North or West Africa instead. While they were down to 109 machine guns and fewer artillery and anti tank guns then before, only 5 tanks and 17aircraft because of deterioration by the weather and over-usage. On the upside their numbers increased to over 4,803 to later 5,165 soldiers (not including the up to 1,852 native tribal that had joined them for support roles as carriers and such) because some of the German settlers still living their and some South African Boer Nationalist joined and supported their mobile campaign. Avoiding large battles and allied surrounding, the Neue Teutschland Cowboys got rations, equipment and other supplies by local supporters or because of their own raids. Recently the German Cowboys had raided the Otavi (Otawi) Chopper Mines, stealing money and eve some chopper from the South African Republic there to further finance and support their own guerrilla-warfare. While their armed tribal support warriors of the Hilfstruppen/ Askari were not equipped to fight the Allies head on, they were used to raid Allied loyal farms and settlements, they even were allowed to keep what they stole there for themselves and their tribes to spread terror between the Allied settlers and the indigenous tribes and separate their forces. Nearly surrounded on the Onjali Mountains, the New Teutchland Cowboys had to abandon their plan to attack the capital city of Windhuk and retreat, but managed to sabotage the railroad from there to Swakopmund (Walfisch-Bay). By doing so the German Cowboys made the Allied supply for campaigns in the Northern part of the League of Nations Mandate of German Southwest Africa very problematic, and that encouraged a few more tribes and their warriors to join the Axis Central Powers Campaign in Southwest Africa.
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Be prepared for more of this
Chapter 269: Co-Prosperity Sphere Civilian and POW camps in the Sumatra Sultanate and the Malayan Peninsula:
Chapter 269: Co-Prosperity Sphere Civilian and POW camps in the Sumatra Sultanate and the Malayan Peninsula:
With the Sumatra Sultanate liberated as a member state inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere. Sumatra was placed under the protection of the 16th Imperial Japanese Army and the Imperial Japanese Navies Sumatra Fleet together with regional forces. While the local Co-Prosperity Sphere government educated it's citizens, the IJA trained young Sumatrans and Nationalists for the Co-Prosperity Sphere forces and as future police and national leaders. Sumatra was resource-rich, but also of strategic importance as a outer region of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. Under General Hitoshi Imamura, over 180 Civilian and Prisoner of War Camps were established all over Sumatra, strongly ignoring the Geneva Convention. Most of these Camps were filled with Allied POW, European and American Civilians as well as rebelling locals that opposed the Dutch, the Japanese and the new government in Palembang. Most of these rebels were centered in the Aceh region and were Mohammedan clerics and locals that believed the Sumatra Sultanate to be to secularized and only a Japanese puppet. They wished to live under Sharia rule and be governed only by a true Mohammedan leader. The Japanese and the Sumatran Co-Prosperity Sphere government fought them in hopes to at least contain their activities to the northwest tip of the island. The main work these prisoners was forced labor to build railroads and airfields for the Co-Prosperity Sphere forces and their local state economy, but some also were forced to work in local plantations and mines. They established a railroad from Palembang to Loebok Linggau, bypassing Prabumulin and Lahat in the south. Further north they were forced to expand the already existing railway from Padang to Moearo further north towards Pekan Baru. Near Langsar, Rengat and Palembang captured Allied POW's were used to repair and work the oil fields and petroleum refineries they sabotaged shortly before to prevent them from falling into Japanese hands. With the help of these enemy prisoners and paid or sometimes forced local workers, the Co-Prosperity Sphere established many army bases for their soldiers and naval bases for their sailors, accompanied by newly build or expanded airfields/ airports. While these military bases were mostly meant to secure local cities and resource regions, the naval bases and the airfields served as more offensive bases for protection and operations. While the Co-Prosperity Sphere armies garrisoned and secured the new Sumatra Sultanate, the Navy and Air Force not only guarded it's coasts, but started from here to raid Allied supply lines in the Andaman Sea, the Bay of Bengal, or the more southern Sumatran parts of the Indian Ocean between India and Australia. The first projects besides solely military ones on Sumatra included more roads and railroads build by POW's to connect important resource regions, so they could be exploded by the Co-Prosperity Sphere. In fear of Allied raids from the Indian Ocean, India or Australia the first of these projects were inside of the islands, far away from possible Allied bomber reach and naval landings. Still further plans for the Sumatran Sultanate included the connection of all major cities and resource regions with the capital Palembang later during, but mostly after the war. The Siamese/ Thai Empire used a similar strategy in the Malayan Peninsula, were Allied POW's and the local Malayan citizens were forced to build new roads and railroads that would help deport the whole Malayan population to Borneo, so that the region could be resettled with Thai and fully integrated into the Siam/ Thai Empire. These new railroads were later also used by the Co-Prosperity Sphere to bypass the need for transport ships, by transporting many resources from Southeast Asia over Siam, Indochina, China and Korea from where they would come to Japan, bypassing enemy submarines and mine fields at sea later during the Second Great War.
With the Sumatra Sultanate liberated as a member state inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere. Sumatra was placed under the protection of the 16th Imperial Japanese Army and the Imperial Japanese Navies Sumatra Fleet together with regional forces. While the local Co-Prosperity Sphere government educated it's citizens, the IJA trained young Sumatrans and Nationalists for the Co-Prosperity Sphere forces and as future police and national leaders. Sumatra was resource-rich, but also of strategic importance as a outer region of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. Under General Hitoshi Imamura, over 180 Civilian and Prisoner of War Camps were established all over Sumatra, strongly ignoring the Geneva Convention. Most of these Camps were filled with Allied POW, European and American Civilians as well as rebelling locals that opposed the Dutch, the Japanese and the new government in Palembang. Most of these rebels were centered in the Aceh region and were Mohammedan clerics and locals that believed the Sumatra Sultanate to be to secularized and only a Japanese puppet. They wished to live under Sharia rule and be governed only by a true Mohammedan leader. The Japanese and the Sumatran Co-Prosperity Sphere government fought them in hopes to at least contain their activities to the northwest tip of the island. The main work these prisoners was forced labor to build railroads and airfields for the Co-Prosperity Sphere forces and their local state economy, but some also were forced to work in local plantations and mines. They established a railroad from Palembang to Loebok Linggau, bypassing Prabumulin and Lahat in the south. Further north they were forced to expand the already existing railway from Padang to Moearo further north towards Pekan Baru. Near Langsar, Rengat and Palembang captured Allied POW's were used to repair and work the oil fields and petroleum refineries they sabotaged shortly before to prevent them from falling into Japanese hands. With the help of these enemy prisoners and paid or sometimes forced local workers, the Co-Prosperity Sphere established many army bases for their soldiers and naval bases for their sailors, accompanied by newly build or expanded airfields/ airports. While these military bases were mostly meant to secure local cities and resource regions, the naval bases and the airfields served as more offensive bases for protection and operations. While the Co-Prosperity Sphere armies garrisoned and secured the new Sumatra Sultanate, the Navy and Air Force not only guarded it's coasts, but started from here to raid Allied supply lines in the Andaman Sea, the Bay of Bengal, or the more southern Sumatran parts of the Indian Ocean between India and Australia. The first projects besides solely military ones on Sumatra included more roads and railroads build by POW's to connect important resource regions, so they could be exploded by the Co-Prosperity Sphere. In fear of Allied raids from the Indian Ocean, India or Australia the first of these projects were inside of the islands, far away from possible Allied bomber reach and naval landings. Still further plans for the Sumatran Sultanate included the connection of all major cities and resource regions with the capital Palembang later during, but mostly after the war. The Siamese/ Thai Empire used a similar strategy in the Malayan Peninsula, were Allied POW's and the local Malayan citizens were forced to build new roads and railroads that would help deport the whole Malayan population to Borneo, so that the region could be resettled with Thai and fully integrated into the Siam/ Thai Empire. These new railroads were later also used by the Co-Prosperity Sphere to bypass the need for transport ships, by transporting many resources from Southeast Asia over Siam, Indochina, China and Korea from where they would come to Japan, bypassing enemy submarines and mine fields at sea later during the Second Great War.
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Chapter 270: Hitler's former Cabinet – A tale of Bernhard Rust
Chapter 270: Hitler's former Cabinet – A tale of Bernhard Rust:
Bernhard Rust (born 30 September 1883) was Minister of Science, Education and National Culture (Reichserziehungsminister) in Germany under the Nazi regime. A combination of school administrator and zealous Nazi, he issued decrees, often bizarre, at every level of the German educational system to immerse German youth in the National Socialist and later the National Monarchist philosophy.
Rust was born in Hannover and obtained a doctorate in German philology and philosophy. After passing the state teaching examination with the grade "gut" (i.e. good) in 1908, he became a high school teacher at Hannover's Ratsgymnasium, then served in the army during the First Great War. He reached the rank of lieutenant and was awarded the Iron Cross for bravery. Rust joined the NSDAP in 1922, and eventually became the Gauleiter for the Gau of Süd-Hannover-Braunschweig. In 1930, he was elected to the Reichstag. When Hitler became Chancellor in 1933, Rust was appointed as the Prussian Minister for Cultural Affairs. On 1 May 1934, he was selected as Minister of Science, Education and National Culture (Reichsminister für Wissenschaft, Erziehung und Volksbildung), and set about to reshape the German educational system to conform to his ideals of National Socialism. Considered by many to be mentally unstable, Rust would capriciously create new regulations and then repeal them just as quickly. One noted example was in 1935, when he changed the traditional six-day school week to five days, with Saturday to be "Reich's Youth Day" when children in the Hitler Youth and the League of German Girls would be out of school for study and testing. He then ordered the creation of a "rolling week", with six days for study, followed by the "youth day" and a rest day, in 8-day periods. Thus, a rolling week starting on Monday would end with rest on the following Monday; the next rolling week would start on Tuesday and end 8 days later on the next Tuesday. When the 8-day week proved unworkable, Rust went back to the former system.
It was Rust who, in 1933, issued a rule that students and teachers should greet each other with the Nazi salute "as a symbol of the new Germany". He added his opinion that it was "expected of every German" regardless of membership in the party. Rust was instrumental in purging German universities of Jews and others regarded as enemies of the State, most notably at the University of Göttingen. Nazi Germany's future leaders received their instruction elsewhere, in an NPEA or "Napola" (NAtionalPOLitische erziehungsAnstalten), of which there were 30 in the nation, where they would receive training to become administrators of conquered provinces. He bluntly informed teachers that their aim was to educate ethnically aware Germans. Rust also believed that non-Aryan science (such as Albert Einstein's "Jewish physics") was flawed, and had what he felt to be a rational explanation for this view. In an address to scientists, he said, "The problems of science do not present themselves in the same way to all men. The Negro or the Jew will view the same world in a different light from the German investigator." Erika Mann, the daughter of Thomas Mann, wrote an exposé of the Rust system in 1938 entitled School for Barbarians.
Rust prepared a reform of German orthography, and his fairly extensive version had lower case common nouns, elimination of lengthening-symbols. This attempt met internal resistance of the Reich's ministry. The proposed German orthography reform also failed. Before these failures, the rules of the reform were printed in millions of copies intended for classroom use and published in numerous newspapers. The reform was postponed on the orders of Hitler because it was "not important for the war effort." Some of Rust's innovations had, however, found their way into the 1942 Duden, such as the spelling of the word Kautsch for Couch. After the military coup against Hitler's Nazi regime, Rust lost his ministry and was charged with crimes against the German culture and language on behalf of the Nazi's as well as treasonous indoctrination of the German Youth (even if the German Empire and it's National Monarchism would continue to use many of his indoctrinating school methods). Rust was once again charged with being mentally ill by these opposing him and spared the death penalty because of this, even if he was found guilty of high treason against the German Empire and the German People. Rust was sent to a mental asylum and stayed there as a inmate for the rest of his life, serving as a example that the Nazi Government and Regime was filled with many crazy and mentally ill individuals that had been a worse influence on Germany.
Bernhard Rust (born 30 September 1883) was Minister of Science, Education and National Culture (Reichserziehungsminister) in Germany under the Nazi regime. A combination of school administrator and zealous Nazi, he issued decrees, often bizarre, at every level of the German educational system to immerse German youth in the National Socialist and later the National Monarchist philosophy.
Rust was born in Hannover and obtained a doctorate in German philology and philosophy. After passing the state teaching examination with the grade "gut" (i.e. good) in 1908, he became a high school teacher at Hannover's Ratsgymnasium, then served in the army during the First Great War. He reached the rank of lieutenant and was awarded the Iron Cross for bravery. Rust joined the NSDAP in 1922, and eventually became the Gauleiter for the Gau of Süd-Hannover-Braunschweig. In 1930, he was elected to the Reichstag. When Hitler became Chancellor in 1933, Rust was appointed as the Prussian Minister for Cultural Affairs. On 1 May 1934, he was selected as Minister of Science, Education and National Culture (Reichsminister für Wissenschaft, Erziehung und Volksbildung), and set about to reshape the German educational system to conform to his ideals of National Socialism. Considered by many to be mentally unstable, Rust would capriciously create new regulations and then repeal them just as quickly. One noted example was in 1935, when he changed the traditional six-day school week to five days, with Saturday to be "Reich's Youth Day" when children in the Hitler Youth and the League of German Girls would be out of school for study and testing. He then ordered the creation of a "rolling week", with six days for study, followed by the "youth day" and a rest day, in 8-day periods. Thus, a rolling week starting on Monday would end with rest on the following Monday; the next rolling week would start on Tuesday and end 8 days later on the next Tuesday. When the 8-day week proved unworkable, Rust went back to the former system.
It was Rust who, in 1933, issued a rule that students and teachers should greet each other with the Nazi salute "as a symbol of the new Germany". He added his opinion that it was "expected of every German" regardless of membership in the party. Rust was instrumental in purging German universities of Jews and others regarded as enemies of the State, most notably at the University of Göttingen. Nazi Germany's future leaders received their instruction elsewhere, in an NPEA or "Napola" (NAtionalPOLitische erziehungsAnstalten), of which there were 30 in the nation, where they would receive training to become administrators of conquered provinces. He bluntly informed teachers that their aim was to educate ethnically aware Germans. Rust also believed that non-Aryan science (such as Albert Einstein's "Jewish physics") was flawed, and had what he felt to be a rational explanation for this view. In an address to scientists, he said, "The problems of science do not present themselves in the same way to all men. The Negro or the Jew will view the same world in a different light from the German investigator." Erika Mann, the daughter of Thomas Mann, wrote an exposé of the Rust system in 1938 entitled School for Barbarians.
Rust prepared a reform of German orthography, and his fairly extensive version had lower case common nouns, elimination of lengthening-symbols. This attempt met internal resistance of the Reich's ministry. The proposed German orthography reform also failed. Before these failures, the rules of the reform were printed in millions of copies intended for classroom use and published in numerous newspapers. The reform was postponed on the orders of Hitler because it was "not important for the war effort." Some of Rust's innovations had, however, found their way into the 1942 Duden, such as the spelling of the word Kautsch for Couch. After the military coup against Hitler's Nazi regime, Rust lost his ministry and was charged with crimes against the German culture and language on behalf of the Nazi's as well as treasonous indoctrination of the German Youth (even if the German Empire and it's National Monarchism would continue to use many of his indoctrinating school methods). Rust was once again charged with being mentally ill by these opposing him and spared the death penalty because of this, even if he was found guilty of high treason against the German Empire and the German People. Rust was sent to a mental asylum and stayed there as a inmate for the rest of his life, serving as a example that the Nazi Government and Regime was filled with many crazy and mentally ill individuals that had been a worse influence on Germany.
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Chapter 271: Co-Prosperity Sphere Civilian and POW camps in the Sultanate of Brunei
Chapter 271: Co-Prosperity Sphere Civilian and POW camps in the Sultanate of Brunei:
Despite great ambitions in the Sultanate of Brunei (Borneo) to become a powerful Malay state, only few Civilian and Prisoner of War Camps were established and only few of the imprisoned people there were not very often used for slave labor. The Sultan instead focused on using the manpower that came with the millions of Malayans from the Siam/ Thai Empire to replace them with Siamese/ Thai that had lived in the former Malayan Peninsula. The only railway however build during the Second Great War would be a expansion of a already British colonial railway in Tenom that would be expanded to include the sultanates capital city of Brunei. While plans were maid to connect the western coast further down to Sarawak and later the other already existing colonial rail network on the west coast around Mampawah and from here to the southern colonial rail network from Martapoera to Tanahgrogot, none of these projects were started during the war. The main reason for that was that while the Sultanate used it's resources to build some new railways and roads, the main focus was to create new colonial towns and cities for the incoming Mohammedan Malay brothers and sisters from the Malayan Peninsula. The first step of this projects was the creation of new plantations, farms and small towns further inland to drive away the native pagan Dajak indigenous tribes from these regions and extinct them until all of the island was settled by Malayan Mohammedans. To do so the Sultanate could heavily relay on the river system across the island, further improved by a few newer paths and roads. This way the Brunei/ Borneo/ Sarawak Yen could be used to finance and build these new plantations, community farms and towns as inland colonies as a train railway system across the whole island was not yet necessary or profitable to finance as long as the Second Great War continued. Still the islands Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin and his advisers already started ambitious plans to connect every major city and coast all across the island of Borneo and the Brunei Sultanate. From the naval and air bases in Borneo, the Co-Prosperity Sphere forces secured the coast of the island and their own ship trade routes in the waters nearby, while blockading all Allied ship routes and movements in the area they dominated and controlled. Many of the indigenous Dajak tribal people would be forced to work as slave like laborer in the plantations, farms and mines of the new Mohammedan Malay colonial cities, that slowly but steady conquered their remaining heartland in the internal jungles and mountains of Borneo.
Despite great ambitions in the Sultanate of Brunei (Borneo) to become a powerful Malay state, only few Civilian and Prisoner of War Camps were established and only few of the imprisoned people there were not very often used for slave labor. The Sultan instead focused on using the manpower that came with the millions of Malayans from the Siam/ Thai Empire to replace them with Siamese/ Thai that had lived in the former Malayan Peninsula. The only railway however build during the Second Great War would be a expansion of a already British colonial railway in Tenom that would be expanded to include the sultanates capital city of Brunei. While plans were maid to connect the western coast further down to Sarawak and later the other already existing colonial rail network on the west coast around Mampawah and from here to the southern colonial rail network from Martapoera to Tanahgrogot, none of these projects were started during the war. The main reason for that was that while the Sultanate used it's resources to build some new railways and roads, the main focus was to create new colonial towns and cities for the incoming Mohammedan Malay brothers and sisters from the Malayan Peninsula. The first step of this projects was the creation of new plantations, farms and small towns further inland to drive away the native pagan Dajak indigenous tribes from these regions and extinct them until all of the island was settled by Malayan Mohammedans. To do so the Sultanate could heavily relay on the river system across the island, further improved by a few newer paths and roads. This way the Brunei/ Borneo/ Sarawak Yen could be used to finance and build these new plantations, community farms and towns as inland colonies as a train railway system across the whole island was not yet necessary or profitable to finance as long as the Second Great War continued. Still the islands Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin and his advisers already started ambitious plans to connect every major city and coast all across the island of Borneo and the Brunei Sultanate. From the naval and air bases in Borneo, the Co-Prosperity Sphere forces secured the coast of the island and their own ship trade routes in the waters nearby, while blockading all Allied ship routes and movements in the area they dominated and controlled. Many of the indigenous Dajak tribal people would be forced to work as slave like laborer in the plantations, farms and mines of the new Mohammedan Malay colonial cities, that slowly but steady conquered their remaining heartland in the internal jungles and mountains of Borneo.
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Chapter 272: Hitler's former Cabinet – A tale of Hanns Kerrl
Chapter 272: Hitler's former Cabinet – A tale of Hanns Kerrl
Hanns Kerrl (born 11 December 1887) was a German Nazi politician. His most prominent position, from July 1935, was that of Reichsminister of Church Affairs. He was also President of the Prussian Landtag (1932–1934) and head of the Zweckverband Reichsparteitag Nürnberg and in that capacity edited a number of Nuremberg rally yearbooks. Kerrl was born into a Protestant family in Fallersleben; his father was a headmaster. Hanns Kerrl joined the Nazi Party (NSDAP) in 1923 and soon afterwards went into regional politics.
On 17 June 1934 he became Reichsminister without Portfolio. In the following year, on 16 July 1935, he was appointed Reichsminister für die kirchlichen Angelegenheiten (Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs), to head a newly created ministry. On the one hand, Kerrl was supposed to mediate between those Nazi leaders who hated Christianity (for example Heinrich Himmler) and the churches themselves and stress the religious aspect of the Nazi ideology. On the other hand, in tune with the policy of Gleichschaltung, it was Kerrl's job to subjugate the churches—subject the various denominations and their leaders and subordinate them to the greater goals decided by the Führer, Adolf Hitler. Indeed, Kerrl had been appointed after Ludwig Müller had been unsuccessful in getting the Protestants to unite in one "Reich Church." Kerrl was considered one of the milder Nazis. Nonetheless, in a speech before several compliant church leaders in 1935, he revealed the regime's growing hostility to the church when he declared, "Positive Christianity is National Socialism." He also pressured most of the Protestant pastors to swear an oath of loyalty to Hitler.
Kerrl was the only Minister with an explicit commitment to reach a synthesis between Nazism and Christianity. Much to the ire of leading Nazis, Kerrl maintained that Christianity provided an essential foundation for Nazi ideology and that the two forces had to be reconciled. In the short term, at least, it appears that Hitler hoped to recover the initiative in the Church Struggle by returning to the official NSDAP policy of neutrality. The available documents suggest that Hitler temporized between two approaches to the question of the Churches. On the one hand, the predominant radical elements in the Party wanted to reduce clerical influence in German society as quickly as possible—and by force if necessary. On the other hand, Hitler clearly had much to gain from any possible peaceful settlement whereby the Churches would give at least implicit recognition to the supremacy of Nazi ideology in the public realm and restrict themselves solely to their internal affairs.
In 1935 Kerrl scored some initial successes in reconciling the differing parties in the Church Struggle. However, by the second half of 1936, his position was clearly undermined by NSDAP hostility, and by the refusal of the churches to work with a government body which they regarded as a captive or stooge of the Nazi Party. Hitler gradually adopted a more uncompromising and intolerant stance, probably under the growing influence of ideologues such as Bormann, Rosenberg and Himmler, who were loath to entertain any idea of the new Germany having a Christian foundation even in a token form. After the military coup against Hitler and the Nazi government the military and more liberal conservative elements took power. This however did not lead to Kerrl's plan to unify state ideology and religion to one entity, even if he was forced out of office and charged with treason against German state and German religion, he tried to continu to fight for his vision. Still his ideas and proposals helped to form the Protestant churches in Germany and German speaking minorities in other states into German Christians (German: Deutsche Christen) to create a unifying, German-national and heavily cultural German influenced Church of Germany with the German Emperor as it's head (clearly inspired by the Anglican Church if England). However Kerr himself, even if not found guilty in court was marginalized by other now rising popular figures. Neither Chancellor Hitler or German Emperor Wilhelm II grant him a personal conversation ever again and Kerrl became desperate and embittered. A completely powerless minister, he died without any office on 15 December 1941, aged 54.
Hanns Kerrl (born 11 December 1887) was a German Nazi politician. His most prominent position, from July 1935, was that of Reichsminister of Church Affairs. He was also President of the Prussian Landtag (1932–1934) and head of the Zweckverband Reichsparteitag Nürnberg and in that capacity edited a number of Nuremberg rally yearbooks. Kerrl was born into a Protestant family in Fallersleben; his father was a headmaster. Hanns Kerrl joined the Nazi Party (NSDAP) in 1923 and soon afterwards went into regional politics.
On 17 June 1934 he became Reichsminister without Portfolio. In the following year, on 16 July 1935, he was appointed Reichsminister für die kirchlichen Angelegenheiten (Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs), to head a newly created ministry. On the one hand, Kerrl was supposed to mediate between those Nazi leaders who hated Christianity (for example Heinrich Himmler) and the churches themselves and stress the religious aspect of the Nazi ideology. On the other hand, in tune with the policy of Gleichschaltung, it was Kerrl's job to subjugate the churches—subject the various denominations and their leaders and subordinate them to the greater goals decided by the Führer, Adolf Hitler. Indeed, Kerrl had been appointed after Ludwig Müller had been unsuccessful in getting the Protestants to unite in one "Reich Church." Kerrl was considered one of the milder Nazis. Nonetheless, in a speech before several compliant church leaders in 1935, he revealed the regime's growing hostility to the church when he declared, "Positive Christianity is National Socialism." He also pressured most of the Protestant pastors to swear an oath of loyalty to Hitler.
Kerrl was the only Minister with an explicit commitment to reach a synthesis between Nazism and Christianity. Much to the ire of leading Nazis, Kerrl maintained that Christianity provided an essential foundation for Nazi ideology and that the two forces had to be reconciled. In the short term, at least, it appears that Hitler hoped to recover the initiative in the Church Struggle by returning to the official NSDAP policy of neutrality. The available documents suggest that Hitler temporized between two approaches to the question of the Churches. On the one hand, the predominant radical elements in the Party wanted to reduce clerical influence in German society as quickly as possible—and by force if necessary. On the other hand, Hitler clearly had much to gain from any possible peaceful settlement whereby the Churches would give at least implicit recognition to the supremacy of Nazi ideology in the public realm and restrict themselves solely to their internal affairs.
In 1935 Kerrl scored some initial successes in reconciling the differing parties in the Church Struggle. However, by the second half of 1936, his position was clearly undermined by NSDAP hostility, and by the refusal of the churches to work with a government body which they regarded as a captive or stooge of the Nazi Party. Hitler gradually adopted a more uncompromising and intolerant stance, probably under the growing influence of ideologues such as Bormann, Rosenberg and Himmler, who were loath to entertain any idea of the new Germany having a Christian foundation even in a token form. After the military coup against Hitler and the Nazi government the military and more liberal conservative elements took power. This however did not lead to Kerrl's plan to unify state ideology and religion to one entity, even if he was forced out of office and charged with treason against German state and German religion, he tried to continu to fight for his vision. Still his ideas and proposals helped to form the Protestant churches in Germany and German speaking minorities in other states into German Christians (German: Deutsche Christen) to create a unifying, German-national and heavily cultural German influenced Church of Germany with the German Emperor as it's head (clearly inspired by the Anglican Church if England). However Kerr himself, even if not found guilty in court was marginalized by other now rising popular figures. Neither Chancellor Hitler or German Emperor Wilhelm II grant him a personal conversation ever again and Kerrl became desperate and embittered. A completely powerless minister, he died without any office on 15 December 1941, aged 54.
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Chapter 273: Co-Prosperity Sphere Civilian and POW camps in the Kingdom of Celebes/ Sulawesi:
Chapter 273: Co-Prosperity Sphere Civilian and POW camps in the Kingdom of Celebes/ Sulawesi:
The Kingdom of Celebes/ Sulawesi was heavily divided during the Second Great War and afterwards, as well as between it's own northern Christian majority (with the capital of Menado) and it's southern Mohammedan majority (with the capital of Makassar), as well as between the Imperial Japanese/ Co-Prosperity Sphere Army headquartered in the north and the of the Imperial Japanese/ Co-Prosperity Sphere Navy. While the Army wished to build a railway from north to south, connecting the western coastlines away from any possible eastern and southern Allied invasion to quickly transfer it's garrison forces across the island, while the Navy favored a connection between the Menado in the north and Makassar in the south towards their most eastern base at Kendari. This way they would connect their sea streets, naval bases and land based supply in the region. The problem was that the east of the island was still mostly undeveloped and in the hand of the pagan Alfuren tribes. This meant that northern Christian Priests and southern Mohammedan Imams competed in connecting to the east so either side could missionary the region for themselves, claiming their own dominance over the newly independent state of Celebes/ Sulawesi in cultural, religious and political affairs. Because this competition and rivalry nearly erupted in violence and a overall civil war, the Co-Prosperity Sphere Armies convinced the locals that their idea of a north-southern trans-Celebes/Sulawesi railroad would help reconnect the two parts of the island and ensure cooperation, communication and harmony between them. Even the Civilian and Prisoner of War camps were equally divided between these centered around Menado in the north and these around Makassar in the south. Enemy agitators, civilian criminals, captured Allied soldiers and even many local workers helped building these trans-island railroad. They even managed to end the project before the Second Great War ended under enormous work efforts. The Co-Prosperity Sphere navies operated from Celebes/ Sulawesi in the Celebes Sea, the Java Sea, as well as the Sunda/Flores Sea to secure the islands coast and sea trade, as well as end all Allied trade and ship operations in the region. Still this temporary work together did not stop the Christian North and the Mohammedan South from later engaging in a religious race towards the east coast of their nation to convert the natives of the region. The building of the railroad itself during the Second Great War, was a waste of resourced the Kingdom of Celebes/Sulawesi and the whole Co-Prosperity Sphere could have spend better in other ways, especially their military. But the divided arguments and reasoning between both parts of the island, as well as the Army and Navy prevented a cool mind and a more logical solution in exchange for a propagandist project that would have little military and economic value for the duration of the war.
The Kingdom of Celebes/ Sulawesi was heavily divided during the Second Great War and afterwards, as well as between it's own northern Christian majority (with the capital of Menado) and it's southern Mohammedan majority (with the capital of Makassar), as well as between the Imperial Japanese/ Co-Prosperity Sphere Army headquartered in the north and the of the Imperial Japanese/ Co-Prosperity Sphere Navy. While the Army wished to build a railway from north to south, connecting the western coastlines away from any possible eastern and southern Allied invasion to quickly transfer it's garrison forces across the island, while the Navy favored a connection between the Menado in the north and Makassar in the south towards their most eastern base at Kendari. This way they would connect their sea streets, naval bases and land based supply in the region. The problem was that the east of the island was still mostly undeveloped and in the hand of the pagan Alfuren tribes. This meant that northern Christian Priests and southern Mohammedan Imams competed in connecting to the east so either side could missionary the region for themselves, claiming their own dominance over the newly independent state of Celebes/ Sulawesi in cultural, religious and political affairs. Because this competition and rivalry nearly erupted in violence and a overall civil war, the Co-Prosperity Sphere Armies convinced the locals that their idea of a north-southern trans-Celebes/Sulawesi railroad would help reconnect the two parts of the island and ensure cooperation, communication and harmony between them. Even the Civilian and Prisoner of War camps were equally divided between these centered around Menado in the north and these around Makassar in the south. Enemy agitators, civilian criminals, captured Allied soldiers and even many local workers helped building these trans-island railroad. They even managed to end the project before the Second Great War ended under enormous work efforts. The Co-Prosperity Sphere navies operated from Celebes/ Sulawesi in the Celebes Sea, the Java Sea, as well as the Sunda/Flores Sea to secure the islands coast and sea trade, as well as end all Allied trade and ship operations in the region. Still this temporary work together did not stop the Christian North and the Mohammedan South from later engaging in a religious race towards the east coast of their nation to convert the natives of the region. The building of the railroad itself during the Second Great War, was a waste of resourced the Kingdom of Celebes/Sulawesi and the whole Co-Prosperity Sphere could have spend better in other ways, especially their military. But the divided arguments and reasoning between both parts of the island, as well as the Army and Navy prevented a cool mind and a more logical solution in exchange for a propagandist project that would have little military and economic value for the duration of the war.
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Getting better at maps so more of that for the new nation states TTL for sure, like how ehtnic settlement changes there since the start until the end of the war or later on and such stuff.
Just read it again and I feel appreciate your work here sir, miss ( I don’t know and I’m try not to assume your gender please don’t hate me).
I think Japan and German can trade their tactics and technology very easy not like in otl. German want their own carriers and who have better experience to build one than the Japanese ( they also have tons of bitter experience in the war with the USA ). For Japan, German strategy and tactic in the war with Soviet can be really useful in North expansion, and “German panzer” can help them finish the civil war really quickly.
I think Japan and German can trade their tactics and technology very easy not like in otl. German want their own carriers and who have better experience to build one than the Japanese ( they also have tons of bitter experience in the war with the USA ). For Japan, German strategy and tactic in the war with Soviet can be really useful in North expansion, and “German panzer” can help them finish the civil war really quickly.
Quite frankly I'm a Sir.
But that aside, thank you very much, we will see some of this cooperation (but no full alliance) later on during TTL. ;D
Chapter 274: Namo and Faro in Oceania: New Zealand Kiwiism
Chapter 274: Namo and Faro in Oceania: New Zealand Kiwiism
Fascism in New Zealand has never gained much support, but the organized advocacy of fascist, white supremacist and anti-Semitic views has often been present in New Zealand to a limited extent. As in most Western societies, a certain amount of anti-Semitic feeling has been present in New Zealand for quite some time. This feeling was not particularly strong, however, as evidenced by the fact that Julius Vogel, a practicing Jew, was able to become Premier in 1873. Vogel did, however, suffer jibes about his faith, and political cartoonists frequently employed various Jewish stereotypes against him. The fact that he served as treasurer was particularly played upon, with stereotypes of Jewish bankers and moneylenders being brought out. However, none of this anti-Semitism was conducted in an organized fashion, being simply the views of individuals rather than any sort of political movement.
In the early 20th century, another more disciplined strain of anti-Semitism crystallized around the social credit theory. This theory, set out by the British engineer C. H. Douglas, was highly critical of bankers and financiers, believing that debt was being used to undermine people's rights. While by no means all creditists were anti-Semitic, the complaints made by Social Credit fit well with existing anti-Semitic theories that Jews controlled financial institutions. As such, many anti-Semites gathered around social credit organizations, and in some cases, became powerful. Initially, most supporters of social credit were supporters of the Labour Party, which meant that any anti-Semitic sentiments were considerably diluted. Later, however, an independent Social Credit Party was founded, and some allege that the new group contained many anti-Semitic elements. Gradually, rifts emerged in the party over anti-Semitic views, and the faction opposed to anti-Semitism was victorious. By the late 1960s, any anti-Semitic strain had been virtually expelled from the Social Credit Party. Many anti-Semites supported the League of Rights, an organist originating in Australia which also had links to the social credit movement. Unlike some countries, New Zealand did not have any notable fascist organizations in the first half of the 20th century, although the New Zealand Legion was sometimes accused of having fascist leanings. There were no real equivalents to the British Union of Fascists or the Silver Legion of America, although certain individuals, notably Lionel Terry and Arthur Nelson Field, promoted white supremacist ideals. These groups heavily opposed any form of socialism or communism in New Zealand, often leading to violent clashes between them and these other socialist ideologies.
As National Monarchism or Fascist Royalism came to New Zealand in aftermath of the Axis Central Powers victories in Europe and in influence by the British Union/ British Union of Royalist Fascists and National Monarchists. Their ideology was thereby Fascist Monarchism, also called Mosleyism, the Anglo Way, Democratic Fascist Monarchism or Democratic National Royalism. The New Zealand Legion and other National Monarchist or Fascist Royalist groups joined forces, because their numbers stayed very limited. There was even a Coprospist group that promoted working closely together with the Empire of Japan and their Co-Prosperity Sphere. The common symbol for these advocates of some kind of Kiwi Kingdom or Kiwi Empire used the silver fern as a popular official sign and national symbol for their movement. The same one that was used for the coat of arms, aircraft, the national rugby and cricket teams as well as a military insignia. The main reason for that was that many Royalist Fascists and National Monarchists in New Zealand were either former or active soldiers themselves, or dreaming of a more authoritarian, militaristic and strong state to live in. Not necessary under a king, but under some form of strong authoritarian leader. Their relationship with the indigenous Maori was mixed as some saw them as subhumans, while others wanted to integrate them into the new state with the Maori Act that would allow to conscript them or use them as volunteers in the war effort against the Japanese forces in New Guinea.
Fascism in New Zealand has never gained much support, but the organized advocacy of fascist, white supremacist and anti-Semitic views has often been present in New Zealand to a limited extent. As in most Western societies, a certain amount of anti-Semitic feeling has been present in New Zealand for quite some time. This feeling was not particularly strong, however, as evidenced by the fact that Julius Vogel, a practicing Jew, was able to become Premier in 1873. Vogel did, however, suffer jibes about his faith, and political cartoonists frequently employed various Jewish stereotypes against him. The fact that he served as treasurer was particularly played upon, with stereotypes of Jewish bankers and moneylenders being brought out. However, none of this anti-Semitism was conducted in an organized fashion, being simply the views of individuals rather than any sort of political movement.
In the early 20th century, another more disciplined strain of anti-Semitism crystallized around the social credit theory. This theory, set out by the British engineer C. H. Douglas, was highly critical of bankers and financiers, believing that debt was being used to undermine people's rights. While by no means all creditists were anti-Semitic, the complaints made by Social Credit fit well with existing anti-Semitic theories that Jews controlled financial institutions. As such, many anti-Semites gathered around social credit organizations, and in some cases, became powerful. Initially, most supporters of social credit were supporters of the Labour Party, which meant that any anti-Semitic sentiments were considerably diluted. Later, however, an independent Social Credit Party was founded, and some allege that the new group contained many anti-Semitic elements. Gradually, rifts emerged in the party over anti-Semitic views, and the faction opposed to anti-Semitism was victorious. By the late 1960s, any anti-Semitic strain had been virtually expelled from the Social Credit Party. Many anti-Semites supported the League of Rights, an organist originating in Australia which also had links to the social credit movement. Unlike some countries, New Zealand did not have any notable fascist organizations in the first half of the 20th century, although the New Zealand Legion was sometimes accused of having fascist leanings. There were no real equivalents to the British Union of Fascists or the Silver Legion of America, although certain individuals, notably Lionel Terry and Arthur Nelson Field, promoted white supremacist ideals. These groups heavily opposed any form of socialism or communism in New Zealand, often leading to violent clashes between them and these other socialist ideologies.
As National Monarchism or Fascist Royalism came to New Zealand in aftermath of the Axis Central Powers victories in Europe and in influence by the British Union/ British Union of Royalist Fascists and National Monarchists. Their ideology was thereby Fascist Monarchism, also called Mosleyism, the Anglo Way, Democratic Fascist Monarchism or Democratic National Royalism. The New Zealand Legion and other National Monarchist or Fascist Royalist groups joined forces, because their numbers stayed very limited. There was even a Coprospist group that promoted working closely together with the Empire of Japan and their Co-Prosperity Sphere. The common symbol for these advocates of some kind of Kiwi Kingdom or Kiwi Empire used the silver fern as a popular official sign and national symbol for their movement. The same one that was used for the coat of arms, aircraft, the national rugby and cricket teams as well as a military insignia. The main reason for that was that many Royalist Fascists and National Monarchists in New Zealand were either former or active soldiers themselves, or dreaming of a more authoritarian, militaristic and strong state to live in. Not necessary under a king, but under some form of strong authoritarian leader. Their relationship with the indigenous Maori was mixed as some saw them as subhumans, while others wanted to integrate them into the new state with the Maori Act that would allow to conscript them or use them as volunteers in the war effort against the Japanese forces in New Guinea.
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Chapter 275: The Trans-New Guinea Railway
Chapter 275: The Trans-New Guinea Railway:
Unlike in other parts of the Co-Prosperity Sphere, the new Kingdom of New-Guinea (Niugini/Niu Gini) with it's capital of Rabaul the still contested island had no Civilian and Prisoner of War Camps at all. While some native tribal locals were used as slave labor on plantations or to help build roads and railroads, most plans of Japanese colonization and industrialization of the island of New-Guinea were halted until the end of the Second Great War. But with Allied forces (mostly British, Commonwealth, like Australian and New Zealand as well as American) coming into the New-Guinean islands on masses to protect and defend Port Moresby and to drive out the Japanese, the Imperial Japanese Army and the Imperial Japanese Navy had to learn to coordinate their forces and work together to a extend, or face their first great defeat. To secure their own supplies and reinforcements, the Co-Prosperity Sphere Armies and Navies had not only to manage to hold of the Allied main fleets, but also face the increasing threat of the enemy submarines. While the South and Southeast of the Islands waters stayed under Allied control and dominance for now, the Solomon Islands in the east and even the northern waters were far from being totally secured.
To further secure their own supply routes and lines, the Co-Prosperity Sphere Navy (mainly the Royal Niugini and Imperial Japanese Navy) split their support to two major supply lines that were heavily guarded and secured along their path. The Eastern Line (the so called Tokio Express) came from Tokio over the northern held Japanese bases and garrisons to supply the Niugini capital of Rabaul. From there is supported the Japanese garrisons and bases Butiolo, Talosea and Gasmaka on New Britain (German: Neu-Pommern) as well as Kawieng on New Ireland (German: Neu-Mecklenburg), Bougainville and the rest of the Solomon Islands nearby. The Western Line (the so called Nagasaki Express) meanwhile bypassed the Philippine Sea over Farmosa (Taiwan), the Philippines and followed the northern coast to Hollandia. From there a road (and later a railway) was build by the Imperial Japanese Army, leading over the cities and garrisons of Aitape, Wewak, Marienberg, Ambuni, Annamberg Bogia, Alexishafen, Madang, Bigidjim, Saidar, to Sio and Finschhafen from were it was connected to the Eastern Line to Rabaul). Further south in Nadzab, Lae, Solomou, and Wau towards the front at Morobe and Buno (that later was falling into Allied hands again). As the Allies pushed the Co-Prosperity Sphere forces back this road and railway supply was forced further west along the New-Guinean coast. From Hollandia first to Mawes, then Wadke, Sanni, Waren, Nabire, Beroe, Manokwari and later Sansaor all the way on the northwestern coast. With the South New-Guinea Campaign of the Imperial Japanese Army and the Imperial Taikoku Army later in 1942/43 this road was expanded from Nabire south of the Oranian Mountains along Waghete, Timika, Amamapare, Agats, Otsjanep and Mappi Post (Kota Mappi).
There the front ended against the Allies since the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy had occupied the Tanjung Vals Island to cut off the Allied trade along the Torres Strait and the Arafura Sea, thereby most of the Northern Australian Coast. From Mappi Post and Kaba to Merauke the Co-Prosperity Sphere army had fought to harsh terrain, Mangroves, freshwater Swamp Forests and lowland Rainforest to push back the Allied forces across the coast. After Merauke they even encountered Savanna and Grasland and were unable to advance any further against the Allies. Allied Air cover from Australia and eastern New Guinea was slowly declining thanks to incoming Co-Prosperity Sphere airforces, but still strong enough that this part of the supply line remained poorly roads and were only over a year later expanded into a primitive railway. With the Allies holding their line at the coasts, the Japanese and Taikoku forces tried to bypass them in the dense Jungles. From Otsjanep eastwards to Abage, Tanahmerah, Kiunga and Gwiribana and from Kota Mappi eastwards over Muting and Aiambak, the Co-Prosperity Sphere Armeis suddenly stood near Balimo unexpected, threatening to cut of the Allied supply from Port Moresby to there. This would then force the Allies to abandon their eastern push against them after the Kokoda Track Campaign and send forces southwest to stop their invasion in the South. Despite this efforts the Japanese managed to take Morehead, take Balimo and fight over Kikori, forcing the then cut off southern Allied New-Guinea forces to retread to Gubam and later Daru, from where the Allied Navies would evacuate 38,247 Allied soldiers and redeploy them in the east of New Guinea, slowing down the Japanese conquest of Kikori, Baimuru and Kerema. Until there the Allies had pushed back the Japanese and Co-Prospererity Sphere advances and now stopped their next push, giving Port Moresby and the east of New-Guinea a much needed rest from the constant fighting and battles in mountains and jungles.
Unlike in other parts of the Co-Prosperity Sphere, the new Kingdom of New-Guinea (Niugini/Niu Gini) with it's capital of Rabaul the still contested island had no Civilian and Prisoner of War Camps at all. While some native tribal locals were used as slave labor on plantations or to help build roads and railroads, most plans of Japanese colonization and industrialization of the island of New-Guinea were halted until the end of the Second Great War. But with Allied forces (mostly British, Commonwealth, like Australian and New Zealand as well as American) coming into the New-Guinean islands on masses to protect and defend Port Moresby and to drive out the Japanese, the Imperial Japanese Army and the Imperial Japanese Navy had to learn to coordinate their forces and work together to a extend, or face their first great defeat. To secure their own supplies and reinforcements, the Co-Prosperity Sphere Armies and Navies had not only to manage to hold of the Allied main fleets, but also face the increasing threat of the enemy submarines. While the South and Southeast of the Islands waters stayed under Allied control and dominance for now, the Solomon Islands in the east and even the northern waters were far from being totally secured.
To further secure their own supply routes and lines, the Co-Prosperity Sphere Navy (mainly the Royal Niugini and Imperial Japanese Navy) split their support to two major supply lines that were heavily guarded and secured along their path. The Eastern Line (the so called Tokio Express) came from Tokio over the northern held Japanese bases and garrisons to supply the Niugini capital of Rabaul. From there is supported the Japanese garrisons and bases Butiolo, Talosea and Gasmaka on New Britain (German: Neu-Pommern) as well as Kawieng on New Ireland (German: Neu-Mecklenburg), Bougainville and the rest of the Solomon Islands nearby. The Western Line (the so called Nagasaki Express) meanwhile bypassed the Philippine Sea over Farmosa (Taiwan), the Philippines and followed the northern coast to Hollandia. From there a road (and later a railway) was build by the Imperial Japanese Army, leading over the cities and garrisons of Aitape, Wewak, Marienberg, Ambuni, Annamberg Bogia, Alexishafen, Madang, Bigidjim, Saidar, to Sio and Finschhafen from were it was connected to the Eastern Line to Rabaul). Further south in Nadzab, Lae, Solomou, and Wau towards the front at Morobe and Buno (that later was falling into Allied hands again). As the Allies pushed the Co-Prosperity Sphere forces back this road and railway supply was forced further west along the New-Guinean coast. From Hollandia first to Mawes, then Wadke, Sanni, Waren, Nabire, Beroe, Manokwari and later Sansaor all the way on the northwestern coast. With the South New-Guinea Campaign of the Imperial Japanese Army and the Imperial Taikoku Army later in 1942/43 this road was expanded from Nabire south of the Oranian Mountains along Waghete, Timika, Amamapare, Agats, Otsjanep and Mappi Post (Kota Mappi).
There the front ended against the Allies since the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy had occupied the Tanjung Vals Island to cut off the Allied trade along the Torres Strait and the Arafura Sea, thereby most of the Northern Australian Coast. From Mappi Post and Kaba to Merauke the Co-Prosperity Sphere army had fought to harsh terrain, Mangroves, freshwater Swamp Forests and lowland Rainforest to push back the Allied forces across the coast. After Merauke they even encountered Savanna and Grasland and were unable to advance any further against the Allies. Allied Air cover from Australia and eastern New Guinea was slowly declining thanks to incoming Co-Prosperity Sphere airforces, but still strong enough that this part of the supply line remained poorly roads and were only over a year later expanded into a primitive railway. With the Allies holding their line at the coasts, the Japanese and Taikoku forces tried to bypass them in the dense Jungles. From Otsjanep eastwards to Abage, Tanahmerah, Kiunga and Gwiribana and from Kota Mappi eastwards over Muting and Aiambak, the Co-Prosperity Sphere Armeis suddenly stood near Balimo unexpected, threatening to cut of the Allied supply from Port Moresby to there. This would then force the Allies to abandon their eastern push against them after the Kokoda Track Campaign and send forces southwest to stop their invasion in the South. Despite this efforts the Japanese managed to take Morehead, take Balimo and fight over Kikori, forcing the then cut off southern Allied New-Guinea forces to retread to Gubam and later Daru, from where the Allied Navies would evacuate 38,247 Allied soldiers and redeploy them in the east of New Guinea, slowing down the Japanese conquest of Kikori, Baimuru and Kerema. Until there the Allies had pushed back the Japanese and Co-Prospererity Sphere advances and now stopped their next push, giving Port Moresby and the east of New-Guinea a much needed rest from the constant fighting and battles in mountains and jungles.
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Chapter 276: Namo and Faro in Oceania: Australian Centrism
Chapter 276: Namo and Faro in Oceania: Australian Centrism
The Centre Party, occasionally referred to as the Centre Movement, was a short-lived political party that operated in the Australian state of New South Wales. Founded in December 1933, the party's leader and most prominent figure was Eric Campbell, the leader of the paramilitary New Guard movement. That organization had been established to oppose what its members perceived as the socialist tendencies of Jack Lang, the Premier of New South Wales, but declined following Lang's dismissal in early 1932. The Centre Party contested five seats at the 1935 state election, and its candidates placed second to the United Australia Party (UAP) in two electorates, with almost 20% of the vote. However, it polled poorly in the other seats it contested, and disbanded shortly after the election. The Centre Party is generally seen as the political extension of the remnant of the New Guard, which had decreased in popularity and influence, and, under Campbell's leadership, had become increasingly inclined towards fascism.
The New Guard was formed to oppose the policies of Jack Lang, the leader of the Labor Party and Premier of New South Wales from 1925 to 1927 and again from 1930 to his dismissal in 1932. With Eric Campbell, a solicitor and former officer in the Australian Imperial Forces (AIF), as "principal founder", the New Guard was established in February 1931, open to "all loyal citizens irrespective of creed, party, social or financial position". Campbell's new organization sprang out of the Old Guard, a "secretive" group of Sydney-based businessmen formed to oppose Jack Lang, the Premier of New South Wales and the leader of the Labor Party, which had gained power at the October 1930 state election. At the height of its power, the movement had been "overwhelmingly a middle-class organization", and was, in general, "virulently opposed by workers and trade unions", with the exception of the Railway Service Association and other right-wing unions. Its main goal was achieved in early May 1932, when Lang's government was dismissed by Sir Philip Game, the Governor of New South Wales. Lang had refused to pay interest on loans from overseas creditors, and withdrew government money from bank accounts to prevent the federal government from appropriating it for that purpose. He was replaced as premier by Bertman Stevens, who led a coalition of the conservative United Australia Party and United Country Party to a landslide victory at the subsequent June 1932 state election. The anti-Labor parties together gained 31 seats and won just under half of the popular vote.
The New Guard and other radical groups "lost much of their motivation" following the defeat of Lang at the 1932 election, with the New Guard confronted with an "unmistakable decline in membership" following Lang's dismissal. In late 1932, Campbell had begun to outline more fully his political beliefs, producing a series of broadcasts in which he develop a "complete credo for a fascist State", most notably incorporating a "non-elective cabinet or commission, a corporative assembly, vocational franchise and a charter of liberty". He also stated his intentions to contest the next state election, a date for which had not yet been set. In early 1933, Campbell toured Europe, meeting with Sir Oswald Moseley, the leader of the British Union of Fascists (the later British Union/ British Union of Royalist Fascists and National Monarchists), and also with German and Italian leaders. However, on his return to Australia, Campbell's support for an "openly pro-fascist policy" was met with strong opposition from the Guard's "anti-fascist moderates" These attempts to "establish the movement as Australia's first fascist party" are thought to have "hastened the New Guard's decline", with many previous members "disinclined to accept what was in fact the movement's true character".
The Centre Party was officially established in December 1933 at a meeting of "over 1,000 people", with The Sydney Morning Herald reporting that "100 branches" of the party would be established. The "majority of the diminishing movement" endorsed its move into electoral politics, which was, according to Campbell, "necessitated by the failure of the UAP governments, at both federal and state levels, to accede to the New Guard's demands". The party did not contest the September 1934 federal elections, as there was "not time to organize it". An August 1934 meeting of the New Guard reaffirmed Campbell as leader, and resolved to "make itself felt in the next State elections".
At the May 1935 New South Wales state election, the Centre Party contested five out of the 90 Legislative Assembly districts, all in suburban Sydney, and polled 0.60 percent of the total vote. In two seats, Hornsby, contested by Fergus Munro, and Lane Cove, contested by Campbell, only the Centre Party and the United Australian Party fielded candidates, with the former polling over 15 percent of the vote in both seats. In the other seats it contested, the Centre Party candidates failed to poll more than 5 percent of the vote. The party's relatively high vote in Hornsby and Lane Cove is thought to have represented "merely the level of protest against UAP Premier Stevens" in the absence of other candidates. In Arncliffe, the only seat that required a preference distribution, the majority (56.78%) of Centre Party preferences flowed to the United Australia candidate, Horace Harper, who was defeated by Labor's Joseph Cahill, a future premier. Enoch Jones, the candidate for Arncliffe, later served as a City of Rockdale councilor, and contested the seat of Rockdale for the Liberal Democratics later. Later writers have suggested that the party's lack of success at the 1935 election represented "an electoral brick-wall", with the party overall a "failure" and Campbell's movement having "lost most of its drive".
The Australia First Movement was another proto-fascist movement which grew out of the Rational Association and the Victorian Socialist Party. Adela Pankhurst Walsh, of the famous suffragette family, was involved in the movement, along with W. J. Miles, Rhodes scholar Percy Stephensen, and writers Xavier Herbert, Miles Franklin and Eleanor Dark. The movement's advocacy of independence from the British Empire attracted the support of the Catholic weekly, The Advocate, as well as the Odinist Alexander Rud Mills. It was anti-semitic, and by 1938 was advocating a national socialist corporate state and a political alliance with the Axis Central Powers in Europe as well as the Co-Prosperity Sphere in Asia. Compromised by its direct links with Japan, the organization was suppressed in March 1942. Four Australia First Movement members in Perth, and sixteen in Sydney, were arrested. Two were convicted of conspiring to assist the enemy and others were interned – a decision later criticized heavily by Paul Hasluck, in his official history of Australian involvement in the Second Great War. A number of the movement's members had come from a far-left background. Walsh, Stephensen and Pankhurst were former Communists.
As National Monarchist or Fascist Royalist groups were rising between 1938 and 1940 many famous Australian members, like the German immigrant Dr. Johannes Heinrich Becker (who formed the National Monarchist Party of Australia, NMPA), Francis Edward de Groot of the right-wing New Guard, the prominent Australian Odinist Alexander Rud Mills (who promoted a Germanic Neopaganism and founded the First Anglecyn Church of Odin in Melbourne in 1936), Adela Constantia Mary Pankhurst Walsh the co-founder of the Australia First Movement (as well as the Communist Party of Australia), Percy Reginald Stephensen (an Australian writer, publisher and political activist, first for the Communists and later for far-Right groups), Eleonora Elisa Fiaschi Tennant (an Australian political activist, best known for her campaigns in the United Kingdom, mainly associated with groups on the right-wing fringes of the Conservative Party) either openly joined forces, or promoted working together in the new Australian Centrist Party and related groups.
The Party promoted Fascist Monarchism, also called Mosleyism, the Anglo Way, Democratic Fascist Monarchism or Democratic National Royalism and used the War Flag of the Eureka Rebellion (3 December 1854) for themselves. The flag design was first used as the war flag of the Eurekan Rebellion at Ballarat in Victoria, Australia. A number of people swore allegiance to the flag as a symbol of defiance at its first flying at Bakery Hill on 29 November 1854. Over 30 miners were killed at the Eureka Stockade, along with six troopers and police. Some 125 miners were arrested and many others badly wounded. For the Australian Centrist Party the flag represented their independent identity away from the United Kingdom and Commonwealth, as well as their dreams of a own Southern Empire. In some of their plans a Centrist Australian Empire also included New Zealand as well as the Dutch East Indies, leading to some tensions with National Monarchist or Fascist Royalist from New Zealand as well as some heavy rivalry and even a secret alliance with the Japanese Empire and the Co-Prosperity Sphere.
The Centre Party, occasionally referred to as the Centre Movement, was a short-lived political party that operated in the Australian state of New South Wales. Founded in December 1933, the party's leader and most prominent figure was Eric Campbell, the leader of the paramilitary New Guard movement. That organization had been established to oppose what its members perceived as the socialist tendencies of Jack Lang, the Premier of New South Wales, but declined following Lang's dismissal in early 1932. The Centre Party contested five seats at the 1935 state election, and its candidates placed second to the United Australia Party (UAP) in two electorates, with almost 20% of the vote. However, it polled poorly in the other seats it contested, and disbanded shortly after the election. The Centre Party is generally seen as the political extension of the remnant of the New Guard, which had decreased in popularity and influence, and, under Campbell's leadership, had become increasingly inclined towards fascism.
The New Guard was formed to oppose the policies of Jack Lang, the leader of the Labor Party and Premier of New South Wales from 1925 to 1927 and again from 1930 to his dismissal in 1932. With Eric Campbell, a solicitor and former officer in the Australian Imperial Forces (AIF), as "principal founder", the New Guard was established in February 1931, open to "all loyal citizens irrespective of creed, party, social or financial position". Campbell's new organization sprang out of the Old Guard, a "secretive" group of Sydney-based businessmen formed to oppose Jack Lang, the Premier of New South Wales and the leader of the Labor Party, which had gained power at the October 1930 state election. At the height of its power, the movement had been "overwhelmingly a middle-class organization", and was, in general, "virulently opposed by workers and trade unions", with the exception of the Railway Service Association and other right-wing unions. Its main goal was achieved in early May 1932, when Lang's government was dismissed by Sir Philip Game, the Governor of New South Wales. Lang had refused to pay interest on loans from overseas creditors, and withdrew government money from bank accounts to prevent the federal government from appropriating it for that purpose. He was replaced as premier by Bertman Stevens, who led a coalition of the conservative United Australia Party and United Country Party to a landslide victory at the subsequent June 1932 state election. The anti-Labor parties together gained 31 seats and won just under half of the popular vote.
The New Guard and other radical groups "lost much of their motivation" following the defeat of Lang at the 1932 election, with the New Guard confronted with an "unmistakable decline in membership" following Lang's dismissal. In late 1932, Campbell had begun to outline more fully his political beliefs, producing a series of broadcasts in which he develop a "complete credo for a fascist State", most notably incorporating a "non-elective cabinet or commission, a corporative assembly, vocational franchise and a charter of liberty". He also stated his intentions to contest the next state election, a date for which had not yet been set. In early 1933, Campbell toured Europe, meeting with Sir Oswald Moseley, the leader of the British Union of Fascists (the later British Union/ British Union of Royalist Fascists and National Monarchists), and also with German and Italian leaders. However, on his return to Australia, Campbell's support for an "openly pro-fascist policy" was met with strong opposition from the Guard's "anti-fascist moderates" These attempts to "establish the movement as Australia's first fascist party" are thought to have "hastened the New Guard's decline", with many previous members "disinclined to accept what was in fact the movement's true character".
The Centre Party was officially established in December 1933 at a meeting of "over 1,000 people", with The Sydney Morning Herald reporting that "100 branches" of the party would be established. The "majority of the diminishing movement" endorsed its move into electoral politics, which was, according to Campbell, "necessitated by the failure of the UAP governments, at both federal and state levels, to accede to the New Guard's demands". The party did not contest the September 1934 federal elections, as there was "not time to organize it". An August 1934 meeting of the New Guard reaffirmed Campbell as leader, and resolved to "make itself felt in the next State elections".
At the May 1935 New South Wales state election, the Centre Party contested five out of the 90 Legislative Assembly districts, all in suburban Sydney, and polled 0.60 percent of the total vote. In two seats, Hornsby, contested by Fergus Munro, and Lane Cove, contested by Campbell, only the Centre Party and the United Australian Party fielded candidates, with the former polling over 15 percent of the vote in both seats. In the other seats it contested, the Centre Party candidates failed to poll more than 5 percent of the vote. The party's relatively high vote in Hornsby and Lane Cove is thought to have represented "merely the level of protest against UAP Premier Stevens" in the absence of other candidates. In Arncliffe, the only seat that required a preference distribution, the majority (56.78%) of Centre Party preferences flowed to the United Australia candidate, Horace Harper, who was defeated by Labor's Joseph Cahill, a future premier. Enoch Jones, the candidate for Arncliffe, later served as a City of Rockdale councilor, and contested the seat of Rockdale for the Liberal Democratics later. Later writers have suggested that the party's lack of success at the 1935 election represented "an electoral brick-wall", with the party overall a "failure" and Campbell's movement having "lost most of its drive".
The Australia First Movement was another proto-fascist movement which grew out of the Rational Association and the Victorian Socialist Party. Adela Pankhurst Walsh, of the famous suffragette family, was involved in the movement, along with W. J. Miles, Rhodes scholar Percy Stephensen, and writers Xavier Herbert, Miles Franklin and Eleanor Dark. The movement's advocacy of independence from the British Empire attracted the support of the Catholic weekly, The Advocate, as well as the Odinist Alexander Rud Mills. It was anti-semitic, and by 1938 was advocating a national socialist corporate state and a political alliance with the Axis Central Powers in Europe as well as the Co-Prosperity Sphere in Asia. Compromised by its direct links with Japan, the organization was suppressed in March 1942. Four Australia First Movement members in Perth, and sixteen in Sydney, were arrested. Two were convicted of conspiring to assist the enemy and others were interned – a decision later criticized heavily by Paul Hasluck, in his official history of Australian involvement in the Second Great War. A number of the movement's members had come from a far-left background. Walsh, Stephensen and Pankhurst were former Communists.
As National Monarchist or Fascist Royalist groups were rising between 1938 and 1940 many famous Australian members, like the German immigrant Dr. Johannes Heinrich Becker (who formed the National Monarchist Party of Australia, NMPA), Francis Edward de Groot of the right-wing New Guard, the prominent Australian Odinist Alexander Rud Mills (who promoted a Germanic Neopaganism and founded the First Anglecyn Church of Odin in Melbourne in 1936), Adela Constantia Mary Pankhurst Walsh the co-founder of the Australia First Movement (as well as the Communist Party of Australia), Percy Reginald Stephensen (an Australian writer, publisher and political activist, first for the Communists and later for far-Right groups), Eleonora Elisa Fiaschi Tennant (an Australian political activist, best known for her campaigns in the United Kingdom, mainly associated with groups on the right-wing fringes of the Conservative Party) either openly joined forces, or promoted working together in the new Australian Centrist Party and related groups.
The Party promoted Fascist Monarchism, also called Mosleyism, the Anglo Way, Democratic Fascist Monarchism or Democratic National Royalism and used the War Flag of the Eureka Rebellion (3 December 1854) for themselves. The flag design was first used as the war flag of the Eurekan Rebellion at Ballarat in Victoria, Australia. A number of people swore allegiance to the flag as a symbol of defiance at its first flying at Bakery Hill on 29 November 1854. Over 30 miners were killed at the Eureka Stockade, along with six troopers and police. Some 125 miners were arrested and many others badly wounded. For the Australian Centrist Party the flag represented their independent identity away from the United Kingdom and Commonwealth, as well as their dreams of a own Southern Empire. In some of their plans a Centrist Australian Empire also included New Zealand as well as the Dutch East Indies, leading to some tensions with National Monarchist or Fascist Royalist from New Zealand as well as some heavy rivalry and even a secret alliance with the Japanese Empire and the Co-Prosperity Sphere.
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Chapter 277: Co-Prosperity Sphere Civilian and POW camps in Indochina
Chapter 277: Co-Prosperity Sphere Civilian and POW camps in Indochina:
In the liberated states, known as former French Indochina, the Imperial Japanese Army and the Imperial Japanese Navy did their best to modernize the infrastructure and industrialize the resource-rich region for the Co-Prosperity Sphere. They mostly relied on French plans for the region at first and finished the railroad from Hanoi to the Vietnamese capital of Hué, finishing the last section from Bunthuy to Hué. They also build a railroad from Tanapand Hatinh in Vietnam to Thakhek in Laos. This railway was mostly for quicker army movements to suppress the Laotian communist rebels. Further south in Vietnam they connected the northern Vietnamese Hanoi railway parts from Toburane all the way to Nhatrane, were it connected to the southern Vietnamese Saigon railway parts (thereby creating the trans-Vietnam railway). For most of this parts they used Vietnamese and Laotian workers (some were forced), but south of Saigon the used European or Allied Civilian and Prisoner of War Camps from the Allied or Communist soldiers fighting them in Indochina. They expanded the Saigon railroad over Cholon, Cantrip and Camau to the southern tip of the Empire of Vietnam and connected Saigon along the Mekong river to Pnompenh the capital of the liberated Kingdom of Kambodia. From there prisoners were forced to build the northern railway over former Cambodian and now Siam/Thai Siemreap to connect with the Siam/Thai Bangkok railway that ended in Petriu. This way they connected the Siamese/ Thai Empire railway network with the rest of the Co-Prosperity Sphere, something that would later help redirect the southern resource ships to Singapore and transport them by land to Chosen from where they would be shipped to Japan, bypassing most Allied submarines and anti-ship mines. This helped Siamese/ Thai trade relations with the rest of the Co-Prosperity Sphere and speeded up the supplies and reinforcements for the Burmese frontline against the Allies.
In the liberated states, known as former French Indochina, the Imperial Japanese Army and the Imperial Japanese Navy did their best to modernize the infrastructure and industrialize the resource-rich region for the Co-Prosperity Sphere. They mostly relied on French plans for the region at first and finished the railroad from Hanoi to the Vietnamese capital of Hué, finishing the last section from Bunthuy to Hué. They also build a railroad from Tanapand Hatinh in Vietnam to Thakhek in Laos. This railway was mostly for quicker army movements to suppress the Laotian communist rebels. Further south in Vietnam they connected the northern Vietnamese Hanoi railway parts from Toburane all the way to Nhatrane, were it connected to the southern Vietnamese Saigon railway parts (thereby creating the trans-Vietnam railway). For most of this parts they used Vietnamese and Laotian workers (some were forced), but south of Saigon the used European or Allied Civilian and Prisoner of War Camps from the Allied or Communist soldiers fighting them in Indochina. They expanded the Saigon railroad over Cholon, Cantrip and Camau to the southern tip of the Empire of Vietnam and connected Saigon along the Mekong river to Pnompenh the capital of the liberated Kingdom of Kambodia. From there prisoners were forced to build the northern railway over former Cambodian and now Siam/Thai Siemreap to connect with the Siam/Thai Bangkok railway that ended in Petriu. This way they connected the Siamese/ Thai Empire railway network with the rest of the Co-Prosperity Sphere, something that would later help redirect the southern resource ships to Singapore and transport them by land to Chosen from where they would be shipped to Japan, bypassing most Allied submarines and anti-ship mines. This helped Siamese/ Thai trade relations with the rest of the Co-Prosperity Sphere and speeded up the supplies and reinforcements for the Burmese frontline against the Allies.
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Emperor Casey
Banned
This is an amazing TL keep it up! Is there any recent world or region maps to show territory?
