Chapter 219: Hitler's former Cabinet – A tale of Hjalmar Schacht
Chapter 219: Hitler's former Cabinet – A tale of Hjalmar Schacht
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Hjalmar Horace Greeley Schacht (born 22 January 1877) was a German economist, banker, centre-right politician, and co-founder in 1918 of the German Democratic Party. He served as the Currency Commissioner and President of the Reichsbank under the Weimar Republic and was a fierce critic of his country's post-First Great War reparation obligations. He was never a member of the Nazi Party, but served in Adolf Hitler's government as President of the National Bank (Reichsbank) 1933 onward and became Minister of Economics (from August 1934 onward). While Schacht was for a time feted for his role in the German "economic miracle", he opposed Hitler's policy of German re-armament insofar as it violated the Treaty of Versailles and (in his view) disrupted the German economy. His views in this regard led Schacht to clash with Hitler and most notably with Hermann Göring.

Schacht was born in Tingleff, Schleswig-Holstein, Prussia, German Empire to William Leonhard Ludwig Maximillian Schacht and baroness Constanze Justine Sophie von Eggers, a native of Denmark. His parents, who had spent years in the United States, originally decided on the name Horace Greeley Schacht, in honor of the American journalist Horace Greeley. However, they yielded to the insistence of the Schacht family grandmother, who firmly believed the child's given name should be Danish. After completing his abitur at the Gelehrtenschule des Johanneums, Schacht studied medicine, philosophy and political science at the Universities of Munich, Leipzig, Berlin, Paris and Kiel before earning a doctorate at Kiel in 1899 – his thesis was on mercantilism.

He joined the Dresdner Bank in 1903. In 1905, while on a business trip to the United States with board members of the Dresdner Bank, Schacht met the famous American banker J. P. Morgan, as well as U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt. He became deputy director of the Dresdner Bank from 1908 to 1915. He was then a board member of the German National Bank for the next seven years, until 1922, and after its merger with the Darmstädter und Nationalbank (Danatbank), a board member of the Danatbank. Schacht was a freemason, having joined the lodge Urania zur Unsterblichkeit in 1908.

During the First Great War, Schacht was assigned to the staff of General Karl von Lumm (1864–1930), the Banking Commissioner for Occupied Belgium, to organize the financing of Germany's purchases in Belgium. He was summarily dismissed by General von Lumm when it was discovered that he had used his previous employer, the Dresdner Bank, to channel the note remittances for nearly 500 million francs of Belgian national bonds destined to pay for the requisitions. After Schacht's dismissal from public service, he had another brief stint at the Dresdner Bank, and then various positions at other banks. In 1923, Schacht applied and was rejected for the position of head of the Reichsbank, largely as a result of his dismissal from Lumm's service.

Despite the blemish on his record, in November 1923, Schacht became currency commissioner for the Weimar Republic and participated in the introduction of the Rentenmark, a new currency the value of which was based on a mortgage on all of the properties in Germany. Germany entered into a brief period where it had two separate currencies: the Reichsmark managed by Rudolf Havenstein, President of the Reichsbank, and the newly created Rentenmark managed by Schacht. After his economic policies helped battle German hyperinflation and stabilize the German mark (Helferich Plan), Schacht was appointed president of the Reichsbank at the requests of president Friedrich Ebert and Chancellor Gustav Stresemann.

In 1926, Schacht provided funds for the formation of IG Farben. He collaborated with other prominent economists to form the 1929 Young Plan to modify the way that war reparations were paid after Germany's economy was destabilizing under the Dawes Plan. In December 1929, he caused the fall of the Finance Minister Rudolf Hilferding by imposing upon the government his conditions for obtaining a loan. After modifications by Hermann Müller's government to the Young Plan during the Second Conference of The Hague (January 1930), he resigned as Reichsbank president on 7 March 1930. During 1930, Schacht campaigned against the war reparations requirement in the United States.

By 1926, Schacht had left the small German Democratic Party, which he had helped found, and began increasingly lending his support to the Nazi Party (NSDAP), to which he became closer between 1930 and 1932. Though never a member of the NSDAP, Schacht helped to raise funds for the party after meeting with Adolf Hitler. Close for a short time to Heinrich Brüning's government, Schacht shifted to the right by entering the Harzburger Front in October 1931.

Schacht's disillusionment with the existing Weimar government did not indicate a particular shift in his overall philosophy, but rather arose primarily out of two issues:
  • his objection to the inclusion of Socialist Party elements in the government, and the effect of their various construction and job-creation projects on public expenditures and borrowings (and the consequent undermining of the government's anti-inflation efforts);
  • his fundamentally unwavering desire to see Germany retake its place on the international stage, and his recognition that "as the powers became more involved in their own economic problems in 1931 and 1932 ... a strong government based on a broad national movement could use the existing conditions to regain Germany's sovereignty and equality as a world power."
Schacht believed that if the German government was ever to commence a wholesale reindustrialization and rearmament in spite of the restrictions imposed by Germany's treaty obligations, it would have to be during a period lacking clear international consensus among the Great Powers. After the July 1932 elections, in which the NSDAP won more than a third of the seats, Schacht and Wilhelm Keppler organized a petition of industrial leaders requesting that president Hindenburg appoint Hitler as Chancellor. After Hitler took power in January 1933, Schacht won re-appointment as Reichsbank president on 17 March.

In August 1934 Hitler appointed Schacht as Germany's Minister of Economics. Schacht supported public-works programs, most notably the construction of autobahnen (highways) to attempt to alleviate unemployment – policies which had been instituted in Germany by von Schleicher's government in late 1932, and had in turn influenced Roosevelts's New Dea. He also introduced the "New Plan", Germany's attempt to achieve economic "autarky", in September 1934. Germany had accrued a massive foreign currency deficit during the Great Depression which continued into the early years of the Third Reich. Schacht negotiated several trade agreements with countries in South America and southeastern Europe, under which Germany would continue to receive raw materials, but would pay in Reichsmarks. This ensured that the deficit would not get any worse, while allowing the German government to deal with the gap which had already developed. Schacht also found an innovative solution to the problem of the government deficit by using mefo bills. He was appointed General Plenipotentiary for the War Economy in May 1934 and was awarded honorary membership in the NSDAP and the Golden Party Badge in January 1937. Schacht disagreed with what he called "unlawful activities" against Germany's Jewish minority and in August 1935 made a speech denouncing Julius Steicher and Streicher's writing in the Nazi newspaper Der Stürmer.

During the economic crisis of 1935–36, Schacht, together with the Price Commissioner Dr. Carl Friedrich Goerdeler, helped lead the "free-market" faction in the German government. They urged Hitler to reduce military spending, turn away from autarkic and protectionist policies, and reduce state control in the economy. Schacht and Goerdeler were opposed by a faction centering on Hermann Göring. Göring was appointed "Plenipotentiary for the Four Year Plan" in 1936, with broad powers that conflicted with Schacht's authority. Schacht objected to continued high military spending, which he believed would cause inflation, thus coming into conflict with Hitler and Göring.

In 1937 Schacht met with Chinese Finance Minister Dr. Hsian-hsi Kung. Schacht told him that "German-Chinese friendship stemmed in good part from the hard struggle of both for independence". Kung said, "China considers Germany its best friend... I hope and wish that Germany will participate in supporting the further development of China, the opening up of its sources of raw materials, the upbuilding of its industries and means of transportation." In November 1937 he resigned as Minister of Economics and General Plenipotentiary at both his and Göring's request. He had grown increasingly dissatisfied with Göring's near-total ignorance of economics, and was also concerned that Germany was coming close to bankruptcy. Hitler, however, knew that Schacht's departure would raise eyebrows outside Germany, and insisted that he remain in the cabinet as minister without portfolio. He remained President of the Reichsbank until the coup gainst Hitler when he returned to is old position as the Minister of Economics and General Plenipotentiary again.

Under the new imperial government of the returning Emperor Wilhelm II, Schacht helped the reintegration of Jews in the society and helped them to return with their money and property, or get back what they had lost under the Nazi's. He created a trust for this purpose and established relations with Montagu Norman, governor of the Bank of England, and Lord Bearstead, a prominent Jew, who both reacted favourably, but the spiritual leader of the London Jews, Chaim Weizmann, opposed the plan.

Because Schacht was said to be in contact with the German resistance as early as 1934, though at that time he still believed the Nazi regime would follow his policies, and because he opposed some Nazi's and their plans openly, he escaped a trial after the military coup against the Nazi government. With the beginning German victories, Schacht became Banking Commissar for he occupied Scandinavian regions and later western Europe until 1940. In 1941 this financial and military occupation and redirection of the European economies became more planned and centralized, focusing on Germany as the industrial and transportation core region of the Axis Central Powers. Later known as the Mitteleuropa Projekt (Middle Europe Alliance/ Project), Schacht became a leading member of the planning board. This lead to Schachts involvement of the EU (Economic Union) of the Axis Central Power member states and occupied regions in Europe. By far Schacht was one of the few members of Hitler's former Cabinet who did not lose, but even gained more immense power in the new German Empire and the Axis Central Power dominated Europe.
 
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Chapter 220: Tensions in Lombardy-Venetia
Chapter 220: Tensions in Lombardy-Venetia:
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The former Kingdom of Lombardy–Venetia (Italian: Regno Lombardo-Veneto, German: Königreich Lombardo–Venetien; Latin: Regnum Langobardiae et Venetiae), commonly called the Lombardo-Venetian Kingdom, had been a constituent land (crown land) of the Austrian Empire. It was created in 1815 by resolution of the Congress of VIenna in recognition of the Austrian House of Habsburg-Lorraine's rights to Lombardy and the former Republic of Venice after the Napoleonis Kingdom of Italy, proclaimed in 1805, had collapsed. It was finally dissolved in 1866 when its remaining territory was incorporated into the recently proclaimed Kingdom o Italy. This did not end the Italian irredentism and after the First Great War the Kingdom of Italy annexed more land from Austria-Hungary. While both nations later became part of the Axis Central Powers, reborn Austria-Hungary claimed all of Tirol and some border parts, more radical politicians and aristrocrats (a very small minority) in Vienna did even claim the whole former Kingdom of Lombardo-Venetia and not only the non-Italian, German populated lands. According to the Ethnographic map of Karl von Czoernig-Czernhausen, issued by the k- u- k. Administration of Statistics in 1855, the Kingdom of Lombardy–Venetia had a population of 5,024,117 people, consisting of the following ethnic groups: 4,625,746 Italians; 351,805 Friulians; 12,084 Germans (Cimbrians in Venetia); 26,676 Slovenians and 7,806 Jews. This mixture changed until 1941 but remained Italian in it's majority. But unlike other members of the Axis Central Powers and the Co-Prosperity Sphere were such border and territorial disputes were settled by border agreements or population exchange, bot Austria-Hungary and Italy had such old and strong claims in this region, that neither of them even thought about taking a small step back from their position. Neither side had any intentions to lose territory or population and thereby power and influence to the other. This claims and ambitions to gain each others land damaged their relations inside the Axis Central Powers and even their normal overall relations with one another quiet hardly despite other agreements and arrangements to fight a war together against the Allies and the Soviet Union.
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I'm pro-Italy too there.

Also, it's silly for Austria-Hungary to want this region. I mean, taking back their Central European old lands was one thing, as they took entire ethnic groups (like the Czechs), and managed to get them on board with the project (while turning A-H into a semi-equal federation).

Even Greece, Yugoslavia and Romania, who will likely become part of the A-H federation as well, will do so as (semi-)equal members, keeping their freedom, and with their entire ethnic groups included.

Taking more Italians is another matter. Italians (neither those from the contested regions, nor those from the rest of Italy) will never ever accept it. And there would be Italy to stir up trouble.

The only case where it might work, is if Fascist Italy catastrophically collapses. Say, the Axis wins, but Italy loses its colonies to the Entente, and gets only Albania and a few bits of Yugoslavia in return, while A-H gets the bulk of the Balkan peninsula. So, it feels like a mutilated victory. Again. Worse than 1918 in fact (since there they'd lose overseas territory). Moreover, Italy lost hundreds of thousands of men in Africa and Eastern Front.
So, in Italy, people are very cross with their government (they see the Duce as the lapdog of Hitler and the Habsburg Emperor, and the Army as incompetent).

Add some economical incompetence, death of Mussolini, and a succession crisis between Ciano and the hardliners. And you have collapse of Italy.

There, A-H might take Venetia and Lombardy under its wing, "saving" the regions from the Italian mess...
 
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Why would Austria risk pissing off Italy over territory that's so ethnically Italian? I could envision north Tyrol being exchanged with Italy in exchange for territory in the Balkans, but Venetia is too far
 
And it was lost to Austria-Hungary a long time ago, in 1866. Even if the Habsburgs want to recreate their old empire, nobody in their population would accept that. I mean, the average Hungarian, Czech, Slovakian... or even Austrian for that matter won't accept going to war just to fulfill the dreams of glory of their Emperor who wants an old lost dynastic land.

Oh, and Germany won't appreciate it either. I mean, if Austria-Hungary is ready to "take back" old territories belonging to an ally (Italy) despite them being lost for nearly a century, what's to say they won't turn to Bavaria and try to re-establish their dominance over entire Germany next ?

And even if they had such dreams they would likely wait until the more pressing matters of Soviets and Allies are dealt with...
 
Chapter 221: Tibetan Empire Operations and Ambitions
Chapter 221: Tibetan Empire Operations and Ambitions:
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Very few member states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere were still so medieval and unprepared for the war to come then the Tibetan Empire was. Prior to the outbreak of the Second Great War the Imperial Japanese Army tried to build up the infrastructure and industry of Tibet in preparations of future campaign against west and central China in the north and east, as well as against British Raj (India) in the south. But with a army of only 10,000 soldiers, mostly with older, outdated uniforms, weapons and other equipment, the Imperial Tibetan Army had to focus on a pure defensive strategy and tactic at first. Their first attempt to improve their supplies and overall industrial base in the region was the building of a modern road and railroad from southern Kunming, the capital of Yikoku all the way to Tibet's capital Lhasa. From this moment on Japanese and various Chinese member states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere flooded Lhasa and Tibet with their goods, resources and other riches, to help them expand their local marked and grow.
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With their small army heavily supported by the Imperial Japanese Mountaineer Divisions and Regiments, the Tibetan Empire tried to secure the mountain passes over the Himalaya against outside forces. At the same time the Dalai Lama (Tibetan: Tā la'i bla ma ), or more correctly his pro-Japanese and Pro-Co-Prosperity Sphere advisers and ruling council claimed lands outside of their recent Tibetan Empire. Most of these regions were inhabited by Tibetan people and tribes, or at least people very close to them. This territory expanded past the traditional Tibetan regions of Ü-Tsang, Amdo and Kham. It included parts of the northern and eastern border regions of Central China, the Gobi or Shan Desert as well as the Himalayan Mountains and parts of British India (mostly the native states and British Protectorates of Ladakh, Kashmir, Jammur, Simla, Nepal, Bhutan as well as some border regions of Punjab, the United Provinces, East Bengal and Assam).

This claims partly were because of ethnic Tibetan people living in these region, or because the Tibetan Buddhism (Lhamaism) was once practiced there and the Tibetan Empire believed these parts of their people to be oppressed by foreign rule, just like Nazi Germany and then the German Empire had called for all Germans to become part of one Empire again. In the northern Gobi or Shan Desert of the Central Chinese Plains these regions had former been part of the Ma Clique (now part of the United Chinese Front) or the Guominjun (Kuominchun) Army.
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To secure and claim these northern parts, Imperial Tibetan Army Cavalry border forces constantly raided enemy border outposts with Japanese support and tried to get these Tibethan and Buddhists regions under their full direct control. Most of this skirmishes and clashes between Tibetan/Japanese and Guominjun and/or United Chinese Front forces were small in scale and fast because the forces were motorized or cavalry and the mountainous, desert and poorly infrastructural region allowed not for greater forces to be gathered there. The Tibetan Empire tried to get the local Tibetan, Amdo, Kalmyk and Kalmyk tribes to join them against the former Hui Muslim of the Ma Clique and now against the National-Communist rule of the Chinese United Front as foreign, unnatural regimes that oppressed them. The Tibetans tried to establish good relations to the newly independent Xikang (also Sikang or Hsikang) Army at the western border towards Tibet that was majorly Buddhist and had just split up from the Chinese United Front to gain independence. The more southern Sichuan (formerly romanized Szechuan) Clique located at the south at the border to Yikoku was more tried to be influenced by Yikoku and had regions disputed between Tibet and Yikoku. The eastern Hunan Clique as another independent warlord however had gained the interest of Wang Jingwei's National Chinese government in Nanjing. But despite promises to remain Generals in the National Chinese Han Army and to gain positions in his government, the majority of the Hunan Clique preferred to remain independent for now.
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On the southern border against Nepal, Tibet and the puppets and vassals of British Raj/ India, the Tibetan and Japanese forced had to fight even more difficult terrain when the Second Great War started in Asia. Nearly no infrastructure, a deadly ice world full of cold and the highest mountain ranges of the world made a direct, massive assault impossible. Smaller skirmishes and battles occurred in Butan and later Nepal, East Bengal and Kashmir or Jammur, but the majority of these battles were small scaled as both sides, the Allies and the Co-Prosperity Sphere focused more on nearby more important campaigns, like Burma, Assam and Bengal instead of the Himalayan Mountain Range. Still the Himalayan Campaign was important for both sides during this conflict, since Japanese had established a airport and airfield at Lhasa from where their bombers and fighters tried to reach the important Indus Valley in British India. On their way they crossed a series of 14,000–16,000-foot (4,300–4,900m) ridges in the Himalayan Mountains and fought bad sight, bad weather and the limit of their own machines as often as the enemy. While they bombed the Ganges River from Dheli to Calcutta, their bigger impact came not from bombs, but from the sighting of their Co-Prosperity Sphere bombers and forces over India as a sign of weakening British and Allied power, that encouraged anti-British protests and even open rebellion and pro-Japanese/ pro-Co-Prosperity Sphere independence movements.
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The assault of the 1st Imperial Tibetan Army together with the accompanying Imperial Japanese Mountaineer Division along the Brahmaputra or Sanpu/ Sanpo River to reach the Bay of Bengal and cut of the main Allied Front in Burma from the rest of British India and their main supply lines and routes there. Along Nimber, Sur and Teladang, the Tibetans/Japanese reached Swtiyeh, directly threatening the northern part of the Trace of Ledo Road to the front-lines in Burma as well as from there to Chittagong or the main Bengal and Assam railroad. But while this opened the Allied supply and reinforce lines in Burma to Japanese attacks by artillery, fighters and bombers, the true impact was that the British, Americans and Indian Raj forces redirected some of their attention and soldiers north, away from Burma and towards the new front-line in Assam. Because the Allies overestimated the Japanese troops coming from the north into India (Kashmir and Jammuur and partly into Nepal and Bhutan too) his would later held the true main Japanese and Co-Prosperity Sphere assault into Assam and Bengal.
 
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Chapter 222: A Island Split
Chapter 222: A Island Split:
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Irelands long history, was a history of a long hard fight for independence from the British. In the last 800 years there had been three major Irish rebellions against the British Rule. The bloody civil war of the year 1921 had ended with the British acknowledging of the Irish independence. The English-Irish Treaty of the same year also cemented the status of Northern Ireland that was in it's majority Protestant. The southern, bigger part of Ireland however was still Catholic and many Irish would remain to claim all of their island as one nation that in their minds should be united and independent at the same time. The Irish Constitution of 29. December 1937 declared the Irish Republic to be a free, sovereign and independent State of Eire, who had no longer the old ties to the British crown. Inside this new constitution, Ireland declared the whole island it's state and claimed it thereby. This included Northern Ireland that remained inside Great Britain and had nearly one third (1,3 million) people living within it's borders. But the mass of southern, independent Irelands 3 million Irish called for them to return home. Northern Ireland also had parts of the most important industrial areas of the island and to integrate it into the State of Eire would be a crowning achievement. Official carts of Ireland, at least inside of Eire not only not recognized, but refused to show this border, that split their nation into two. To the Irish, these northern six counties were part of the province of Ulster, of that only the counties of Cavan, Donegal and Munaghan remained under direct, independent Irish control.
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This heroic Irish fight against the British for Irish independence did not stop them to fight and die on battlefields all around the earth for the British Empire and later the Commonwealth. Everywhere within the Empire, English and Irish lived together in harmony, but on their two mother islands, they despised and hated each other to the core. While many British looked to England or Scotland as their motherland, millions of Irish in the world and mainly the USA. The Irish fight for total independence was in a way the fight of the smaller against the greater British Home Island. A fight, as Britain's enemies realized it that could very well weaken England and their whole Empire. In the treaty of 25 April 1938 England agreed to full Irish sovereignty of the new Republic of Eire. With this new military sovereignty over it's part of the island. And while the Royal Navy still dominated the seas around Ireland, the Republic of Eire was still a possible threat should it side with the enemies of Britain. Long ago Napoleon and other enemies of England had realized this and now the Axis Central Powers did the same. They saw Ireland as a vital navy and air force base against England and their propaganda depicted Germany and the other Axis Central Powers as full backers of a untied Irish Republic that included all of their island. In exchange they wished for naval and airplane bases in Ireland for future operations, or maybe even a possible invasion of England. This however was many Irish to direct and uncontrollable as long as Britain controlled the seas around their nation. Because of that many Irish and even the Irish Republican Army operation in Northern Ireland against the British, focused on simple sabotage and spy missions for now, instead of a direct alliance with the Axis Central Powers and the then only natural direct fight against England and the British Empire. Others, mainly the Northern Irish stayed closer and loyal to the English and the British Empire.
 
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I'm half-expecting Britain to do something extremely stupid by preemptively invading Eire (getting bogged down in guerilla and causing anti-British sentiment in the USA)...
 
Or maybe America does so with British approval :p

I don't think it would happen, Britain sees it as HER backyard. And America (with its divided opinion and Irish big minority) won't enter THAT clusterfuck. Defending France and UK against German aggression is one thing, invading or helping to invade a neutral country is another.
 
Chapter 223: Basil's Brilliance
Chapter 223: Basil's Brilliance:
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My dearest cousin Emperor Otto,

I feel twenty years younger again. Like back then a collective of Ukrainians, Teutonen-Deutsche (Teuton-Germans, formerly known as Baltic Germans), Cossack, Poles and even some Russians support my new Kingdom of Ukrainia from both outside and within. My main supporters however are clearly the Ukrainians and Cossacks, but the Wolhynian-Deutsche, Schwarzmeer-Deusche, Bessarabien-Deutsch und Krim-Deutsche clearly support me as a Austian-German King as well. Under my rule these last named Germans will become a loyal Ukrainian minority and merge with our customs and culture and become Goten-Deutsche (Gothic-Germans alias Ukrainian-Germans). While my supporters twenty years ago were not what I had hoped for and had their own agendas, my new government and supporters are more loyal and wiser. While I living in Spain for a time and even when I moved back to Austria, I kept in constant contact with the Ukrainian exiles and never ceased to work on their behalf, especially when the Red Army began a campaign of persecution in the country. I even served on an international committee, formed at the request of the Greek-Catholic Episcopate for the Ukraine led by Andrei Sheptytsky. This greatly helped me when the Kingdom of Ukrainia was reborn and I could look at a vast network of friends and supporters to get me back on the throne that was mine by right all along. The creation of our own Ukrainian Police, Militia and Army helped us secure and stabilize the new Ukrainian Kingdom.

But as much as our newly independent nation needs forces to defend it's newly independence, we are in dire need of modernization and industrialization. The Soviet sickle needs to be replaced with a modern Ukrainian agrarian machine, we need to replace our 16,5 million working horses with modern tractors to increase our production and resource outcome. Recently we even had to use cows instead of horses, because the Soviets have drained this land so much until now. With only 393,000 tractors produced at home and 578,000 imported, my Ukrainian Kingdom is in great need of importing more modern equipment and machinery from Germany and Austria-Hungary. I have abolished the Soviet Collective Farming and replaced it with Ukrainian Community Farming, much to the pleasure of the Ukrainians and for the growth and a flourishing future of the Ukrainian Kingdom. I intend to use more of the 647,000 tractors instead of horsepower to supply our Ukrainian agriculture. With our coal, steel and grain resources, supporting the Axis Central Powers I am confident that this Eaten Crusade and the whole Second Great War can and will be won by the Axis Central Powers. Ukrainian ressources need to serve the Ukrainian people and state alongside their allies and friends, not foreign dictators who enslave our lands. Thanks to our combined efforts I am sure that this will be accomplished alongside the international accepted Ukainian independence within the next years.

Sincerely,
Basil the Beloved
 
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Basil's Brilliance:
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My dearest cousin Emperor Otto,

I feel twenty years younger again. Like back then a collective of Ukrainians, Teutonen-Deutsche (Teuton-Germans, formerly known as Baltic Germans), Cossack, Poles and even some Russians support my new Kingdom of Ukrainia from both outside and within. My main supporters are clearly the Ukrainians an Cossacks, but the Wolhynian-Deutsche, Schwarzmeer-Deusche, Bessarabien-Deutsch und Krim-Deutsche clearly support me as a Austian-German King as well. Under my rule they will become a loyal Ukrainian minority and merge with our customs and culture and become Goten-Deutsche (Gothic-Germans alias Ukrainian-Germans). While my supporters twenty years ago were not what I had oped for and had their own agendas, my new government and supporters are more loyal and wiser. While I living in Spain for a time and even when I moved back to Austria, I kept in constant contact with the Ukrainian exiles and never ceased to work on their behalf, especially when the Red Army began a campaign of persecution in the country. I even served on an international committee, formed at the request of the Greek-Catholic Episcopate for the Ukraine led by Andrei Sheptytsky. This greatly helped me when the Kingdom of Ukrainia was reborn and I could look at a vast network of friends and supporters to get me back on the throne that was mine by right all along. The creation of our own Ukrainian Police, Militia and Army helped us secure and stabilize the new Ukrainian Kingdom.

But as much as our newly independent nation needs forces to defend it's newly independence, we are in dire need of modernization and industrialization. The Soviet sickle needs to be replaced with a modern Ukrainian agrarian machine, we need to replace our 16,5 million working horses with modern tractors to increase our production and resource outcome. Recently we even had to use cows instead of horses, because the Soviets have drained this land so much until now. With only 393,000 tractors produced at home and 578,000 imported, my Ukrainian Kingdom is in great need of importing more modern equipment and machinery from Germany and Austria-Hungary. I have abolished he Soviet Collective Farming and replaced it with Ukrainian Community Farming, much to the pleasure of the Ukrainians and for the growth and a flourishing future of the Ukrainian Kingdom. I intend to use more of the 647,000 tractor horsepower to supply our Ukrainian agriculture. With our coal, steel and grain resources, supporting the Axis Central Powers I am confident that this Eaten Crusade and the whole Second Great War can and will be won by the Axis Central Powers. Ukrainian ressources need to serve the Ukrainian people and state alongside their allies and friends, not foreign dictators who enslae our lands. Thanks to our combined efforts I am sure that this will be accomplished alongside the international accepted Ukainian independence within the next years.

Sincerely,
Basil the Beloved

Nice! Seeing Moscow being stormed by the European Axis at the end of the war would really make my day!
 
Chapter 224: Des Kaisers Öl (The Emperor's Oil)
Chapter 224: Des Kaisers Öl (The Emperor's Oil):
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With the treason of the Mohammedan Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic against the Soviet Union and the establishment of the Kingdom/ Emirate of Azerbaijan when the Axis Central Powers advanced into the Caucasus region, the petroleum of Baku was switching directions. Once fueling Soviet tanks and trucks, it now flowed into the Neo-Ottoman Empire, the Austria-Hungarian Empire and the German Empire to support their Eastern Crusade/Jihad against the Soviet Union. The National Azerbaijan Oil Company (NAOC) and the Emir's own Azerbaijan Emirate Petroleum (AEP) used former Soviet petroleum factories and oil fields. Ottoman Oil (OTOI), the new petroleum company of the Neo-Ottoman Empire and the German/ Austrian-Hungarian Kaiser-Öl (KÖ, translated: Emperor Oil, split 60 to 40% between Germany and Austria-Hungary) both hold 30% of both new independent oil companies. While Ottoman Oil also focused on further exploding all the petroleum of the Middle East once it had reconquered it's former territories there, Kaiser-Öl also had huge shared of the Rumanian Oil Fields by now, controlling their flow to the German Empire and Austria-Hungary. But for now the petroleum from Baku (just like that from the Middle East) had to flow over the Neo-Ottoman Empire and the Balkan Peninsula, or be shipped over the Black Sea and the Eastern Mediterranean before finally reaching Central Europe. Pipelines over the Neo-Ottoman Empire were therefore planned by Kaiser-Öl and Ottoman Oil, referring to the project as the Second Berlin-Baghdad Railway (together with Reichsautobahnen/ highways alongside them for faster troop movement). Other plans to secure the flow of the oil form Baku included plans by the German Industry and military to secure all of southern Russia, from the Kingdom of Ukrainia all the way to the Kingdom/ Emirate of Azerbaijan and build a pipeline over this territory until it reached Central Europe's and the Axis Central Powers industrial regions.
 
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Des Kaisers Öl (The Emperor's Oil):
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With the treason of the Mohammedan Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic against the Soviet Union and the establishment of the Kingdom/ Emirate of Azerbaijan when the Axis Central Powers advanced into the Caucasus region, the petroleum of Baku was switching directions. Once fueling Soviet tanks and trucks, it now flowed into the Neo-Ottoman Empire, the Austria-Hungarian Empire and the German Empire to support their Eastern Crusade/Jihad against the Soviet Union. The National Azerbaijan Oil Company (NAOC) and the Emir's own Azerbaijan Emirate Petroleum (AEP) used former Soviet petroleum factories and oil fields. Ottoman Oil (OTOI), the new petroleum company of the Neo-Ottoman Empire and the German/ Austrian-Hungarian Kaiser-Öl (KÖ, translated: Emperor Oil, split 60 to 40% between Germany and Austria-Hungary) both hold 30% of both new independent oil companies. While Ottoman Oil also focused on further exploding all the petroleum of the Middle East once it had reconquered it's former territories there, Kaiser-Öl also had huge shared of the Rumanian Oil Fields by now, controlling their flow to the German Empire and Austria-Hungary. But for now the petroleum from Baku (just like that from the Middle East) had to flow over the Neo-Ottoman Empire and the Balkan Peninsula, or be shipped over the Black Sea and the Eastern Mediterranean before finally reaching Central Europe. Pipelines over the Neo-Ottoman Empire were therefore planned by Kaiser-Öl and Ottoman Oil, referring to the project as the Second Berlin-Baghdad Railway (together with Reichsautobahnen/ highways alongside them for faster troop movement). Other plans to secure the flow of the oil form Baku included plans by the German Industry and military to secure all of southern Russia, from the Kingdom of Ukrainia all the way to the Kingdom/ Emirate of Azerbaijan and build a pipeline over this territory until it reached Central Europe's and the Axis Central Powers industrial regions.

Nice! Keep it up man!

СМЕРТЬ КОММУНИЗМУ И ЕГО ПОДДЕРЖКАМ! ДЛИННАЯ ЖИЗНЬ МОНАРХИЯ! (DEATH TO COMMUNISM AND ITS SUPPORTERS! LONG LIVE MONARCHY!)
 
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