The Burning Cauldron: The Neo Assyrian Empire Defended

Ruler Compendium// For Anatolian Kingdoms as known by the Kalhu Codex//
'The peoples of of the Sapuni (northerners) are a people who so-close to the land of the Ideal Masters, repeat greatly in recalcitrance. Should they not have the intellect, that the Servants of the Great Gods Ever-Are Masters of the Universe? Lands who hath been conquered by the Lord who Expands the Lands, speak to us of their prior masters or whom their idols and spirits elected. Surely, we of the Land of Pristine Worship, doth become elected and mandated by the Great gods, nay by the sorcery of the magician and neither by the people.

Into a mountainous chaos the people of the Sapuni lands were borne, they are of the hills, the mountains, plentiful in resource, yet lacking in skill. For their account, they have attempted in days of disunity to raid the Lands, they did make claims. Hence, our masters doth make them obedient and subservient. Let they with sense gather, that the lands of Sapuni are ours.

The Great God Naboo hath instructed us, to give account of their many 'lords' and to make note of these matters. We take that the observance of worthwhile knowledge is in line with the worship of the Great God Naboo. Doth we offer to He, who is ever-known and forever informed, this piece of information. May it be deposited among a fountain of tablets that rest upon His Mighty Hand.' -Kalhu Codex introduction

---- Account of their history, which I can give later ---- (---- when in the compendium, refers to irregular succession, such as murder of predecessor)

The Kingdom of Hatti (Hattu in Akkadian)

Dynasty I

Hattusili I 1586-1556 BCE
Mursili I 1556-1526 BCE
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Hantili I 1526-1496 BCE
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Zidanta I 1496-1486 BCE
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Ammuna 1486-1466 BCE
Huzziya I 1466-1461 BCE
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Telepinus 1461-1449 BCE
Alluwama 1449-1447 BCE
Hantili II 1447-1442 BCE

Dynasty II

Tarhuwaili 1442-1433 BCE
Zidanta II 1433-1416 BCE
Huzziya II 1416-1408 BCE


Dynasty III

Tudhaliya I 1398-1387 BCE
Arnuwanda I 1387-1365 BCE
Tudhaliya II 1365-1344 BCE
Tudhaliya III 1344-1443 BCE
Suppiluliuma I 1343-1322 BCE
Arnuwanda II 1322-1321 BCE
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Mursili II 1321-1295 BCE
Muwatalli 1295-1274 BCE
Mursili III 1274-1267 BCE
Hattusili II 1267-1237 BCE
Tudhaliya IV 1237-1209 BCE
Arnuwanda III 1209-1207 BCE
Suppiluliuma II 1207-1197 BCE ---END---

Kings of Ludu (Lydia), Arzawa or in the Lydian tongue, Sfarda.

"The Sublime kingdom of Sfarda"

Arzawa Kingdom I (Sfarda I) or Karuntids

Kupanta-Karunta 1402-1384 BCE
Maduwates 1384-1378 BCE
Tarhundaradu 1378-1366 BCE
Anzapahaddu 1366-1357 BCE
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Piyama-Karunta 1357-1334 BCE
Tapalzunaulis 1334-1329 BCE
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Mippanda-Karunta 1329-1328 BCE
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Ura-Karunta 1328-1326 BCE
Takshnawa 1326-1325 BCE
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Uha-Zita 1325-1321 BCE

Arzawa Kingdom II (Sfarda II) or Raduyids

Piayma-Radu 1309-1297 BCE
Tarhuna Radu 1294-1244 BCE


The Sublime Kingdom of Sfarda (Ludu Tahuma Sequ// Exquisite or sublime kingdom of Lydia in Akkadian) and Sfarda III

Mawailes (Myrsus in Greek) 754-713 BCE
Kanhantawailes (Kandaules in Greek) 713-687 BCE
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Kukas (Gyges in Greek) 687-652 BCE
Ardys or Arkas 652-610 BCE
Sfadwailles (Sadayttes in Greek) 610-588 BCE
Aywailles (Alyattes) 588-??? BCE
 
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I would be interested to know if the Assyrians of otl ever showed such interest in the histories of rival and subjugated peoples. Here they are clearly interested (if rather scornful of) foreign dynasties. Is that a product of the civilian bureaucracy that has been set up or do similar records exist in otl?
 
I would be interested to know if the Assyrians of otl ever showed such interest in the histories of rival and subjugated peoples. Here they are clearly interested (if rather scornful of) foreign dynasties. Is that a product of the civilian bureaucracy that has been set up or do similar records exist in otl?


In otl, only to a lesser degree. Assyria over time became more and more interested in mentioning the names of other rulers and depicting their rulers and successors. In earlier eras, Assyrian kings often preferred to simply call enemy kings diminutives.

So, it is an evolution of the Assyrian growing imperial mission. That is, Assyrian rulers claimed to be masters of knowledge and explorers; thus to have direct knowledge of such things, is a testament to his all encompassing power. This is the growing of this otl natural development that goes alongside the creation of permanent scribal bureaucracy under Sinsharishkun.

Mind you, in otl, Assyrian record do go to some length in depicting king lists of other states and foreigners. Such as for Elam, Akkadian records often tell Elamite history better than the Elamites. Elam for instance, did not seem to care as much for the concept of king lists; while to the Sumero-Akkadians, it was literally everything. A clear king list, may be seen as a Mandate of Heaven like structure even.

In terms of this interest, it seems that Assyria had interests in these enemy kings so far as the information could build their reputation or lead to future invasions. Merchants played this role in otl, reporting on issues in far flung lands on behalf of their absolute monarch.

EDIT: Do be cognizant, the Kalhi codex is not composing this immediately as of the tl. Rather, these are depictions at later eras. Though in the timeline, the construction and additions to the Kalhi Codex are continual and constant. Ever adding to, so as to create more legitimacy for the King of the Universe and also simply the wish of the scribal class.
 
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War of the Western Coalition pt.8 and the Devastation of Philistine
597 BCE/4156 AY

The Devastation of Philistinia

Following the defeat of Necho II in the Levant, the Egyptian army fled the region in the year 597, leaving the Sinai and Philstinia to its fate. Necho II would escape to Egypt, to prepare both a defense of his realm and also to see to defending his legitimacy as monarch, which had been greatly hammered. Thus, the Philistinian lands that had supported the Egyptian incursion, were drawn completely under Assyrian subjugation.

Sinbanipal taking advice from his attendants, ordered the decimation of the Philistinian cities. First, in 597, Gaza was totally razed as the Assyrian army looted the city and depopulated the area and vicinity. Ashdod and Askelon were given similar treatment, as thousands of Philistinians were boarded into large wagons. Women and children were taken into wagons or into cages awaiting later carriages and wagons to carry them to Jerusalem, Beersheb or to Tyre. For the men of age, they were fixed with a noose around their neck and their right ear was cut and then led in long lines by Assyrian foot soldiers to make a journey north and then east. As a result of the decimation and at the urging of his attendants, Sinbanipal acheiving massive loot in Philistine, decided to return home with the spoils of war and not continue an invasion into Egypt just yet, instead seeing to new issues and preparations for the coming year. Thus, ended the War of the Western Coalition.

As part of a direct order, which came to be known as the Beersheb proclamation, Sinbanipal at the age of 18, much matured while on campaign for the last six years, made his first solid and single proclamation.

"I decimated the lands of the Philistine, they whose recalcitrant demeanor was rectified by the price of iron. They rebelled and were brought low, certainly those who do warfare against the Great Gods and the Great King, are but those who await smoldering destruction.​

I drove away Necho II, the Pi'ruuh of the land of the Nile, may he stay await my visit brandishing iron in the right and a whip in the left. Left was I, with the dirty mass of people in Philisitnia. They smelled of defeat, of fear for their paths were set by the Great God, Sin, who divides the lots of man and distributes them as he deems fit.Doth he guides us all.​

I took their huddled masses and divided them, among the lands under my whip of command. For a 1/10, I sent to the land of my subordinates in Arabia. Another 1/10 I distributed to the land of Judah, whose king warmed by my majesty and fearful of my whip, betook a life in the wilderness for loyalty to the one True King. Another portion was gifted to the lands of the Phoenicians, who submitted their soldiery and goods out of submissive loyalty to their True Lord. The other amount, I took, I carried them by their neck, affixed with ropes to their bodies. I did carry them as a beast of burden, they are but a flock of hogs.​
My hands grasped the whip and I did slash the back of a scorned folk, whose feeble gods and feeble hands hath led them to subjugation; did they imagine that (esharu, 'to design', Akkadian has no word for imagine) their effigies (shalmu) would protect them? How could the gods of a feeble breed hope to face the whip of Nurgle? Truly my whip is the pure fire (eleelu-girru, the purest flame), that bright bolt of Heaven (ebbu-birqu buurumu, bright bolt of the sky); let the lands speak of our acts forever more.​

Let them say: 'The King of the Universe is a man of renown, a man of legends; it is he who embodies the heroism of the Great Gods!'" -The triumphal tone of the Beersheb Proclamation recorded in the Kalhu codex and found as a victory stele in Beersheb . It exemplifies ever larger flamboyance of text.​

As the thousands of Philsitinians were taken captive, a percentage remained in the region as Assyrian subjects. Varied shepherd communities, grain farmers and coastal fisherman were left or avoided capture. However, those living within the city, who frequented the city for trade of goods and or lived within its vicinity, most certainly their vast majority were taken in the Assyrian attack. Estimates assume perhaps possibly some 100,000 were taken as deportees. Approximates measure that around 23% went to lands outside of Mesopotamia, while the remaining 76% were taken to Mesopotamia. The Philstinian populace chaffed at the movement but their lot improved whence they arrived into Mesopotamia.

Thousands were sold, especially the women and children in the markets of Harran and then to the cities of Nineveh and then to the main cities of Babylon and the cult cities of the various Great Gods.

In Harran, slave merchants of the major cult centers arrived in anticipation of the army of Sinbanipal which arrived in middle 597 BCE. The temple to Sin acquired great funds to purchase a throng of children and mothers to work in the temples of the city. Likewise , the temples of other cities sought to make large purchases. Merchants from other lands also came to Harran to await the arrival. The Assyrian army did not permit the purchase of slaves in the towns that they traversed, such as Damascus, hence many merchants from these cities came to Harran to make a purchase and or receive a donation.

As the caravan crossed into Carchemish, hundreds to the travelers had been felled due to tiredness, mostly from the men, while many children perished of disease on the several month journey, mostly from Variola and similar illnesses. In Carchemish, the people of the city had recently fought off the Lydian army some three years prior and welcomed the Assyrian army with open arms. Sinbanipal thus in repayment of their actions performed an action that would become a facet of his regime....

Sinbanipal gave the city what the Kalhu Codex refers to as a rimutu, which means, a gift or a grant. Historically, Assyrian monarchs gave gifts but only to the temples, cult centres and the land of Assyria. However, with the acts of Sinbanipal from year 598-597 BCE, the inclusion of other states and lands into the process of rimutu and gifting would come to be part of a general reconfiguration and evolution of the Akkadian universal empire model. Thus, expanding the benefits of the Assyrian empire beyond simple benefits of stability, but to literal grant giving by the Assyrian monarchy and their inclusion in the overall scheme of resource acquisition, yet as clear inferiors.

Once in Harran, after a rimutu was given to Carchemish, the vast populace carried was stopped outside the large northern city as the city embedded with a celebratory nature. The idols of the Great God Sin were made prominent and vast sacrifices were made in the temples to Sin. The ordeal in the city was one of vast pomp and splendor as the cities populace was treated to the gifts of the Great God Sin, as the priests distributed free rations to the populace in the city and a debt forgiveness of a portion of debt slaves under the temple of Sin. Outside the city, the attendants of the great king, number around 12 at the time, assembled some number of guards to lead a number of slaves into the city. Meanwhile, other attendants took a portion of the deportees to hastily created tents and cages on the exterior of the city where the populace was to be kept until the number taken into the city had been sold or otherwise taken out alongside their attendants.

The first group of deportees entered the city with Sinbanipal and his elite soldiers leading the group as a triumph. Once at the city centre and near the temple of Sin, Sinbanipal gave the ceremonial prayers and entered the temple to perform more prayers. Some few hours later, Sinbanipal emerged from the temple with a ribbon tied to his arm of the color grey (the color of the Great God Sin) and thereby declared a rimutu to the beloved city of Sin, gifting the temple large numbers of deportees free of charge and likewise declared an amnesty upon debts for the people of the city.

Days went by in the city of Harran before Asnapar who had been in Carchemish, arrived with his deportee army and gathered a large amount of the populace to be owned by the state as deportee soldiery and taking an approximate number of females and children, led the group to the land of Suhum and to the city of Mari, where a mass of Cimmerian and Anatolian peoples had recently been deported to. The numbers who were reserved as state owned, would be settled with small land lots in the area of Suhum first and then dispersed as needed across the empire. Their peoples would be maintained in terms of their tribal affiliation and could engage in farming and business; however, when the time came to be conscripted, the entire male community would be conscripted and taken to war. Large numbers of people were already held in this capacity.

The Status of Deportees in the empire

Some groups such as the Itu were already held in this fashion. The entirety of the Itu people, a Western Semitic people originally from Syria, seems to have been totally deported to Assyria and Babylonia. There they lived in villages outside the major cities, continuing to speak Aramaic and their own customs, yet worshiping the Great Gods. However, they were treated as people whose sole intention for living was their use for the Assyrian state, namely, the Assyrian king had all the rights to totally conscript their entire male populace for war. Generally, these Itu were placed in battle as either archers or light infantry, wearing no army and at most loin clothes or robes-skirts, as the Assyrian army did not provide them with arms, rather they had to produce their own number of armaments within their villages and communities. Itu were also used most readily as Assyrian policemen of sorts, sent to patrol streets on behalf of some sort of governmental leader or otherwise as part of a garrison post. For these jobs, they had no pay and were instructed around as if they were cattle used for war.

Other examples of this in 597, was the increasing role of the Scythian brigade and the Cimmerians or the Tabali elites. Since the 9th century BCE, thousands of Tabali peoples from the mountains of Anatolia were taken, entire families sold into slavery or captured in wars and distributed between Assyria and Karduniash (Babylonia). These Tabali in 597 performed the role they had always done, that being the Tabali were settled in villages or in prominent living sections in major cities or towns where they lived among themselves as royal property like the Itu. However, these were given common provisions by the government and supplied with weapons. In turn, at times needed, the Tabali communities provided consistent numbers of supposed elite warriors who were trained from youth in warfare. These typically were assigned jobs in campaigns of difficult nature but also in guarding the temples or the palace of the Great King.

The new arrivals, the Cimmerians and Scythians in 597 BCE, differ in both cases. Cimmerians deportees in the Suhum and Arabia have been distributed into living areas with their supplies and horses, where by the year 599 BCE, have already readily built flocks of sheep, goats and cattle that they carried with them from the north or purchased on credit. Hence, the Cimmerians building their own communities in the area, have like the Itu began to maintain enclaves within the Assyrian world order. However, in 597, the Assyrian protocol in the past 6 six years was that the Cimmerian populace was to be used and conscripted regularly from among their male populace to be sent to be used as scouts, javelin-throwers and as rural patrols to capture bandits. The Scyhtian community by contrast, was much smaller and elite and generally the force of Scythians were created into a general brigade of warriors used by the Palace Herald as ways to maintain authority in the Suhum. Their long term role is unknown, as they are technically not deportees. So far, the Scythian families and non-military units, practiced the herding of various flocks in the rural areas of the Suhum and otherwise moved as they pleased.

The role that the Philistines would come to play is to be seen...
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Forgive the relatively short reply! Hope that you guys enjoy, soon we will have more major developments.
 
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The idea of a slave police force reminds me of Athens who apparently had a police force of slave Scythian archers. I've always wondered why it wouldn't cause resentment among free people to be policed by a subject group.

I also find the general expansions of the Assyrian state with the rimutu interesting. Could lead the the Assyrian subjects having a more direct interest in and dependence of the Assyrian state. It seems the Assyrian monarchy is continuing to expand and develop its remit. I wonder if we mightn't see some kickback from more traditional Assyrian elites in time. All these new bureaucratic classes and slave groups at the disposal of the Monarchy might end up clashing with the Assyrian aristocracy. Might we see the equivalent of Assyrian Mamluks clashing with the older powers.
 
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The idea of a slave police force reminds me of Athens who apparently had a police force of slave Scythian archers. I've always wondered why it wouldn't cause resentment among free people to be policed by a subject group.

I also find the general expansions of the Assyrian state with the rimutu interesting. Could lead the the Assyrian subjects having a more direct interest in and dependence of the Assyrian state. It seems the Assyrian monarchy is continuing to expand and develop its remit. I wonder if we mightn't see some kickback from more traditional Assyrian elites in time. All these new bureaucratic classes and slave groups at the disposal of the Monarchy might end up clashing with the Assyrian aristocracy. Might we see the equivalent of Assyrian Mamluks clashing with the older powers.

I will cover some of this soon or more appropriately, reiterate some points. However, the format of Assyrian society was one where there were a number of strong noble houses, often called the 120 Old Ones, which were in theory ancient Assyrian noble clans. These clans ruled the rural countryside of Assyria for the past 700 years or so. They however, have only patched holdings and if a map was produced of these clans and their estates, it would look like an eccentric checkerboard of sorts. Assyrian kings inherited the lands after a family passed without male heirs, thus prohibiting a Habsburg-like inheritance of female heirs and other estates by way of tactful marriage.

Regardless, the height of noble power in the Assyrian empire was the Bronze Age and early Iron Age in otl, where the noble houses were more major in their roles. Namely, in those days, the Assyrian kings raised armies through Assyrian levies and from among their already numbered deportee populace. Yet, the real power of the Assyrian army was in its noble levies who would amass large forces alongside a vast number of peasant conscripts to go on campaign before returning to make harvest. In other words, Assyrian nobles were stronger whenever the Assyrian empire still relied upon peasant levies/conscripts for military gains.

After the reforms of Tiglath-Pileser III (745-727 BCE) the Assyrian kingdom developed a standing army, that was totally unprecedented for the world at the time. This standing army was in essence a restructure or streamlining of the existing Assyrian imperial system. In the past, the state was driven towards war, conquest in service of the Great Gods. However, this had less systematic structures to maintain this. After Tiglath-Pileser III, we find a bureaucracy of war emerge at a greater rate and alongside this, a standing army that affixed every male in Assyria theoretically to an occupation related to war. Whilst this mainly refers to governmental posts, the Assyrian state in otl (and an ideology in this tl) was of the opinion that all occupations that existed in Assyria were in favor of the Great Gods and thus, were devoted to conquest of the universe on their behalf.

The peasant farmer produces crop for armies and society to go to war.
The granary keeper keeps records and holds the items in storage for the campaign.
Merchants travel afar to gain information and return with captive goods for Assyria, they also serve as perfect scouts.
Blacksmiths produce weapons and armor for the Great Gods earthly army (Assyria).
The nobles hold estates and enjoin their position of leadership and wealth on behalf of the Great Gods and for the Great Conquest bestowed by the Great Gods.
etc etc etc...

This we can say, is the orthodox or conservative opinion and impetus of the Assyrian peoples or at least the opinion of the scribes, the priests or conservative nobles and royals. That the Assyrian state is the possession of the Great Gods, especially Assur and that the varied peoples therein serve Him and His interests. This includes all occupations and all activities in life, were to be made in sacrifice and payment to the True Kings of the Lands. Tiglath-Pileser III and his reforms simply was a conservative progression or evolution of this societal opinion from the Bronze Age (ultimately finding its origin in the Akkadian/Kish empire; Assyria as the greatest heir of Akkad). As such and with this in mind, the nobility supported for all that we know, this change in military structure, but with the assumption and guarantee that they would have reserved positions in leadership and further, would after the merchants and priests, receive the better portions of loot.

Fundamentally too, the concept of the deportees, was agreed upon by the nobles. For one, it provides for them loot, glory and cheap soldiery for when they require such. There are records wherein, Assyrian nobles would request numbers of these deportees for guarding their estates or to escort them various places. Further, the capture of deportee populaces entailed vast loot, including the ownership of human capital. These loot were of course given as rimutu or grants to the population of Assyria and Karduniash (Babylonia) and the nobles would have received some of the highest rimutu within the land as their estates were filled with new labor and they were gifted by the Great King vast amounts of gifts in the forms of precious metals or livestock.

With all that said, the nobility and the traditional society most surely will have its resistance. Already in the atl, there is some level of disgruntlement regarding some changes in the reigns of Sinsharishkun and Sinbanipal. Generally, the scribes, priests and nobles were united in their distaste of the idea of divine monarchy, which they considered something of a secularism. By this we refer to:

-A king who takes credit for his own victories. Traditionally, in the Bronze Age, Assyrian kings would be of such piety, that when they performed acts, they would claim it was the act of a certain Great God. For in the Akkadian mindset, when an army went to war, it was not the men who did battle, but the Gods of the warring people. This is how the priests, scribes and certainly many of the common folk viewed the act of war as a battle between gods. At various times though, the Kings of Assyria would breach this conception and claim their own victories.

Naram-Sin is the prototype for this character. He was a king who claimed that he ascended to kingship without support from the Gods, except perhaps Sin. Likewise, he claimed that 'he was not beholden to the gods' that he had 'surpassed them.' He seems to have had total allegiance of various Akkadian military cadre and likely his regime was a collection of military high cadre and experienced bureaucrats, who pushed out the nobles, priests and merchants, the traditional Sumero-Akkadian ruling court coalition.Regardless, Naram-Sin was referred to by the scribes as a 'secularist' (as much as we can use that term), for claiming that he was a god and that he credited actions to himself rather than the Great Gods. Other examples include, Sennacherib, the great-great grandfather of Sinbanipal. Sennacherib was the king who destroyed Babylon and destroyed many temples in Karduniash for insubordination. This was seen as a great taboo at the time. Sennacherib further made many unique claims and his scribes record his sayings in quite odd ways.

For instance, Sennacherib alongside his two successors, was the first Assyrian king to recognize their own human frailty in literal terms. Traditional Assyrian kings, would claim that they had been motivated by Assur to do this or that and give no indication of weakness or hardship. The implication, that crossing a mountain in the reign of Sargon II was difficult for his human body, but by the command and providence of Assur, he did so. However, Sennacherib said explicitly items like:

'The journey was arduous and long, we were thirsty and without water, thus we took a rest.' This sort of admission must have seemed inconceivable for the time.

'I, the Great King, was unable to ascend to the top and thus sat upon a stone for a time to catch my breath.' An admission of failure to diligently adhere to the code of a perfect conquest.

'My feet failed to carry me towards the journey, neither was horse able to ascend the height. My soldiers took me aloft, they carried my litter to the great heights.' The scribes would have noted that the Great King is crediting man for helping him, not the gods.

At the same moment, Sennacherib is the Great King who most frequently says 'I' and without a likewise reference to divine support. His son Assurhadon would later mention that he was a frail man, advanced in age and suffering from illness. This was novel, but it was countered with a praise to the Gods for maintenance. In the reign of Assurbanipal, the king mentions that his legs and arms ached and he was unable to move due to arthritis. But to avoid the critique of not going to war himself, the scribes who supported and covered for Assurbanipal wrote a myth where Ishtar appeared to Assurbanipal and instructed him as follows (roughly):

'Rest thine hand, my regent! Have ye forgotten who leads the armies of the Lands to war? It is I, the Mistress of War, with whom the armies pace towards far lands behind. May you rest at home in comfort, for I shall go unto the lands and unleash torment upon a recalcitrant folk.' This is generally a myth constructed so as to explain why the Assyrian king sent a subordinate, most likely one of his children such as Sinsharishkun or Assur-Uballit, to wage the customary annual campaign instead of himself. Yet unlike Sennacherib, who would have simply said he was too tired or aged to lead or that he had to rest, Assurbanipal constructed an elaborate vision of the Great Gods to explain away his trepidation.

All of this to say, that the nobles would resist an absolute monarch that developed like Sennacherib (they did, a conspiracy of nobles, priests and the crown prince, slew Sennacherib for his innovations) or certainly one who actively renounced the traditional taboos. But will they in this timeline, at least explicitly, that much is to be seen.
 
Assyrian historical recap (rapid) of the 7th century BCE (without Kalhu Codex)
705-597 BCE


In the year 705 BCE, the Great King of Assyria, Sargon II perished in battle against the Cimmerian host that had entered Anatolia around 714 BCE. Sargon II had in his reign (722-705 BCE) continued his father, Tiglath-Pileser III's legacy (745-727 BCE) and succeeded in harrying the advances of Urartu and Elam simultaneously. In 710 BCE, Sargon II defeated Shutur-Nahunte II of Elam (717-693 BCE) and dethroned the Chaldaen rebel king of Babylon, Marduk-apla-Iddina II (could be rendered as Mardukinapal II). Though Sargon II previously an enemy of Urartu, signed an eternal alliance with Urartu in 709 BCE. Phyrgian king Midas (732-695 BCE) previously an enemy of Assyria, submitted to Assyria in 708 BCE and joined a generalized anti-Cimmerian alliance.

This alliance succeeded in 707-705 BCE in defeating the Cimmerian incursion upon Urartu under Argishti II (714-680 BCE) and upon Assyrian lands. However, Sargon II was slain in the war and sent Assyria into a potential crisis of rule. Not yet had an Assyrian king ascended to the throne of the new dynasty peacefully. Tiglath-Pileser III had slew the entire Assyrian royalty, which had ruled Assyria for 965 years (1720-745 BCE, the Adasides) and Shalmaneser V had ascended by military force, before himself becoming murdered by Sargon II in 722 BCE after only 5 years of reign. Likewise, though Sargon II had ensured victories, his mark upon the region was short term.

Egypt, under the XXV dynasty of Kush, remained somewhat strong and fearsome. Sargon II had done only been able to offer minor reprisals to Egypt for its meddling in Judah and Israel, hence Egypt remained a looming threat. Elam under Shutur-Nahunte II had lost his powerful vassal state in Babylon, but had remained on the throne. Mardukinapal II had also despite his deposition, managed to escape on the back of a donkey to lands of the Gambulu and there to Elam where he was held as a potential weapon to strike Assyria. The nature of the 'Golden Peace' between Urartu-Assyria was also a questionable situation, should it last?

Sennacherib entered the throne of Assyria that was immediately throne into chaos upon the death of Sargon II. Though, there is little evidence for a succession crisis, it is known that upon Sennacherib's accession, though the Cimmerian host had been rebuffed, the Elamites and Egyptians sponsored rebellions against Assyria. In 703 BCE, after only a short two years of reign for Sennacherib, Shutur-Nahunte II released Mardukinapal II into Karduniash (Babylonia). Therein, Mardukinapal with an army of Elamite soldiers, Gambulu and Chaldaen mercenary and general dissatisfaction of the rural populace battled the Sukkalu of Babylon, Marduk-Zakir-Shumi II (705-703 BCE). Mardukinapal II with his allies dethroned the Sukkalu loyal to Assyria and proclaimed the restored kingdom of Karduniash before making a secret alliance with the XXV Dynasty of Egypt and sponsoring the rebellion of Hazu-Kiyeh (Hezekiah) in Jerusalem and the Egyptian capture of Philistine from Assyria.

Sennacherib faced with these great pressures in 703-700 BCE, was ailed however when Argishti II of Urartu affirmed the Golden Peace between Urartu and Assyria, assuring that no northern threat would exist for Assyria. As such Sennacherib took to rebuffing his enemies, firstly, Mardukinapal II. In 702 BCE, Sennacherib struck Karduniash and its Elamite ally in Dur-Kurigalzu and then proceeded to strike Sippar and then Nippur. Mardukinapal II fled once more after his armies rapidly melted against the Assyrian onslaught, fleeing once more to Elam, Shutur-Nahunte II once more kept his potential weapon close to his chest to use when Assyria showed weakness. In 701 BCE, Sennacherib placed Bel-Ibbini as Sukkalu of Babylon before marching to the Levant.

From 701-699 BCE, Assyria engaged Egypt and its allies in the Levant. Most of the Phoencian cities remained loyal to Assyria and joined Assyria in destroying the rebellious internal cities and tribes. Moab fell in 701 BCE and soon after, Assyria had destroyed rebels across southern Syria, retook Byblos with the help of Tyre and defeated the Egyptian army at Accra before proceeding to Judah. Hazu-Kiyeh surrendered immediately upon Assyrian arrival and submitted to vassalage to Assyria once more. In the later parts of 699 BCE, Sennacherib marched into Philistine and destroyed the Egyptian army holding the region before circumstances forced the Great King to return to the east.

In 698 BCE, Elam had sponsored more rebellions before sneaking Mardukinapal II back into Kardunaish. Further, Elam had supported a queen Te'el Huna, queen of the Qedarite Arabs who arose and invaded Assyria under Elamite support. Sennacherib rushed to Assyria and sent one of sons, Assur-Nadin-Shumi with an army to subdue the rebellion and become the new Sukkalu, relegating Bel-Ibbini as a viceroy. Sennacherib sending his son to Kardunaish, marched with an allied army of Assyrians and Urartu into Media to destroy the Median confederation.

In 697, Argishti II annexed much of Northern Media and the remaining Median confederates were made into Assyrian vassals after the join Urarto-Assyrian campaign of 698-697 BCE. In 696, the Cimmerians under an unknown king, attacked Phrygia and defeated Midas at the Battle of Gordium before taking the city and destroying it, slaying Midas in the process. As Phrygia was turned to rubble, Sennacherib sent in 695 BCE an army to give reprisals to the Cimmerians for destroying the Assyrian vassal in Phrygia. Assyrian forces asserted their northern border and by early 694 BCE, had captured Ankuwa and much of the Land of Hatti, but had stalled out near Gordium before returning with loot and assurances of Cimmerian fealty.

In 695 BCE, though Assur-Nadin-Shumi had been able to more or less consolidate the city of Babylon, Mardukinapal II had captured the lower Tigris river with his army of Elamite and Gambulu allies, establishing himself at Lagash as his provincial capital. Sennacherib thus in middle 694 BCE, gathered a massive fleet hauled from Phoenicia, an army of supposedly 100,000 warriors from across the world and prepared to launch a grand invasion upon Mardukinapal II and then erase Elam. However, the prep for this massive army was noticed by Elam, who countered by using its Arab allies and transporting an Elamite army to the Euphrates through the Sea, advanced up toward Babylon with Te'el Huna and the a certain Elamite general at the helm of the expedtion, named Ishme-Jabru.

Sennacherib trusting his son to gain victory, continued his advance towards Mardukinapal II and then to Elam as planned. However, in late 694 BCE, Ishme-Jabru defeated Assur-Nadin-Shumi, executing him and placing Nergal-Ushezib as King of Karduniash before the Elamite army marched toward the Tigris. Mardukinapal II did not attempt to flee from Sennacherib in 694 and instead engaged him and was defeated and slain by the Assyrians on the Tigris River. Sennacherib torn by the loss of his dear son, marched towards Babylon to enact vengeance.

Assyria reached Borsippa in 693 BCE and defeated Ishme-Jabru and drove the Qedarites out of the area throughout middle 693 BCE, before marching upon Babylon. Once there, the Babylonian nobility revolted and deposed Nergal-Ushezib and sent his head to Sennacherib and assisted in driving the remaining Gambulu soldiers from the city. After this enormous victory, Sennacherib and his massive army split into two, one to chase Te'el Huna of the Arabs south and another to attack Shutur-Nahunte. In late 693 BCE, Assyrian soldiers cross the Tigris and attacked Elam and Der where the Assyrian forces decisively defeated Shutur-Nahunte II, who was slain and his head taken by the Assyrian army. Shutur-Nahunte was succeeded rapidly by Katir-Nahunte, who had a short reign of only several months before he was succeeded by Humban-Numena (692-687 BCE), who resumed Elamite attacks. In 692 BCE, the Assyrian army defeated the Arabs once more and the queen of Qedar fled to Jawf, deep within the desert. As 691 approached, Sennacherib marched into the desert with his army now rejoined.

Sennacherib was able from 692-691 to completely destroy the Qedarite kingdom and sent Te'el Huna once more running south, where she fled to the lands of the Nabtu in the city of Tima, where she was killed by the Nabtu for bringing Assyrian ire. Nabtu confederates would then pay tribute to Assyria and beseech protection from them against Egypt.

All was not well however, Assyrian armies long away from Karuduniash in Arabia, faced a second Elamite invasion as the Elamites gathered an army of Median and other Eastern mercenary and attacked the area once more and captured Lagash, Nippur, Uruk and then Babylon-Borsippa and installed Mushezib-Marduk as king of Karduniash and began reprisals to the Babylonian nobles and merchant class who had sided with Assyria against Elam. Blood filled the streets as the Elamite and their mercenary devastated the city to establish order. Forcing his army mad in a whirlwind, Sennacherib who had not been home for more than a year in over 9 years, marched his army from Arabia into Karduniash.

In 690 BCe, Sennacherib defeated Elamite field armies and also a collection of Western Semitic rebels while gathering additional support from local cities such as Nippur which had reversed Elamite control prior. Sennacherib besieged Babylon in December of 690 BCE and the siege ended in October of 689 BCE, as the reprisals that Sennacherib promised to the city emboldened its captors and made the Babylonian populace, already disheveled, into the hands of the Elamites. The siege turned in Assyria's favor and the city fell and Assyria unleashed mayhem upon Babylon.

Never before had Assyria enacted destruction upon an Akkadian city and the issue would become a superstitious curse upon Sennacherib in his later years. He openly upon capture of Babylon, proclaimed that his solution to rebellions was the complete eradication of Babylon. Sennacherib did his act to the letter, the city populace was forced to leave, most of whom traveled on foot to the nearby city of Borsippa, the cult centre of Naboo and many more to Nippur and to Kutha, both major cult centres. Sennacherib returned to Assyria where he would spend the last part of his reign of 7 years conspiring against his wives, sons, bureaucrats and also making all sorts of scandalous inscriptions that the scribes came to revile him for.

After Sennacherib seemingly conspired to isolate his second son, Assur-Hadon, to deprive his mother of power, was assassinated by his sons while in the palace. Ultimately, Sennacherib lived a fast life and his time at war bred him a certain alliance with his eunuchs and soldiers. This alliance ultimately depicted itself in his secular approach to rule and his famed irreverence that led to his constant intrigue with his family, scribes, priests and the nobility. His rule was one of constant and perpetual chaos.

Assur-Hadon (681-669 BCE) was the crown prince due to his mother and her strong alliance to the cup-bearer and other collections of anti-Sennacherib factions and when his mother and his brothers slew the Great King, Assur-Hadon was returned in haste to Assyria. There, six brothers battled for the crown, but Sennacherib's old supporters decidedly joined Assur-Hadon and the prince killed all of his older brothers in a succession crisis that lasted only a few months in 681 BCE.

In 680 BCE, as part of Assur-Hadon's mother's agreement with the priests of Assyria and Karduniash, Babylon was to rebuilt and the populace to be compensated for the madness of Sennacherib. Assur-Hadon completed this from 680-679, with Babylon rapidly returning to its pre-war status ad the various idols taken by Sennacherib, were restored in Babylon. Further, Babylonian nobles were given compensation, merchants received a pension and lower classes were forgiven of their debts.

Assur-Hadon after completion of Babylon, marched north for his first campaign. The Cimmerians had been paying tribute to Assyria from 696-680 when in 679, feeling Assur-Hadon weak for not launching a campaign in his first regnal year (Assur-Hadon spent his first regnal year in peace), rebelled against Assyria and attacked Assyrian lands in Tabal. Assur-Hadon advanced north and reasserted Assyrian Tabal and Anatolia before marching to Gordium, where he placed an eunuch over the city and drove the Cimmerians north and received tribute from the Lydian king Kanhatawailes (Kandaules, the legendary demi-god king of Lydia, 713-687 BCE). Argishti II, the great king of Urartu passed in 680 BCE, and was succeeded by Rusas II, 'the peaceful king.'

In 678, Assur-Hadon returned to Ninevah and dedicated his victory to Assur and the Great Gods and was proclaimed the ideal king by his subjects fro his piety. His piety was noted through the entirety of his reign and would become his defining mark.

In 677 BCE, a local king of Sidon named Abdi-Mikulti proclaimed himself to be the king of Phoenicia and rose in rebellion with several allies, likely all supported by Egypt, under Pharaoh Taharqa (694-664 BCE). Assur-Hadon marched to Phoenicia in late 677 BCE and with the alliance of his Tyre and other Phoenician cities, subdued Sidon and slew Abdi-Mikulti and established a puppet king over Sidon. Meanwhile, the Cimmerians attacked Phrygia once more and deposed the Assyrian puppet state in the land, but otherwise did not encroach upon Assyrian direct holdings.

In 676 BCE, Assur-Hadon alongside Urartu destroyed a Mannaen rebellion in the land of Zamua and Assur-Hadon proceeded east into Media to subdue varied rebellious entities among the Medes. This campaign of Assur-Hadon became enormously successful, defeating every Median rebel and installing or affirming Median chiefs who were loyal to Assyria. By the later stages of the invasion, Assur-Hadon reached Parthia where he defeated a Scytho-Dahae army and gathered tribute from various nomads there and ordered a fort constructed in Media to protect his lands from nomadic incursions.

Whence Assur-Hadon was in the east, a Neo-Luwian rebel named Megulla launched a popular revolt in the Tabal region with Cimmerian support. This popular revolt captured several cities before Assyrian field armies and Phoenician vassal soldiers destroyed the revolt first in Quwe and then in the Anatolian hill country, Megulla was flayed alive and taken to Carchemish to be burned as an offering to Nurgle. As well, Elamite king Urtaku (680-664 BCE) attacked Lagash where his force was attacked and dispatched by an Assyrian field army from Nippur and Uruk. Urtaku submitted to the Assyrian chamberlain and made peace with Assyria, paying tribute.

Assur-Hadon returned in 673 BCE from the east and proceeded to send an army to Egypt where the army raided Egypt before returning to Assyria with information of its defenses in preparation of a potential invasion. Sin-Iddina-Apla (Sinbanipal), the crown prince from 681-673 BCE, fell ill and died in 673 BCE and Assur-Hadon was left with two sons. The youngest, Assurbanipal was made crown prince of Assyria and as a token of friendship to the city of Babylon, Shamash-Shuma-Ukin, the eldest son, was sent to Babylon as the sukkalu of the city and King of Karduniash.

In 671 BCE, after a year of planning, Assur-Hadon with his two sons, invaded Egypt with the intention of conquest. Taharqa met the Assyrians in battle and was dispelled with ease, as the Nubo-Egyptian armies melted before the Assyrian advance down the Nile, until Assur-Hadon had annexed the entirety up to Thebes, which he destroyed. Taharqa fled to Nubia to regroup and continue his war in exile. Assyria though had conquered Egypt in less than a year. Assur-Hadon completed his conquest by sending an army to Cyrene where he subjugated the lands in only a few months. Assur-Hadon returned to Assyria in 669 BCE. However, upon his departure, Taharqa returned with remarkable speed with a new army and menaced Assyria, recapturing Memphis in 669 BCE and forcing Assur-Hadon to gather an army to march back into Egypt. Such was not meant to be, as Asur-Haddon, already suffering from chronic arthritis and illness, passed away near Harran. His general and field marshal Sha-Naboo-Shu joined crown prince Assurbanipal and proclaimed him as king of Assyria.

Assurbanipal in break of tradition upon ascension, sent the field marshal Sha-Naboo-Shu with an Assyrian army to Egypt and to destroy Taharqa in 667 after having ascended in 669 and spending 668 making deals with the Median vassals who accepted his rule in late 668 BCE, instead of his brother Shamash-shuma-Ukin, whose role remained unknown. Regardless, Sha-Naboo-Shu entered Egypt in 666 BCE and drove Taharqa from Memphis once more and defeated the Egyptian army handily before raiding and looting northern Sudan, capturing vast numbers of slaves and enslaving the Egyptian royalty. Assurbanipal ordered that Egypt be divided Egypt into a series of pricnes and placed Necho I as Pharaoh of Egypt.

However, in 665-664 BCE, Taharqa passed and Tantamti of Nubia invaded Egypt once more and refused Assyrian dominion. The Nubian army deposed Necho I in 664, beheading him. However, Assyrian reprisals were rapid, Assyria struck in less than year and Assurbanipal personally drove Tantamti south and placed 26 princes over Egypt as his direct vassals. The Nubian threat to Assyria had been silenced...

Initially, from 673-664, Elam under Urtaku had been amiable to Assyria and even frequent correspondence occurred between the two kingdoms. However, that situation changed when Elam invaded Karduniash; causing Assyria to retaliate and forcing the Elamites to flee. Urtaku then passed of age and his throne was usurped by a certain king Teuman of Elam (664-653 BCE) who fearing his position as an usurper, inspired a rebellion in the land of Gambulu and attacked Assyria. Assyrian forces responded by defeating the Elamite armies but failed to make firm advances into Elam until 655 BCE, where Assyria reached the Ulaya canal and defeated Teuman and for the next two years, Assyria devastated Elam, ravaging it near completely. Teuman committed suicide and his head was taken by Assyrian soldiers and displayed in Ninevah. In later 653, Dundanu, the chief of the Gambulu, who had been in hiding after being defeated in 660 BCE, was captured and taken to Ninveh and 'chopped to pieces like a lamb' before the population of Nineveh after a lengthy triumph of Elamite and Gambulu slaves. Much of Elam was taken and deported to Syria, Assyria and to Karduniash in 653 BCE as well.

Rusas II, still a firm Assyrian ally, subjugated a Scythian nomadic horde that invaded Urartu and succeeded in establishing dominion over more lands to the east in coordination with Assyrian garrison forces and with loyal Median chiefs.


In 652 BCE, seeking to revoke his younger brother's claim, Shamash-Shuma-Ukin proclaimed that he was the King of Assyria and Karduniash and declared Assurbanipal to be the governor of Assyria. Aghast at the breach of protocol the Assyrian nobles rejected Shamsh-Shuma-Ukin's claim and rallied behind Assurbanipal who invaded Karduniash. Shamash-Shuma-Ukin however called upon the Qedarite nomads to gift him an army and a vast host of Arab and Western Semitic warriors arrived into Babylon to fight for Shamash-Shuma-Ukin in 651 BCE. Between 649-648 BCE, the two brothers embroiled themselves in a vicious civil war, as the Babylonian nobility threw their lot with the elder brother and intensified the warfare.

In 648 BCE, after defeating his brother at Sippar and then at Cutha, besieged Babylon, which surrendered in a short time and Shamash-Shuma-Ukin committed suicide. Assurbanipal launched reprisals upon those who aided his brother and executed a thousand Arabs, Aramaens and Babylonians per day. In 647 BCE, after defeating his brother, Assurbanipal invaded Qedar and drove the nomads out. Jewish and Moabite armies also invaded the Qedar on behalf of Assyria and the Assyrian armies and vassals captured Jawf and then captured Tima in 646 BCE, placing the Qedarites and Nabtu as vassals of Assyria and forcing the Mehlu and Eastern coastal Arabs to pay tributes to Assyria.


After this victory, Assurbanipal returned to Nineveh and would rule relatively peacefully as his arthritis damaged him greatly. Despite this, Assurbanipal became a famed builder and was devoted to the Gods. He never went a day without consulting the zodiac or seeking a suggestion from priests. Even taking readings for the making of his hair, Assurbanipal sought to emulate the Sargon of Akkad in every way, including Sargon's famed devotion to the traditions of the Great Gods. Rusas II passed in 639 BCE and was succeeded Sarduri III (639-634 BCE) and he was by Rusas III in 634 BCE. Psamtik I of Egypt, had during the years of 664-631 BCE, consolidated Egypt, destroying the other 25 princes and in 656 BCE, defeated the Nubian pretender to the Egyptian throne. By 631, Egypt was untied once more under the XXVI Dynasty of Egypt.

In 632 BCE, the peace of Assurbanipal was disturbed, as the Kalhu Codex indicated, the Great God Ishtar raged for Assyria remained inactive for too long (too long at peace). A great Scythian army had entered into Anatolia and pushed the Cimmerians east and south and formed a strong powerful conglomerate across northern Anatolia. Scythian forces marched into Lydia and ravaged the land, before failing to capture Sardis, as Ardys/Arkaks (652-610 BCE) of Lydia hid within the city walls from the Scythians. Assyrian imperial forces had long moved north to cull dangerous groups in Anatolia, but Assurbanipal had neglected such and allowed an amassing of dangerous elements.

Assurbanipal in an attempt to stop the enemy, attacked the Cimmerians in 630 BCE, defeating them in Harran and then pushing them from the vicinity of Carchemish. However, Assurbanipal rested there and did not pursue a further offensive until 628 BCE. In 628 BCE, Assurbanipal invaded Anatolia alongside Rusas III of Urartu. There, the Scythian host, under Ashkwarpa defeated the Urarto-Assyrian army and slew Assurbanipal. Scythian armies pushed deeply into Assyria ravaging the land and sacking Kalhu. Assyrian field armies were defeated and most fled into cities to hide from the nomadic menace.

Sinsharishkun ascended the throne in 627 BCE and defeated several claimants to the throne before asserting his role. Sinsharishkun was immediately faced by a rebellion in Babylon, as a Chaldaen rebel named Nabopolasser with support from Elam launched an uprising using Gambulu and Qedarite soldiers. Nabopolasser was able to capture Babylon in 625 BCE and proceeded to capture Sippar and Dur-Kurigalzu. However, Assyria remained firm and defeated the rebel attack upon Uruk and then Nippur, before defeating Gambulu forces at Lagash. Sinsharishkun further cemented an alliance with the Medes and proceeded to agree to destroy the Scythian menace together.

Sinsharishkun campaigned against the rebels in 623 BCE who attempted the same year to capture Nippur from the Assyrian field army, which was a failure, as Assyrian defenses were maintained steady. Nabopolasser fearing dissent and seeking a decisive battle, marched north and attacked Sinsharishkun who had recently captured Sippar. Sinsharishkun had also dispatched a spy named Enusat to Babylon with a number of bribes to force a defection of the city, which came to fruition as Enusat told the denizens of the failure of Nabopolasser to take Nippur and warned the populace of past folly of rebellion. Babylonian nobility fearing reprisal and dislike of the Western Semites, agreed and took control of the city in 623 BCE and slew hundreds of Chaldaen soldiers within the city as the nobility unleashed their levies and the populace erupted in rebellion.

At Sippar, Sinsharishkun defeated Nabpolasser and in 622 BCE, chased him south and slew the claimant and returned triumphant to Babylon. Field marshal Aku-Labash was ordered to march to Sumer and defeat remaining rebels from among bandits, rogues and local chiefs who supported Nabopolasser. Most of these groups were totally destroyed in swift actions. In 621 BCE, Sinsharishkun formalized many reforms and ordered the creation of the Kalhu codex and many other important works, solidifying his position as a cheif reform king in Assyrian history.

In 620-619 BCE, Aku-Labash was sent to invade the Qedar,w ho were driven forth rapidly for their support to Nabpolasser. Moabite forces joined the main Assyrian thrust, while an army of Jewish and Edomite vassals invaded from the west into the lands of the Nabtu, where the Qedarites had been fleeing. In late 619 BCe, tjhough Nabtu forces halted the Jewish-Edomite force, they were slaughtered by Aku-Labash who captured Tima and established the Southern Protectorate as per the orders of Sinsharishkun.

As of 619 BCE, Ashkwarpa and the Scythian host invaded Urartu and defeated the Urartian kingdom first at Arzasku and then defeated Rusas III in the field. Rusas III fleeing on a boat across lake Nairi arrived at Tushpa and fled with his attendants into Musasir in the land of Assyria. As the Scythian host ravaged Urartu, a popular revolt took over Tushpa under a bandit named Zunan, who declared a new state out of Tushpa. Meanwhile, Cyaxares, the king of Media invaded Urartu in 618 BCE and captured all of eastern Urartu before arriving at Lake Nairi and pushing north to engage the Scythians.

Sinsharishkun taking Rusas III his ally into his camp, makes him his vassal and gathers and army and marches north toward Urartu to re-establish an allied kingdom therein, while also blocking Median pretexts over Lake Nairi. In the same year, Aku-Labash was dispatched to invade the Tabal region, previously having fell to the Cimmerians in 629 BCE. The two-pronged invasion began in 617 BCE and arrived upon the location as the Medes had defeated and driven forth the Scythians. Median forces formed a detente with Assyria and were ceded northern Urartu, as Assyrian forces besieged the rebel Zunan in Tushpa. In 616 BCE Tushpa fell to Assyria and Rusas III was returned to the throne alongside his son, Rusas IV, who would become co-king. Aku-Labash for his part, alongside a Phoenician coalition, recaptured Quwe and Tabal and captured large numbers of deportees and slaves who were resettled into Assyrian imperial holdings, primarily in the Suhum.

Sinsharishkun became more bold when in the years of 615-610, the Median empire became embroiled in border conflict with Lydia and likewise with a great rebellion in Elam. Sinsharishkun sent an army under Assur-Uballit to assist Elam and the Persian magnates push the Medes out of the region. Cyaxares in response withdrew forces from Anatolia and invaded Assyria, engaging the Assyrians in 608 BCE at Dur-Sharrukin, where the Assyrians defeated the Medes decisively. Sinsharishkun then invaded Media in 607 BCE in alliance with the Elamites and his southern army in Karduniash. In 606 BCE, the Media army was able to block Assyrian interests and attempts across the northern hill country of Zanjan, but was unable to stop the Elamo-Assyrian advance from the south that struck in 605 BCE. Cyaxares was defeated by Assur-Uballit south of Ectabatana and fled northward, where he was beheaded by his generals.

Sinsharishkun entered Ectabatana where he was presented the head of Cyaxares and therein proclaimed the Eastern Protectorate, placing Tukutli-Ishtar as protector general. Returning to Nineveh, Sinsharishkun became agitated and jealous of Assur-Uballit, his younger brother that he isolated him in Babylon and sent him on errands there after celebratory triumphs hedl in Kalhu and then Nineveh.

In 603 BCE, a general named Behruz launched a rebellion in Ectbatana gaining the support of the other Median generals who had become vassals of the Eastern Protectorate. These generals were able to rapidly depose Tukulti-Ishtar, who fled to Susa under Humban-Kittin I of Elam. Sinsharishkun launched a second expedition east to subdue the rebels despite his ill health and poor omens against the expedition. After arriving in the region, not long after gaining minor victories, Sinahrishkun, already ill and disheveled, passed away under mysterious circumstances some 30 km north of Ectbatana after having defeated Median general Cambysus. As 603 BCE closed, a new century was to be ushered under a new set of Assyrian kings.
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That was quite the long post! I hope that you guys enjoy the recap of the past Assyrian century. The next update will have to do with other parts of the world, not yet covered and without influence from Assyria.
 
Do be prepared for the return of this tl, within a week or two.
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The Fronts of War and the Deliberation of Sinbanipal
The Martial Situation of 597 onward

As Sinbanipal returned to Harran with vast loot and pillage from the destruction of Philistinia and the relative weakening of the Egyptian threat, war still was raging in the north. This northern war front was, a set of wars and border disputes waging between Assyria, her vassals and expeditionary forces. These could at the time be divided into two separate fronts. One in the west, was that war that by January of 597, was between the Assyrian grand marshal army arrayed against the Kingdom of Lydia. Second, was the wars of lower intensity waging between the Kingdom of Urartu, under Rusas IV against the Gaudamid Median kingdom and the Diehaui conglomerates who with support from a new kingdom, called Colchis, rebelled and broke from Median rule in 602 BCE. Thus, we can divide these two fronts by name, the western and eastern fronts of the northern wars for Assyria. Whilst the southern flanks of Assyria, Arabia and Egypt had for the time, been protected. Surely, Egypt was not prepared for another attack so soon and Arabia was seemingly devoid of rebellion and in fact, was becoming an area of Assyrian (really, Karduniashi) influence. So, for the time being, all threats originated in these western and eastern fronts for the time being.

The dispute on the Eastern front was caused by the inadequacies of Assurbanipal principally (669-627 BCE). His reign had taken for granted Median neutrality and normalcy and failed to launch many invasions upon both the Medes, Cimmerians and the Scythians. Such transgressions were against the general custom in Assyrian society:

“Be disciplined for the rule of the land is never the function of man! Surely, it is the domain of the Great Gods, who are masters of the world and all in it. Assumptions of grandeur are but a touch of filthy rags to their lordship. As such, a King of the Universe, is filial to the duties gifted him…..The campaign is the realm of the Great Gods, they yearn for battle and clamor for the spilled blood, surely they are joyous. We march alongside them, for conquest of all things is the divine mandate from the Gods, to fail is to commit blasphemy and to deny the Gods…. Seek their aid and go to battle, seek renown in the name of the Great Gods, destroy all the arrayed folk who deny the Great Gods and shame their mounds of clay, their holy creeks, their sacred hills; conquer the land and find the pathways of the creation and grasp hold of the blessings of the Great Gods!” -Kalhu Codex

Hence, by failing this procedure Assurbanipal revoked many of the ancient axioms of his country. Median power grew rampant with the destruction of Elam in 658 and became overwhelming after the Scythian capture of Kalhu in 627 and the subsequent early period of Sinsharishkun (627-603 BCE). This entailed a Medo-Assyrian alliance against the Scytho-Cimmerian horde. However, Assyria was able to ultimately utilize its old ally and new vassal, Urartu to defeat both the Median and Scythian threat and in 605 BCE, the Median kingdom collapsed and was annexed by Assyria into the Eastern protectorate. An unfortunate turn of events led to a general Median revolt under several vassal generals, primarily Gaudama I, Behruz of Ectabatan and Cambyses of Gatri. Sinsharishkun in an effort to quell the rebellion was taken by illness and died in 603 BCE. Succession crisis followed as Assur-Uballit the Sukkalu of Babylon battled Sinbanipal for the throne, with the former falling in battle and Sinbanipal assuming total power in Assyria.

However, after this, little had changed for Assyria in terms of progress in taking Media. The situation was more or less turning poorly for Assyrian interests by the week. In 599, Humban-Kittin I of Elam ceased his conflict with Gaudama II (who took the name Gaudama after the death of Gaudama, it seems that he was elected as king afterward).Until 599, the Median resurgent threat had been lessened by the intermittent conflict between Elam and Media, whose capitols lied close together and had extremely poor relations. However, failure in battle without Assyrian assistance and reluctance to seek aid from potential enemies in Sinbanipal, Humban-Kittin I established détente with Media and the Central and Southern Zagros mountain ranges entered a period of tentative peace for the first time since 609 BCE.

Matters in the east were also made worse by Median victories in retaking much of Drangiana, which had been captured by Sinsharishkun in 605 BCE. However, Gaudama II, already a hardened commander had not yet reached the power of the former Median kingdom under Cyaxares, this alone was a boon for Assyria. Truthfully, when not faced with existential threats and constant internal disputes, the might of Media had in the past been enough to crush the Medians when they struck, especially with the assistance of Urartu, who had played a major role in the reigns of Sennacherib and Assur-Hadon in subjugating the Median kingdom and conquering as far east as Parthia and Ariana.

Nevertheless, Assyrian rule east of the Zagros had disappeared and that could not be denied. The only outlier existed in the peaks of Gilan, wherein a Medo-Assyrian statelet survived in Gilan. This small state was still protected by an Assyro-Tabali garrison and the local warriors who supported Assyrian rule to diminish Median absolutism over Hyrcania. In 598, this small state which had managed to hold some forts south of Gilan, was forced further north into the shrouds of the hills by a renewed Median onslaught by Gaudama II. After forcing the Gilan state into relative obscurity, Gaudama II moved west and invaded began attacks upon Urartu, who in 597 raised a new army to attack Gaudama II.

By middle 597, Rusas IV already suffering raids from Media, attacked the Median territorial zones in Mannaea. Therein, the Median armies melted rapidly after short skirmishes, unwilling to truly gain the ire of the Assyrian vassal. Rusas IV for pushing the Medes out of Mannaea, conferred the eastern and southern most sections to Sinbanipal and sent word to Maniuqappu regarding the situation.

On the Western Front

Whilst Rusas IV had moved against the Medes in Mannaea and proceeded to cede lands back to Assyria, Dugul-Naboo was ruling Ankuwa. Dugul-Naboo in the prior years, had defeated Sadyattes and sent him in flight at Carchemish and chased him through the Tabal passes and deep into Anatolia before battling Sadyattes to a stalemate at Gordium. As a result, both parties feeling drained, fell back to their respective home bases, Dugul-Naboo in Ankuwa and Sadyattes in Sardis. War however did not end, as the two forces ventured raiding forces and small detachments to do battle over villages and ranges.

Dugul-Naboo was at home in this position, commanding a grand army and ruling a vast swath of Anatolia. In this period of rule in Ankuwa, from 598-597, Dugul-Naboo acquired his wish and his bargaining chip. The power of Sinbanipal was seemingly assured, however, his reign required the forces that Dugul-Naboo commanded. Thus, he would seek a position in the state that protected his noble and personal interests; in short, he wished to be given a new title, the ‘Protectorate of the West’ or something of this nature.

Nevertheless, Dugul-Naboo continued his war with Sadyattes in early 597. But breaks in the conflict offered new venues for exploitation. In the month of February, Dugul-Naboo was met by envoys from an opposition faction in Sardis. These envoys spoke of the great terror they had been subjected to by Sadyattes in his warring with Assyria and the forced conscription of the peasantry had led to popular riots and a massive loss of tax revenue. In other words, the situation in Lydia had become bleak after Gordium; though Sadyattes for most purposes was the victor of the battle at Gordium, his people did not see it that way and to them, the king was in over his head. As such, Sadayttes had devolved into a war of repression in his capitol. This began with a mass murder of Greeks and other foreigners in the city as a retribution for the betrayal at Aleppo. Members of the merchant community and parts of the lesser nobles feared the reprisals would extend to them in due time and they secretly created a faction supporting the 16 year old son of Sadyattes, Alyattes for the throne and the deposition of Sadyattes. Dugul-Naboo without hesitation supported the claims of Alyattes and proceeded to gather his strength for a more concerted attack upon Lydia, as well as dispersing spies across the Lydian realm using his new allies for assistance.

The Year 597 in Harran

Sinbanipal had been greeted as a grand hero in Harran for his rimutu and the victory against Necho II. Though Egypt remained relatively strong, their threat had been quelled. Armies had been stationed in the ruins of Philistine, primarily Arabs, Jews, deportees and an Assyrian field army. In March of 597 after rejoicing for a time in Harran, Sinbanipal alongside Ipque-Aya and Maniuqappu deliberated upon actions further in the empire. In said deliberations, the primary discussion was war and movements to restore the borders of the late Great King, Sinsharishkun. Few in the deliberations could even consider resting for an entire year or consolidating, while several wars were being waged. Matters had to be mended to for peace to last beyond a few months at a time. Ipqu-Aya supported firmly that the king march to the front in Lydia and then to Media. His reasoning that the Assyrian monarch must quell and the possible alliance with Necho II so as to ensure Egyptian submissiveness.

In disagreement was Maniuqappu, the cupbearer. His opinion was that this was sound reasoning from Ipqu-Aya but that it was flawed. Namely, that Sinbanipal should instead go to Urartu and see to its loyalty and examine the Median and mountainous threats from the supposed kingdom of Colchis. This was as Maniuwapu noted, the best course as in Anatolia, his underling was overseeing the war, while a less scrupulious vassal in Rusas IV was in Media, hence by going there, he may ensure their loyalty and in the same breath, avenge his father. More importantly, Maniuqappu wished to keep the Assyrian monarch away from Dugul-Naboo. The two old men squabbled and, in the end, sought divination with three possible outcomes. Stars were given voice and the stars according to the astrologers, pushed and beckoned Sinbanipal north into the lands of Urartu.

Sinbanipal thus prepared for campaign and sent letters to his vassals and made journey for Urartu. Rabi-Adad for his role, was told to maintain the frontier with Elam and Gambulu. Asnapar was granted with the defense of Suhum, Mari and the central nexus of the kingdom and Maniuqappu and Ipqu-Ayya were stationed with the defense of Assyria proper and overseeing civil and ceremonial duties.
 
Yeah! Its back! Praise!

Colchis... seems like a new rival has arisen.

Poor Urartu keeps getting trampled on. Will they ever get a break?

Despite all the ravage, it seems to me that with Philistia destroyed and Egypt beaten, the Hebrews stand ready to make out like gangbusters from this. Btw, why are they called Jews here? AFAIK the term Hebrew or maybe Judean would make more sense in this time period.

Seems that the Cupbearer suspects Dugul-Naboo of attempting usurpation if he gets the chance, with the king nearby. He's not wrong.

I wonder... how big the Assyrian dominion can get? As big as the Persian Empire at its peak?

Query: Who are the Karduniashi?
 
Maniuqappu seems quite powerfult. I presume cupbearer is a much more powerful position than it sounds like. Dugul-Naboo seems interesting but does he have royal ambitions?
 
Maniuqappu seems quite powerfult. I presume cupbearer is a much more powerful position than it sounds like. Dugul-Naboo seems interesting but does he have royal ambitions?

Yes, the cupbearer is essentially the head of ceremonies and the mayor of Assur and overseer of the temples of the Great God Assur. In other words, aside from the king himself, he is the strongest religious figure in Assyria. Maniuqappu is also an exceptional individual.

Dugul-Naboo certainly did, however as the years progress, his interests are moving towards the north and solidifying power within the current system. We shall see how it turns out though.
 
Yeah! Its back! Praise!

Colchis... seems like a new rival has arisen.

Poor Urartu keeps getting trampled on. Will they ever get a break?

Despite all the ravage, it seems to me that with Philistia destroyed and Egypt beaten, the Hebrews stand ready to make out like gangbusters from this. Btw, why are they called Jews here? AFAIK the term Hebrew or maybe Judean would make more sense in this time period.

Seems that the Cupbearer suspects Dugul-Naboo of attempting usurpation if he gets the chance, with the king nearby. He's not wrong.

I wonder... how big the Assyrian dominion can get? As big as the Persian Empire at its peak?

Query: Who are the Karduniashi?

We shall see how big the Assyrian realm can become! Though this is ideally not an Assyrian wank, so there will be many setbacks, as is expected.

Yes, Colchis will play an ever larger part in the timeline moving forward. They were already known by Assyria as former vassals of Urartu and in the past, Assyria had campaigned in Colchis. However, Colchis had not yet become a coherent kingdom.

I was under the impression that Jewish = Judah? Yes, the kingdom of Judah should gain considerably from this situation.

Karduniash was the Kassite word for the land of Akkad, the lands north of the Deep South, Sumer and south of Suhum and Assyria. During the Kassite period, the Assyrians and even people in Babylon, came to refer to their kingdom as Karduniash and this remained the case until the Achaemenid Persian Empire. Karduniash as a kingdom was called, the kingdom of Babylonia by the Greeks and Persians and this informs modern western usage and naming. However, Assyria still calls it, Karduniash but with a capitol of Babylon.
 
The Kingdom of Urartu in 596 and the Deliberation of Tushpa
596 BCE

Urartu In Preparation

Sinbanipal’s scribes composed a grand document to announce his departure from Harran alongside an army to make movements to Urartu. His letters were sent to the following lands:

-Assyria proper

-Karduniash (empty seat of power)

-Sumer

-Southern Protectorate

-Judah

-Moab

-Carchemish

-Aleppo

-Phoenician states

-Ankuwa

-Urartu

In the meantime, Rusas IV ruled in Urartu, the strongest and most prestigious of Assyrian vassals. Rusas IV had ascended to kingship in 601 BCE after his father, Rusas III appointed his son king and took a place in the royal palace in Tushpa attending to religious and family matters. Rusas IV was undoubtedly an energetic and powerful king, despite his youth. Already he had defeated two Median incursions upon his realm and was in the process of strengthening the forts that made up his eastern frontier. In 597, after capturing Mannaea, he conceded the land to Assyria and only kept its northern portions (in modern Azerbaijan). Likewise, his army was successful in clearing remnants of bandit cliques across the western banks of Lake Biai (Van), and proceeded in a policy called ‘Devotion to the Sun.’

This policy amounted to a change in direction in terms of devotion in religious matters in Urartu from the God of Weapons and Armaments, Khaldi to the Sun God, Shivini. The matter of the state of Tushpa and its leader Zunan who claimed the direct intervention of the Sun upon his rebellion still had sway amongst the people. As such, Rusas IV implemented measures of devotion to Shivini in excess of the typical offerings and proclaimed himself the heir of the Sun Throne. This patronage of the Sun God Shivini officially began in the year 599 BCE and was in full attendance by 596 BCE. Ultimately, this had the immediate effect of lessening the tensions of Rusas IV’s rule and appeasing some aspects of revolutionary tendencies that had been unleashed in the Scythian incursion.

Despite the relative recent positive outlooks in the early sections of Rusas IV, his reing was faced with enormous difficulties. Firstly, Rusas IV was the first king of Urartu who had been subjected to vassalage from the beginning of his reign. Questions remained as to the extent to which Urartu was to remain in the Assyrian sphere. In the past, Urartu had been loyal allies of Assyria, the so-called Golden Alliance between Assyria and Urartu from 711-632 BCE. Yet, such a situation was one of abundantly clear mutual benefit and in Urartu itself, was perceived as friendship among two mutually affirming Great Kings. The situation as of current was not so clear. As such, Rusas IV made sure to affirm all matters of traditional kingship in Urartu. Namely:



-Rusas IV tended to insure the loyalty of the common people. Whom understood legitimacy in three modes. The vast construction of infrastructure, especially in the form of canals, trenches and massive granaries. When Sargon II invaded Urartu in the 710s, even the Assyrian army was astounded at the extent to which state action had led to the construction of granaries and relatively prosperous fields of crops; in prior centuries, Urartu or Nairi, was known as a wild land, but years of royal prosperity led to unprecedented development from royal authorities to build legitimacy. As a second mode, the Urartian king was made legitimate by his people through the defense of the realm through the construction of forts, towers and other defensive armaments. Thus, by the year 650 BCE, Urartu was certainly the most well-fortified country in the world for the time. Finally, the people of the land supported a king by way of his devotion to the gods. This included the famous pilgrimages that Urartian kings made frequently to holy sites across his realm and into other countries. In fact, the pilgrimage tours that the king would take, often would deter from other acts of state and Urartu prioritized wars in order to take pilgrimage sites.

-Rusas IV however, had a different set of issues with the other side of his people, namely the historic nobility of his realm. Originally, Urartu was founded by a disparate mass of different tribes who were often all of differing ethnic groups. Hurrians from Musasir, Kaskas from a language isolate grouping, Indo-Europeans of multiple varieties both Anatolian and Mushki and other Caucasian groups such as the southern branches of the Iberian folk.

These tribes coalesced in 823 BCE under an Anatolian tribal lord, rising from the mountains was a new state, founded specifically to fend off Assyria which waged constant campaigns of culling and slave raids into the northern sectors of the Mid East. This situation created kingdom powerful enough to eventually bring Assyria to its news in the early and middle 8th century. Whilst this had extraordinary benefits, the formula that created Urartu was one of tribes of many different backgrounds coming together into a confederation. As such, an entrenched tribal nobility was prominent in Urartu. Their form of legitimacy was clear: to resist foreign invasion at all costs and to maintain the ‘mountain liberty’ that their people had known for centuries. Hence, unlike nobility in Assyria, which clamored for constant total war, Urartian nobles sought peace and quiet. Then, to a perhaps lesser degree, was the insistence of the nobility to maintain their tribal autonomy in matters of rulings and the multicultural nature of Urartu.

Each of these authority defining acts were under question by Assyrian vassalage. Likewise, in the recent and past years, they were essentially lost in the eyes of most of Urartian society. The Scythian and Median annexation and ravaging of Urartu was consuming and much of the tribal elites had lost much faith in the current dynasty. While the common people remained shaken in their religious institutions as a result of the conquest, the destruction of granaries and the sensationalism of Zunan’s rebellion.

To make matters worse for Rusas IV, the collapse of authority beginning in 631 BCE, allowed once subjugated lands to break from Urartian rule. The most important of these, was the rise of a new kingdom of Colchis formed from the local tribal confederates. In the south of Colchis (modern Kartli) the Iberian confederates formed into a collection of tribal coalitions in alliance with Colchis and opposition to both the Urartians, Assyrians and the Scythians. When Cyaxares had conquered these areas from the Scythians and the Urartians, he asserted the autonomy and liberties of the Caucasian hillfolk, but with the fall of Media, these peoples once more were in the range of coming under what they felt to be, weak and ineffectual Urartian rule or the terrors of Assyria (the people of Colchis and Iberia had extreme fears and lingering hatred of Assyria, owing to the Assyrian invasions and slave raids inflicted upon the peoples of the hill country in the later Bronze Age).

Matters such as these were to be dealt with by Rusas IV ideally, but when Sinbanipal set forth and arrived in early 596 BCE, first in Musasir and then in Tushpa, the possibility of saving face would be difficult.


The Arrival in Tushpa and Assyrian King in the Hills

Sinbanipal arrived in Tushpa with an army of some 16,000 warriors from Assyria proper and among the most loyal of those warriors to Sinbanipal. An army of such a nice, would have no chance of conquering the Neo-Median realm under the Gaudamids, but it would have the ability to enforce authority on matters pertaining to Urartu and probe the Medes and if need be, the proximity between Assyria and the nearby lands of Urartu, Mannaea and Media, would allow rapid mobilization of an army in excess of 45,000 to ensure a conquest of the east.

The arrival was met with Tushpa entering a series of extensive festivities. Peasants migrated to the city for the week and merchants jostled for places in Tushpa. Sinbanipal carried with his procession, relics and artifacts from Assyria to offer blessings to Tushpa and likewise, brought alongside him, Hurrian priests from Musasir bearing the blessings of Khaldi. Entering the city, Sinbanipal was greeted by the nobles of Urartu, drawn from the tribal elites, they beseeched him for his friendship to the city of Tushpa and magnificent arrays of support for the ‘peoples of the hill.’ These notables from the tribal elites, a veritable polyglot group who had gathered, led the Great King into the city that arose from the mountains. or the first time in history, an Assyrian king was greeted as an honored guest in Urartu, without military intent.

The City of Tushpa and the Arrangement of Rusas IV

Tushpa by the year 596 BCE was recovering city. A decade of warfare had placed a large wound upon the city and it was no longer the same great city it once was in terms of maintenance. However, the city had not lost a large or significant number of the population specifically for the reason hat Tushpa had not been subjected to loot and plunder and likewise, the Scythian hordes had driven much of the populace of the countryside into the city for protection, those who did not flee into the hills or mountains or south into Assyria. As such, Tushpa remained one of the grandest cities in the world at the time.

Possessing in 596 a population of some 75,000 inhabitants (for comparison, Babylon in 596, possesses 250,000, Nineveh around 167,000 and Harran about 90,000), it was at least more appeasing than the majority of settlements to an Assyrian monarch. Its layout was as such; centered on the central eastern bank of Lake Biai, its entrance was flanked by three fortresses. The famous trinity of forts, Fort Teshub, Fort Khaldi and Fort Shivini. These forts gave way to a set of fortified walls that possessed gates for entrance. Each night, the city would be closed and guarded by the Tushpa militia who worked in coordination with the royal army. The walls covered the north, east and south of the city; while the west was protected by Lake Biai and a small ‘navy’ existed on the lake to protect the city from possible marine strikes from Lake Biai. Interior sections of the city were managed by street roads where carts, donkeys, horses and people moved. There was a central street through the city to the central part of the city, wherein the Palace of the king existed and nearby was the temples to the gods of the city, Tushpa being the city devoted to Shivini.

Outside the palace, and near the temples on both sides, to the east and west, was the merchant isles where people from across the country and foreign lands came to trade. Its proximity to the royal palace was intentional to ensure fair rates and that the king could make occasional visits and dictate matters pertaining to the market. On either side of the road was then a mass of chaotically constructed dwellings of wood, mud and brick. Among these were foundries and areas of production intermingled among living places. However, small streets large enough for a carriage did exist extending from the central roads, these being restricted to the state maintained and regulated grain deliveries which went to one of the three main granaries in Tushpa, the northern, south and western granaries. Generally speaking, the food of the city was arriving in from two locations. Either from the east, from the farming communes in the vicinity of the city or from one of the state run granaries in the region or they came from the west and were from the ‘western bank’ (often a byword for the poor and less prosperous areas of the kingdom) or from literally from the lake in the form of fishing. So, other than food transit, only the army, tribal notables and produced goods from the foundries were to be transported along these small routes in the northern and southern sections of the city. The general people would have walked through other people’s homes, through small alleys and so forth to make it to the so-called common road being the central road where they could then set forth as normal. The layout was maintained in this way to have the people generally only use the central road for movement and hence enter near the palace and temple square areas; creating a more centralized and focused city. This was no major issue either, as the weekly food distribution would occur in the vicinity of the central squares near the palace and temples.

As per tribal custom, weekly a portion of granary stocks were distributed as ‘free food’ to the people of the city. Likewise, other items such as garments of clothing and other personal items constructed in the varied workshops and foundries were distributed weekly. In a society that combined traditional mountain folk rural communalism (that affirmed private property over land, but asserted redistribution of items such as foodstuff and captured or constructed loot) with a modernist urban society modelled after a mixture of the old Hittite cities and the cities of Assyria, showings of magnanimous redistribution by the king had the effect of maintaining the customs of the tribes and people but also of assuring that the royalty were seen as legitimate caretakers of the people.

Sinbanipal made the rounds through the city and stopping short of prostration entered the palace of the grounds of the central square, where taking his seat enthroned on a matt, awaited Rusas IV. Rusas IV came forth and after bowing to the king, led the Great King to the palace and once in the vicinity of secrecy, performed the full prostration due to an Assyrian lord. In prior discussions through letter, it was pleaded that the Urartian king be permitted to forgo prostration until in the palace.

In the palace, discussion was made between the two kings as to the situation of Urartu. Sinbanipal’s attendants after several hours of deliberation and discussion listed forth several points which would be given as goals for the coming campaign of the winter of 596 BCE and would be tested in the divination:



-Sinbanipal and Rusas IV would march north and subdue the Iberian confederates, taking loot, slaves and subjugating the region to Assyrian direct rule.

-Colchis would be also prodded with raids and provocations. If Colchis appears weak, Sinbanipal would invade Colchis and capture the entire region or at least pillage the country and return excess loot to Tushpa and then take the bulk slaves and loot to Assyria proper.

-In accordance with placement, Urartu would distribute the highest quality loot to the Assyrian army and the Urartian king would be for the duration of the campaign, be given the title of ‘turpan’ (general commander) and be beholden to direct orders from the Assyrian higher command.

-As per the merciful wishes of the Great King, all foodstuffs captured in the looting will be directed to the Urartian capitol.

With the demands listed, Sinbanipal ordered Rusas IV to gather his army to march north with him as a subordinate. Meanwhile, Sinbanipal proclaimed a new era name (the previous was: “Faithful Tradition”) alongside a fanciful address to the realm:



Era Name: “Lady Ishtar Doth Proclaim, ‘Still the Noise of the Hills,”

Address of the Great King (Old Akkadian):

“Lady Ishtar hath made Herself known in the land of abundant hills. Mistress and Glorious Ishtar hath ears, She perceives the noise arising from the beasts of the hills; that foul sound of trickery and duplicity those who give the face of recalcitrance to their Ideal Masters. WE have heard the call of our Mistress; She dictates; cut a swath through the lands that have many who scurry beneath deep shadows! Whose quiet schemes doth plot blasphemy and abhorrence upon the land of righteous worship. Have these mice not felt the Eyes, burning bronze pupils fixed upon their dens of mischief? They will know well the furious strikes of our swords and the cool winds of judgement! They will know the mischief of the land is nay outside the grasp of the Great King. He who faithfully follows the dictates of the Great Gods.

The Great King is the Holy Bolt-- the Fire of the Great Gods! Everlasting joy and a calm quiet follow the victorious swing of the Mace of a Thousand Words, Smasher of Thousands (the mace of the Great God Ninurta, Sharur), affixed to the hand of the King of the Realm.” -Kalhu Codex
 
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Its very clever how Rusas IV only does the full prostration in private. Got to maintain the fiction of Urartu independence.

I wonder how Tushpa looks like... it must be kind of magnific.

Ah, the peoples of the Causasian Hills. Always an ornery lot. What are the "Hill Freedoms?" Are they good?

So far it all looks good for Assyria. Get a nice big army, smash Colchis, loot a lot, get out. A nice, easy win.

Or is it?
 
Its very clever how Rusas IV only does the full prostration in private. Got to maintain the fiction of Urartu independence.

I wonder how Tushpa looks like... it must be kind of magnific.

Ah, the peoples of the Causasian Hills. Always an ornery lot. What are the "Hill Freedoms?" Are they good?

So far it all looks good for Assyria. Get a nice big army, smash Colchis, loot a lot, get out. A nice, easy win.

Or is it?

Yes, the people would not have taken kindly to the king of the land prostrating so profoundly to another king. Even Sinbanipal might have been in danger if that was to be the case.

Tushpa was certainly a grand city. It was a fairly new city too for that region's perspective and thus very unique.

By hill country freedoms, we refer to simply the standard liberties enjoyed by the people of that region. Namely, the ability of them to rule themselves in respect to the distribution of their private property through inheritance, the freedoms of movements through the mountains, low or no taxes, that the tribal people were *requested* to fight wars (never conscripted) and their traditional rural lifestyle.

Yes, we shall see how the campaign goes for Assyria. Assyria has had a long history in the region, surely. In the early Bronze Age, it was common for Assyrian levies to invade as far north as modern Yerevan in order to destroy varied hill folk settlements that posed a danger to Assyrian settlements to the south. Likewise, Assyria took much of these populaces into slavery and transported them south to work in the fields of the large noble estates or distributed as slaves to the gods.

In the the later Bronze Age, the fall of the Hittite kingdom after successive invasions from people coming from Thracia and Greece alongside the hill country folk (mainly the Muski, Kaska, Gurga and so forth) from the north and east, led to Assyria moving to 'provide order and cull the dangerous elements in the north and west.' Assur-Dan I (1179-1133 BCE) for instance defeated the Kaska-Muski in Syria and captured Carchemish, before invading as far north as the Land of Hatti, discovering the desolation of the Hittite realm. Assur-resh-ishi I (1133-1116 BCE) likewise continued these conquests and attacked the Muski in the modern region of Pontus or the land of Pala; before invading the lands of modern Azerbaijan and forcing the mass exodus of peoples therein to the west and north. Tiglath-Pileser I (1116-1076 BCE) also would invade the far north, attacking as far north as Colchis and perhaps reaching the borders of modern Russia in Circassia and Alania. Thus, for approximately 105 years, Assyria intensely attacked the Caucasian mountain ranges capturing enormous numbers of slaves (which seem to have made a large genetic impact upon Assyria according to some studies that I have heard of) and also in a sense, preventing the spread of the Bronze Age collapse from reaching Mesopotamia proper (note, in the west, Assur-Dan I also defeated the Phyrgians and other Indo-European migrants from Thracia and the Aegean).

Later, due to some issues that arose in the reign of Shamshi-Adad IV (1054-1050 BCE) and his successors (Assurnasirapl I [1050-1031], Shalmaneser II [1031-1019]) the Aramaic states of Syria, perhaps augmented by by migrants from the south and north and west, became more powerful. In prior centuries, Syrian states were often little more than nuisances to Assyria and western semites were frequent vassals of the true lord of the region (the Hittites, Mitanni, Egypt, Assyria, Karduniash). However, these states came to defeat the Assyrians during the reign of Assurnasirpal I and then again under Shalmaneser II, leading to a loss of Haran in 1023 BCE. In the reign of Assur-rabi II (1013-972 BCE), Assyria lost even more lands and was condensed into a small state along the banks of the Tigris, and Aramaic states came to predominated the Euphrates river region and Washukanni was destroyed and inhabited by Western Semitic conquering semi-nomads.

Assur-Dan II (934-911 BCE) returned Assyria to prominence, defeating these confederate nomads and ranging far west, conquering the Euphrates river. His successors, free from the western threats more so, would proceed to invade north once more. Tukulti-Ninurta II (891-884 BCE) then continued the invasions into the north, striking the people therein. Assurnasirpal II, Shalmaneser III and then Shamshi-Adad V (884-859, 859-824 and 824-811 BCE) invaded the north viciously, leading to the creation of the Kingdom of Urartu in response to the Assyrian aggression.

All of this tirade to say, there is much history and relation between these mountain and hill folk to the Assyrian state. Some of the hatred might have declined during the period of Assyro-Urartian friendship from 711-632 BCE, but it is surely still lingering.
 
The Invasion of Barbashru Part 1: Prelude and travel.
596-595 BCE

Leaving Tushpa



The land of Barbashru was a new name indicated by the Kalhu codex in Assyrian texts beginning in 598 BCE. Barbashru however was a land long known by the Assyrian and earlier Akkadian monarchs. Traditionally, the land was known as the realm of the Diahuei, a group of diverse hill people corresponding to the Greek term Iberian or the Old Median, Virkans (Wolf-peoples, same root as wolf in English). These people, the Diahuei, were often attacked by Assyrian monarchs, who considered them in league with more southernly and dangerous groups surrounding Lake Van or the migratory/pastoralist Kaska confederates.

Despite often firsthand evidence of the Diahuei and battling them in the open fields or in mountain passes, the Akkadian sources rarely go beyond giving the people names. The land was simply referred to as ‘Wakshum’ (enemy mountains, also implied, brazen rebellion, for those who sit atop mountains pretense at protection) or simply lumped the land in with either Nairi (referring to Lake Van or more broadly, the mountainous north of Assyria) or the Qalcha (Colchis in Hurrian and transferred by transmission to Akkadian). However, the term Barbashru became more frequent to refer to specifically the lands between Urartu (Nairi in Akkadian) and that of Colchis. Barbashru in Akkadian means generally, ‘land of the wolf of jackal.’

As per the commands of Sinbanipal, Rusas IV gathered an army for the grand campaign. Drawing from the varied tribal lords of the realm, Rusas called froth some 20,000 warriors for the expedition, outnumbering thus, the army of 15,000 or so commanded by Sinbanipal. Rusas IV likewise, gifted the title of turpan (commander general) would be subordinate only to Sinbanipal and his so-called mouthpieces, namely the eunuchs at the side of Sinbanipal. Rusas IV as a subordinate, however, was at least respected enough to be granted command of soldiery, thus decidedly different from the common treatment of Assyrian policy towards it vassals as simply resource repositories.

The course of the campaign was one of importance. Tushpa sat at the central eastern side of Lake Van and sat slightly southward on its banks. To arrive at the land of Barbashru, would be approximately 376 km. Passing through mostly Urartian northern lands, Rusas’ would augment his force slightly by acquiring levies from his northern vassals, the Mushki chiefs (within modern Armenia, especially the city of Yerevan). Once passing through the Mushki tribes in Rusas’ north, they would reach the lands of Barbashru.

To Cast the Net

Their first stop would only be a short 40 km north, in the city of Aniastania where Rusas IV made a ritual prayer to the god Teshub (the storm god, most equivalent to Hadon or Thor) and then to Lady Kuvava the queen of the Taverns so as to grant them victory in travels. Sinbaniapal for his turn spent the day of prayers hunting the nearby forests of Lake Van. The subsequent hunts led Sinbanipal with his best riders to catch a great boar; they threw a large net and affixed the boar to the ground and with spear in hand skewered the beast. With great applause from the warriors present and from his eunuchs; the mouthpieces in attendance urged Sinbanipal to take a new title for himself. Thus with a short conversing, a new title was given to himself, ‘Enutu-setu’ or the Hunter of Renown (note: enutu refers typically to lords who are divine, in other words, the mouthpieces in subtle ways, seek to deify the young king).

“Hunter of Renown, Lordship Splendid. Sinbanipal, the renowned hunter, youth of destiny took net in hand and cast forth towards a beast of rebellion. A grand boar, beast of hunger and savagery was skewered by the Lord Who Casts the Net (Belu [master] karbaru [literally, deposits] ekisimilu [net])! The young master is splendid and fantastic in deeds, blessed in all acts by the Great God Ninhursang, who gifts the bounty of the land to Her appointed poacher. Set forth, O’ Young Lord, grasp the net of Assur and cast forth the entangling armies of the men of the Land of Piety/Rites! Let the hand of the Ninurta, the Thrill of the Hunt, guide the Great King’s spear into the target of rebellion!” -Kalhu Codex

The hunt would become a grand spectacle in Assyria after the arrival of the news of the deed several days later by envoy. According to custom, the new title was to be proclaimed through the streets and declared. Myth and story surrounded the rule of the Great King in Assyria; he was to be the representative of the Great Gods and was to mimic their great and renowned deeds. One of the most beloved of these, was Great God Ninurta, the so-called Warrior, a god who reveled in great showmanship, hunting, individual acts of courage, duels, killing blows, wrestling, horsemanship and in slaying monsters and demons (he is often called the Demon Slayer, supposedly bludgeoning demons with his divine weapons; his reveling in the slaughter of demons is why he was the most often beloved in regard to the rites of exorcism or witch hunting). Assyrian royal processions often demanded that the king be crowned by each of the Great Gods and the crowning of Ninurta meant in essence, to take upon oneself the visage of the slayer and take hunting and also to always agree to duels and battles without fear for one trusts the slayer/warrior (Tukulti-Ninurta; I trust the Warrior). In Assyria thus, the grand act was celebrated by the city devolving into a grand celebration and ritual to the Great god Ninurta, who provided for them a new omen. The local court in Ninevah and in Babylon set about reading the signs to see the meaning of the grand hunt.

Prelude to Invasion: An Omen of Massacre

Meanwhile, Rusas IV completed his rituals and proceeded to embark further north after two days of prayer and ritual to the god Teshub and goddess Kuvava. The northern movements took less than three days before the army arrived in the land of Barbashru. Immediately, Sinbanipal sent a mouthpiece into the land before them with a proclamation:



“Say those of inequity that they are strong. They are not! Say those of rebellion that they are protected by the hills. They are not! Agree they do, that they have power in man for they have been victors of others. They do lie.

Know the Presence of the Grand Master hath entered the lands decreed His. Assur has risen up a King in the Land of Piety, His sister Ishtar has ordered him forth to a small hill, ordering the culling of those who resist the dictates of the Mistress.

We of the Rites, are a fearsome folk. We do cut the skin from the bodies of the rebellious men who stand in transgression. We do burn their bodies: an offering to the Lord Nurgal, Lord of Desolation. High in speech and furious in sword and anger, we fear not the bodies of thousands of dead, whom we slaughter like lambs to sacrifice.

O’ creatures of low status, fear the Lord who is the rearguard of the Great Gods! Troubled will you be should thy pride make you detest the pious. Better doth the lowly submit and give vows. We do make amends with our Great Gods who yearn for war, but we too seek the gratitude of the Great Gods who pursue the peaceful branch of submission. Ninhursang protects the lowly, as well as the creatures beneath us (Akkadians) in status. She has given you an edict of protection; we do listen and abide by the taboos administered by our Grand Lady of the Soil.

Yet, we do hear Her admissions, that only those in submission should be protected, otherwise, Her brothers order the rearguard to smash those who have insulted the Lady of the Soil. Do not press upon luck whence you have none…

Hence, we enjoin upon thee, o’ lowly creatures, to submit. We bring gifts, fit for the Great God Dagon, He of Unlimited Splendor, a trade of goods. Travel we shall, to the lands of your chiefs, if thine people are not in flight or waiting in expectation of surrender, prostrated, we shall slay all living creatures in our path.” -Kalhu Codex, the ‘Proclamation to the Barbashru’
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The next update will begin the war in earnest and an accompanying update will cover the situation elsewhere.
 
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