The Burning Cauldron: The Neo Assyrian Empire Defended

The counsel has begun! It seems that the eunechs and the 10 fingers are trying to keep a very tight hold on the way things are run. It will be interesting to see if they can maintain that once the debates begin and passions rise.
You metion scholars being summoned. Just who exactly would they be? How did one become a well known scholar in Assyria? Were the institutions of learning the temples? Were there secular institutions? Or are we talking independent well known scholars with a personal reputation taking on pupils?
 
The counsel has begun! It seems that the eunechs and the 10 fingers are trying to keep a very tight hold on the way things are run. It will be interesting to see if they can maintain that once the debates begin and passions rise.
You metion scholars being summoned. Just who exactly would they be? How did one become a well known scholar in Assyria? Were the institutions of learning the temples? Were there secular institutions? Or are we talking independent well known scholars with a personal reputation taking on pupils?

Scholars refers to so-called men who have distinguished themselves in a particular practice related to a particular field of religion-science that is not tied to temple-complex maintenance. Priests were those who operated a temple complex such as for example: the Ziggurat of Ur Etemenniguru (temple whose foundation emits aura), had a preeminent priesthood who manage the complex. The complex is operated as an economy and frankly, as a sort of business. These temples give loans, start restaurants, operate mining activities, sell/purchase slaves, operate fisheries, operate fields, hold feasts and so forth. Aside for the monarch and his palace, the temples are the wealthiest institution in the empire and the most expansive; likewise, they are the basis for the royal palatial complex economy, its origin. Originally, it was believed that said temples preceded the state in Mesopotamia, this is a great possibility, and may explain the power of said temples in an otherwise absolute monarchy format in Mesopotamia. Regardless of this, due to the nature of the temple complexes as a sort of business operation on behalf of an entire cadre of hundreds and for the largest temples, thousands of servants, employees and priests such people cannot be regarded as scholars.

Thus scholars are people who practices one of the following without being embroiled in the temple complex economy:

-Medicine or roughly doctors. These people would be taken as pupils or inherited their expertise from a parent. We know of many so-called doctors within Mesopotamia from the Early Bronze Age onward. Their occupation however had no sort of formal education and it was simply a combination of folk medicine expertise, skills in certain types of healing magic and so forth. The greatest of these doctors were under the employ of kings and resided in courts. There, they would take an apprentice who would succeed them in their occupation. In Assyria, we have records of many such great doctors, some of whom were so renowned that they were sent to far away kings such as the king of Hatti in order to instruct their physicians.

Most doctors produced compendiums on their works and or compiled incantations that they repeated and instructed their clients to. However, the better doctors did not rely simply upon magic and were experts in what they would call, proactively killing demons or easing the symptoms of demons, which involved taking different substances and concoctions. As a rule mind you, disease was said to come directly from evil sorts of magic, whether from curses or from demonic presences.

-Astrologers. These are men whose learning began also by way of apprenticeship in temples and would learn the complex set of omens associated with the stars and their movements. In turn such people were also what we might call, the mathematical experts of the civilization. However, there was no pretense of secularism, everything they did was to understand certain divine occurrences that emerged in reality through the movements of stars, the activity of the environment and so forth. Especially there was a focus upon the zodiac, omens and the sky. Their work would have been performed at the royal court or in their own workshop, often provided for by a wealthy patron, namely the palace, a temple, a merchant or a noble house.

Additionally, said astrologers would dabble into religious opinion, as they were essentially priests who had no role in the activity of management of finances and devoted themselves wholly to the activity of understanding the Great Gods and their envoys in the sky. This is where so-called divergence opinion from a scholar would arise.

There would be others but of a more rare sort. There is no sort of guru or philosopher 'occupation' and all of these occupations are related in large part to a greater religious idealism. So when we talk of scholars, we are primarily referring to men who are in some way independent priests not in the duty of management and hence in the opinion of the day, not priests. As priests were specifically the group whose occupation was tending to the needs of the tokens of the Great Gods, their idols in the temples and in maintaining the traditional temple economy with its entire cadre of employees and slaves.
 
Royal Propaganda in depiction years 580-565 BCE... Part 1
The Years 580-565 BCE in Art and Form, Royal propaganda and Depiction in the Dual Monarchy.



The Brother-King Motif

Throughout the reign of Sinbanipal and his younger brother, Dagon-zakir-shumi, one of the most enduring motifs in depictions and inscriptions across the Dual-Monarchy, was that of the Brothe-King motif. This motif was exemplified as depicting the two kings of the Dual-Monarchy doing the same acts at the same time and in the same setting. Likewise, an inscription in this motif operates under the idea that instead of a single king performing an act, ‘the Royal Siblings have done so and so.’ As a motif it was most especially common in the outer parts of the empire, notably the varied Protectorates, the city of Harran, Aleppo, Washukani, Mari and in Carchemish.

The Brother Motif and its strength and divergences can be reasoned in this period as broken into several phases. 580-578 BCE, or the period of diversification, 578-570 BCE, the zenith and 569-565 BCE, transforming motifs and reimagination.

In the first period, the Brother King motifs began originally in the Southern Protectorate with the foundations of different shrines and battles being waged by a human figure who has a shadowed figure behind or in front of him. This early version of the Brother-King motif gave the impression of the Great King as a doubled entity who moves as a single unit, rather than truly distinct kings. This phase was the common before 580 BCE and was a sort of pre-diverse motif. Its motif is found most commonly in Tima, Uruk, Babylon, Mari Kurigalzu and the rebuilt township of Wasukani. However, increasingly from 581-580 BCE, the brother-king motif wherein the two-kings are a united entity who simply has a shadow in his likeness, is removed in favor of the following features:

Firstly, the two kings are distinct individuals often doing different acts, yet all contributing to whatever is occurring. Secondly, the two kings are often accompanied by new symbols and emblems representing different motifs. We also see in this period, distinct icons nearby or around the kings that display to the viewer the identity of whom. Further, the pure wealth of depictions, that is different scenes and settings displayed far outpace that of Sinsharishkun, displaying that the bureaucracy that now dominated Sinbanipal’s reign was very interested in the propagation of royal ideology across the empire.

The Assyrian triangle of Kalhu, Ashur and Nineveh. In this region, the primary depiction of the Brother-King motif was simply depicting traditional Assyrian iconography but with the two doing these acts independent of one another. The motif however does prominently display unique aspects to the new motifs, namely two kings are displayed with an image of an ax often appearing from the clouds or in other cases a great mace. As the mace or the ax emerges from the clouds, there is a hand that pushes forth from the cloud. Indeed every new inscription in the Assyrian triangle will make depictions and create clouds above said figures, perhaps with an intention of highlighting the primacy of Assur, the Lord of the Sky.

In one such example of the Triangular mode that was innovative is that the Brother Kings are depicted with two differing symbols that are made into small circular icons above the crown of the king. For Dagon-zakir-shumi, the emblem is a great tree rising from the bottom of the circle upward and a set of stream-like lines flowing on either end on the sides. Sinbanipal is meanwhile represented by the emblem of the Assyrian monarchy since 720 BCE, that of a man grabbing two lions by the neck and pulling them to himself. The two kings are represented as being less muscular than in the prior motifs, namely less immense legs, and arms. However, the dress has become more elaborate overall and the kings are depicted in a more dynamic motion always.

Both kings are seen wearing the typical conical bucket crowns of the past. However, due to a precedence set in Kalhu in the year 579 BCE, the new trend in depictions except for statues, was to depict the long fabric exuding from the tall crown as much longer than prior versions and as blowing in some sort of wind. Traditionally, the large conical crown possessed a fabric band extending from around the crown to just beneath the shoulders. The informal crown composed of a wrap around the forehead that had these two fabrics reaching the same length downward. However, in new depictions, the large conical crown possesses a massive set of fabrics extending outward and flopping in the wind as the two kings often take postures of moving forward (that is taking a step-in stride). The fabric blowing in the wind is so long that should it be let to lie flatly, would reach the bottom of the king’s thighs and blowing in the wind they appear especially magnificent. The new depiction is intended to display seemingly that the king is a dynamic force that engages with foes and marches against the foes.



By the year 575 BCE, we see in the Assyrian triangle a remarkable series of depictions that retell a set of romantic versions of different campaigns that incorporate the two kings doing different acts. In one example that is often retold is a scene of a great hunt, wherein Sinbanipal holding a long mace is seen marching in stride towards a large boar. His body wearing a full set of scale armor painted white that extended to his ankles in a full suit that was tightened together around the torso with a torso belt. Underneath the full set of scale armor was a paint of red paints with white circles and then a pair of red boots with high laces. His crown long and conical and his extended fabrics from his crown dancing in the wind, of white color, his crown red and yellow. His skin a sort of olive color and his hair and beard a deep brown, his eyes of an ebony color (‘that of the predator’) and his hand holding the mace possessing a clear golden bracelet. His right arm holds the mace, whilst his left hand is free and his palm is turned towards the sky, the fingers closed and pointing towards the prey. The mace a color of complete ebony and atop the mace is the word, ‘palaqu’ or to smite, indicating that this is the divine speaking mace, the Sharur.



Behind the Assyrian king is Dagon-zakir-shumi, who stands with a long robe of intricate style in the traditional Akkadian style. However, he wears pants underneath and long laced boots. Draped around his left shoulder is a Scythian styled bow colored brown and having a tied fabric of yellow color around its lower part. His crown is the traditional for Karduniash, a more cylindrical shape than the conical Assyrian crown. It is colored entirely gold and two fashioned horns are embossed on each side of the crown moving towards the forehead, these are the color of white. His crown’s long fabrics dance in the wind with one seeming to be pointing to the sky and the other pointing towards the ground, the fabrics having the color of white with red orange stripes. His robe is divided into three parts, the shirt of red color and then the doubled-skirt covering much of the legs with one longer in the back and the other longer to the front edge going left (exposing his boots and pants on the right). Both skirts are red and have yellow bottoms with orange tassels. His pants are yellow, and his boots are orange with red laces. Underneath his shirt however flows a long sleeve wool shirt of a brown color that acts as a gambeson-like material. Dagon-zakir-shumi’s hands then are positioned upwards towards the heavens praising the divine while his brother challenges the boar in battle.

Above both brothers is the sky, which is shown by a set of blue and white colored clouds which among them we see different symbols in the sky. These symbols are as follows, a great crescent moon suspended in the sky above Dagon-zakir-shumi followed to its east by a sun symbol and to its right by a six-pointed star. The three representing the Divine trinity of Ishtar, Sin and Shamash.

Beneath the two kings we see a ground painted brown alongside a golden border beneath the brown and beneath this border we have a collection of courtiers and warriors assembled in bunches all with their hands raised in praises and in the case of warriors, holding highly swords, maces and axes.

This image represents a height in the Brother-king motif and one of its most enduring images. Differing from past representations other than the brother-king motif itself, is in clothing and in setting. Firstly, we see carrying over from the reign of Sinsharishkun, the great admiration the Assyrian monarchs have for Scythian or otherwise northern armor and dressing styles, especially the display of boots, pants, long sleeve gambeson styled shirts and the usage of large coats of scale armor instead of lamellar. Likewise, the importance of showing outstretched hands in adoration of that above them alongside the flowing garments made to seem excessive is unique in Assyrian depictions up to this point. Furthermore, the positioning of scenes displays the Deification Factions preferred model of society, that of the adoring subjects’ hands raised in worship of the Dual-Kings and the Dual-Kings beneath the Great Gods.

In Harran, a similar depiction series also existed prominently in the form of the two-kings usually displayed in acts of piety to the Great God Sin. A unique example, has the two kings holding a great mace with one hand each while facing each other and above them is the great crescent moon which possesses a series of lines exuding from it shaped as boomerangs, implying the ‘evil aura’ of Sin. This inscription from 573 BCE, displays a series of motifs common in the Upper Euphrates valley, that is the two kings depicted holding objects with each hand while seated beneath a certain divine symbol. In the upper parts of the Euphrates north of Harran however into Hatti and Carchemish, we see the beginnings of the new style that is called the ‘Divine-impersonation motif.’

This Divine Impersonation motif began in the city of Carchemish and nearby locales to the north in Kizzuwatna. As a motif it differs in that headed by major court officials in the areas, commissioned depictions of the Great King in sole form that is as the King of Assyria and impersonating divinity. This began around 571 BCE with a depiction of Sinbanipal in the city of Carchemish as a man with a prominent crown with four horns, an ax in his left hand and a collection of lightning bolts in the other. His body being covered by a simple robe incrusted with a lightning bolt symbol. Stretching out from his great divine crown is four long fabrics outstretched. His feet and legs bare as his body stands in an oddly contorted manner, in an almost dancing like silhouette. His entire outfit being a deep blue and black and his eyes depicted as a color of lapis lazuli in commemoration of the Goddess Ishtar. His beard brown and curling from his chin down.

In such a scene, Sinbanipal is depicted as a Great God, namely a combination of Ishtar and Adad. Ishtar represented in the blue coloring and in his aspect of dancing. Whilst he is Adad with the ax of the great tempest and the collection of lightning bolts in his hand. The four horned and four fabric crowns also represents divinity in general. This Deified impersonation motif seems to have been developed by gentleman Ishme-Rabu (Listen to the lord), a eunuch and artisan in the employ of the Wing of Adad. After the year 569 BCE, he was called to Haran and then to Kalhu to commission and perform his unique deification works which became the new standard for Assyrian depictions from 568 BCE onward alongside the still in use, but less popular Brother-King and ‘traditional’ motif.

Brief mention of varieties in individual cities

Assur, always the most traditional city and the depictions here are in older styles and settings.

-579 BCE: Sinbanipal and his famous conquest of Media is depicted in the omnitemporal format in a hunt of a great stag. The omnitemporal format being wherein there is no flow of events, all things are happening at once. The Great King fires a stag from atop a great chariot while his brother Dagon-zakir-shumi with a long polearm stabs it from inside the chariot. The chariot driver is a well armored Assyrian fighter.

-577 BCE: Sinbanipal is depicted standing straight aloft on a hilltop wearing a robe and a great crown with two long flowing fabrics, both pointed downward to the earth. In his hand is a large seal. Above him and slightly to the right is the image of Assur, holding a bow and to his sides are great wings and a symbol of water flowing is around him in a circle that extends from his chest to his torso, leaving his head above the circle. Beneath him, a series of boomerang like indents are made that are extending towards Sinbanipal.

-575 BCE: Sinbanipal and Dagon-zakir-shumi are depicted in an omnitemporal scene commemorating the conquest of Media. The work is important in that it is double-sided, with a border separating the two-kings, thus not displaying them together. Altogether, omnitemporal, Dagon-zakir-shumi on the bottom panel is shown seated in Babylon, then with a great tree which he is watering with one arm and clipping with a knife in the other, then he is shown doing rituals and sacrifices to Marduk with a group of attendants behind him. Afterwards, he is shown crushing the Chaldeans in battle and in the final scene he is shown tossing a head in the air while a group of five soldiers hold their hands aloft to towards the sky. The final scene we see the depiction of Shamash in the sky.

Above in the realm of Sinbanipal, we see Sinbanipal seated in Kalhu, then seen taking the omens, then we see him calling the nobles and issuing orders, then we see him marching which is used as a connection between each scene (that is each scene is connected to the next by way of a line of soldiers seemingly in foot march). The later scenes show him performing a hunt, killing a leopard, then defeating his enemy by running over them with chariot and then finally he is shown besieging and at the same time, pulling down systematically the walls of the city of Ecbatana. After this, it displays a tempest in the form of a spiraling cyclone overtaking a group of men dressed in Median style and a atop the cyclone an ax seated within a bow sits. Then we see women and children being carted off towards the west. In the final scene we see the dedication to Assur by Sinbanipal as he returns to Kalhu.

Kalhu, the effective capitol of the Assyrian kingdom, it is known for displaying the Great Kings embarking on hunts, climbing mountains and in building palaces. For Kalhu in specific, we see the Great King Sinbanipal as a great builder of palaces and often seated on a throne.

Nineveh, the largest city in Assyria and the second largest in the empire. It is most famous for the depictions of the brother-kings in acts of redistribution as well as battle and warfare. A curious example from the city in the deification phase, 567 BCE, displays Sinbanipal holding a sack that he holds upside down. His crown large and the fabrics extending from a divine crown are painted golden and bronze. Meanwhiel the bag he has held upside down shows ingots of gold, small humans with chains wrapped around their necks, fish, symbols of grain and seeds dropping from the bag downward. Beneath this mélange of items, is a representation of manifold hands receiving the objects. Covering his body however is an aura-like symbol with flaming characteristics that exude from his body, that are painted red and black. In such a scene, he is depicted as a combination of Dagon and Nurgle, with his primary action of looting and then redistributing as prosperity unto the state of Assyria which is the manifold hands beneath the items distributed.

Haran, we see the most constant depiction motif being that of the dual holding of items and of the over representation of the divine figures that rule the sky. Adad, Sin, Ishtar, Shamash and Assur and an under presentation of other deities. However, a truly unique example merged in Haran first in 566 BCE, that of the depicting Sinbanipal as having two faces alongside the divine crown alongside himself standing straight and holding a great spear with both hands. The spear is pointed sharply and emits a boomerang aura from its tip that creates cracks of lightning. His four fabrics are two as black and two as a light grey, while his clothing his that of a full suit of scale armor painted grey and underneath a long sleeve black gambeson-like cloth. As will be discussed later, this depiction is displaying Sinbanipal as a combination of Ilawela and Adad. Above his crown however is a Great Crescent moon, depicting Sin as directing his path.

Babylon, the largest city in the empire and its center of highest culture. Babylon is the most important for the brother-king motif by the year 575 BCE, with many depictions of this in both reliefs and in statues. One such example is wherein the Brother Kings a re depicted in 573 BCE holding seals while standing with their backs faced each other. From the seals there emits an evil aura, which unlike the boomerang shapes in Assyria and the north, are depicted as deep cuts into the relief edging outward like rays. Scenes such as these displaying the power of seals and the power of magic are the primary motifs of the city of Babylon in this period. The only motif that compares equally is that of the gardening motif, which displays the Great Kings a great gardener of massive forests and of tending to trees alongside exotic animals. In the revamped palace of Babylon constructed by Dagon-zakir-shumi, massive amounts of botanical and exotic creatures are shown, all fawning over and being guarded by soldiers or by the Great Kings.

In other depictions in the palaces and in public reliefs, is that of a divine combination of Shamash and Marduk. Dagon-zakir-shumi in year 568 BCE is depicted in a public relief on a free-standing block in the market of Babylon as a man with the divine crown, a strong arm pointing to the sky holding a seal. His hand is golden while his skin is olive, the seal in turn emits the evil aura going outward in all directions. In his right hand faced upwards, he holds a measuring weight. The depiction placed in the main marketplace depicts the Great King as protecting the space for commerce with both justice and with his evil aura.

------------------------

We will continue to discuss this later, I think that you will have gotten a good idea of some aspects of the new and changing royal propaganda of this period. If you have any questions or comments on this, feel free to say so!
 
Last edited:
Its interesting to see the artistic expression of the new ruling ideology (if I had any artistic tallest I might try to make a version of some of these but, alas, I haven't drawn since I was a child).
I find it interesting how equal the brother kings are presented in these depictions. Isn't there any worry that this might lead to problems. What if the brother kings don't always feel so brotherly. It seems that if a faction wanted to act against the chief King this sort of thing could give a good point for disatisfaction to gather around if at some future point a borther King feels like it.
 
Its interesting to see the artistic expression of the new ruling ideology (if I had any artistic tallest I might try to make a version of some of these but, alas, I haven't drawn since I was a child).
I find it interesting how equal the brother kings are presented in these depictions. Isn't there any worry that this might lead to problems. What if the brother kings don't always feel so brotherly. It seems that if a faction wanted to act against the chief King this sort of thing could give a good point for disatisfaction to gather around if at some future point a borther King feels like it.

Not to worry, I do have someone who will compile in some time some of these examples, both from Sinsharishkun and from the reigns of Sinbanipal and Dagon-zakir-shumi. Thank you for the concerns and compliments though!

One reason why the brothers are depicted so equal, is fears of the civil war that nigh destroyed the realm during the reigns of Shamash-shuma-ukin and Assurbanipal. Considering that the civil war was predicated upon one king claiming authority over the other and not respecting each other's inscriptions, the brother-king motif indeed intends to harden the unity of purpose and destroy civil war possibilities. Furthermore, the Ten Fingers and Deification Faction, though they are greatly invested in Sinbanipal, at their root, they also wish to maintain a relatively pacific internal situation, too much turbulence over the thrones would see to a true destruction of palatial power and of the prowess of the generals of low birth, as nobles will become much more invested and powerful as arbiters of the crown. As would the priesthood not affiliated with Sin worship, as they coagulate into seeking to determine the election for themselves.

Regarding the final sentence, that is indeed a worry. Do not forget how the Ten Fingers chastised Dagon-zakir-shumi and have begun to fear him due to his brazen campaigns and warmongering. Their anger was subsided however by Sinbanipal whose preference to his younger brother remains. Also, as Sinbanipal has yet to produce a male heir, the heir to both thrones is Dagon-zakir-shumi and his first born son, Ariba-Adad, the situation thus is not as easy as they would make it seem.
 
Last edited:
Council of Kalhu Part 2 and Developments in Anatolia and Egypt
569-567 BCE



The death of Pirukamon of Bithynia and Anatolia in 569-568 BCE

The great king of the greatest of the Skudra states, Pirukamon, king of the Bithynian kingdom perished in the year 569 BCE. His kingdom had become great during his lifetime, straddling the Bosporus Strait, and composing the more fearsome armies in the region. His conclusion of treaties with Athens alongside secret treaties with the Governors of Hatti had protected his state and permitted his constant aggressive measures against the Odryssian and Lydian kingdoms to his south and southeast. His death led to a short-term series of conflicts between his sons.

The conflict between these four sons is mostly unknown. What is known, is that the Ankuwan Recollection (Assyrian chronicle in Ankuwa), reports that Kadashman-Shamash the Field Marshal and Lord in Hatti, sent a force of Cimmerian mercenary and Tabali warriors to Nikomedia to ‘assert despotism.’ In this sense, it would seem Kadashman-Shamash was playing a side in the civil war in Bithynia.

Regardless of the situation, Pirukamon’s eldest son, Pirukamon II was rapidly defeated and slain in Nikomedia by his second bother, Denzibalus. Denzibalus assumed kingship that year and then crossed the straits into Europe and battled against an army composed of his two brothers, Skerdalas and Zerbolum. Denzibalas dispatched both brothers and winning his conflict there, besieged Byzantion until he received an affirmation of submission from the city.

Denizbalas thus returned to Nikomedia and consecrating his reign, he embarked upon a series of southern raids against the Lydian kingdom under Alyattes. A by this period, time honored tradition in the Bithynian kingdom, the Bithynian army pushed south from Dorylaion, an increasingly husk of a city, into the lands inhabited by the Thyni a vassal of the Lydians. These raids incurred conflict with Alyattes who was defeated by Denzibalus in late 569 BCE. However, Denzibalus was unable to turn his gains into more and was forced to flee in December of 569 BCE after Alyattes recovered some of his power and rebuffed the enemy. Alyattes countered with a raid on the north using its Thyni vassals.

The Lydo-Thynian force was forced to retreat however before regaining only meagre morale rewards for having drove into enemy lands. Lydian hegemonic power was essentially on the extreme decline and the kingdom was having difficulties primarily due to its compromised position between the Skudra states and the Quintuple Alliance to the west and south. Too great an effort from any direction would incur issues in the front that they have left free.

A Crisis of Geopolitics

For Alyattes, the situation and its dire consequence was nigh unbearable. Constant attacks from the north were waged, whilst the Trmnyans (Lukka) meanced his borders alongside other members of the Ionian League. Furthermore, the recent campaign of Mukilu-Assur and his retainer Ninurta-shaknu-siriam displayed the hostility of Assyria should the Lydians not conclude submission. This issue meant that Lydia could only defend and offer short term resistance to its enemies, all while its population decreased and waivered from war exhaustion. Once hardened partisans of the reforms of Sadyattes even feared that the situation may be unbearable if the conscription pool is weakened any further.

Alyattes had many options for his position however other than to simply defend, however all were difficult. The first option would be to reaffirm the treaties with Sparta over the defeat in war in 585 BCE. A further reaffirmation would however come likely with further concessions, namely retribution and indemnities for the Ionian League and other Greeks who had been tortured, slain and had their enterprises confiscated by the royal estate. Leon I was a fearsome king and in Sparta, he was a famed warlord and would not take peace for no reason. Furthermore, much of Alyattes’ success has been garnered by gathering a hatred of Greeks within his kingdom. Further, Alyattes could not afford to take a weak posture to the Spartans, precisely due to their boldness increased by Egyptian alliance.

Another option is that of appeasing and paying regular tribute to the Skudra kingdoms to the north and east. Both were intolerable choices, and the Lydian state would only become the target of more attacks. Assyria and its hegemony were a third option; however, Assyria was infamous as an evil realm who tortured its vassals and drained them of all their resources, at least in the Lydian and Greek mindset.

At an impasse too was that the Athenian state across the Aegean who was unable to deal with the Lydian kingdom effectively in friendly terms due to its relation with the Ionians who still felt Athens to be a kindred realm. In the east, the Lydians knew somewhat of the Colchean kingdom but was unable to receive much information from this realm. It would seem that sooner or later that the Lydian kingdom would give way.

Ahmose II and the Egyptian Revival

Ahmose II, the young and famed king in Egypt had defeated the so-called Great King Dagon-zakir-shumi and humiliated the Assyrian realm by concluding a favorable peace deal with the empire. These gains were compounded by a series of strategic marriages of Greek brides to powerful dignitaries in Egypt from Sparta and Corinth, the most important of whom was a certain child of Leon I of 16 years of age. In Egypt, this princess arrived two years following Ahmose’s first regnal year. Upon arrival, she took the name Meshenximpt (the well born lady). Ahmose II made this lady his foremost wife and is said to have loved her greatly as his northern flower.

Ahmose II though he arose as a symbol of Egyptian patriotic fervor against the Assyrian-Phoenician influence in Egypt, his true aspirations were one of an Egyptian recovery in the same manner as that of Psamtik II and of Necho II of the XXVI Dynasty. Ahmose II to do this, made sweeping alliances and continued most of the agreements and policies of Psamtik II aside for no longer concluding tribute and submissive postures to the Assyrians. Instead, under a new regime, categorized as the XXVII Dynasty, took on a highly expansionist policy in all directions.

In 571 BCE, two years after his victory against Dagon-zakir-shumi, Ahmose II sent a grand delegation to the city of Syracuse and with that, marched his army south into Nubia. There, Ahmose II rebuilt fort after fort and solidified his control over the area by erecting monuments. His southern travels saw the defeated kingdoms of Meroe and Napata send him tribute as they had done earlier in the reign of Psamtik II. Ahmose II concluded his time in the south by outfitting a trading expedition to travel to the Land of Punt south of Meroe and also another delegation to travel to the land of Sabah to see to the former relations that Psamtik II had held with that aforementioned kingdom.

By 568 BCE, Ahmose II was once again back in Sais and overseeing an increasingly prosperous Egyptian kingdom that, more assured of itself than in prior decades, was improving in all fronts. Firstly, was the infusion of new methods of warfare in the form of a revived Egyptian line structure innovated by Ahmose II in coordination with Greek advisors at court.

This new structure was best represented by the recreation of an elite regiment of Household Warriors loyal to Ahmose II which were created in 570 BCE. Those chosen, were Greek, Egyptian and Nubian fighters of distinction in the infantry lines against the Karduniashi. These infantries were to be well outfitted, with heavy scale armor, alongside heavy iron helms with long spears and heavy short swords affixed to their side. A major point in the Egyptian army moving forward, is its affirmation of what could be called a Mediterranean style alongside the Greeks in opposition to a more northern and eastern style of the Assyrian sphere. That is, the continued wearing of sandals, skirts/robes and the lack of pants. Whilst the Assyrian army became noted as is described, for its adoption of a more northern appearance in apparel since the Mitanni invasion and thence afterwards, with the reign of Sinsharishkun, the so-called friend of the Scythians.

Ahmose II is also noted for implementing measures by which to integrate Hellenic settlers and mercenary into a general Egyptian levied army. The new policy saw levies accumulated from the Nomes (provinces) and from Greek colonists, who given the rights to settler the Delta region, were offered land and rights in exchange for military service of a male from their household. This system it seems was very familiar to the Greek settlers, accustomed to citizenship duties and as such, Ahmose II was able to discover means by which to harness these settlers and also enforce some standards upon them.

With certain beginnings of serious army reform made, Ahmose II was unable it seems at the time to achieve naval reform to his preferred designs. During Necho II, a large Egyptian nav y had been planned to be constructed in the Indian Ocean, alongside a canal and important port cities. This was also planned by Psamtik II, but neither were able to see to the fruition of this policy. Ahmose II put the construction of the Necho Canal on hold thus and also limited city structure in the east of his kingdom and focused more thoroughly on his diplomacy and inducing a better situation economically in Sais. Sais had already been heavily increased in population after the reign of Psamtik II and Ahmose II saw to do even greater by sending new envoys across Egypt and to Greece, requesting settlers to occupy his capitol city.

In regard to religion, Egypt was in a deep decline and changing period. Ahmose II records briefly in 569 BCE that:

“The son of Horus, Great is His Deeds and Mighty is His Land, hath made a rejoice for the Land is to be renewed. Long hath the festivals and the offerings to the prime deities been neglected in the Abodes, see to it shall I that this be rectified.” -Inscription in Sais



He was indeed correct further, Egyptian religion was changing in light of the decline of the New Kingdom, despite a short recovery under the reign of the Nubian XXV Dynasty. Under Ahmose II in his first regnal years, Egyptian religion had progressively become more aligned to localized animistic cults focused in smaller sized towns and away from mortuary temples and or the larger deities and their sites. Furthermore, not withstanding the continuation of royal propaganda, the population, and the royalty itself was much less focused upon divine royalty than in previous iterations of Egyptian rule. Much of this change was derived from a natural change wherein due to weakness of the treasury, no longer overflowing with loot and tribute, the royalty no longer could maintain the same level of splendor in religious ceremony. As such, it was more feasible to sponsor more localized village and township cults.

This religious decentralism was seemingly positive for the sake of harmony and of lowering state expenses. Indeed, Ahmose II and his records indicate a far lower expense on religious activities than the XXV Dynasty which attempted to revive such massive offerings. However, it also came at the expense of royal unity and a progressively less centralized state which lacked the ability to induce the same imperial might as preceding Dynasties. In 569 BCE, Ahmose II concedes to the changes seemingly, indicated by his gifting to smaller cults in a wider area, as opposed to larger sites and of his promotion of a wider syncretic belief system with his new Greek subjects entering the Delta. In 570 BCE, for instance, Ahmose II is depicted on a stele in Sais with a female deity identified as a combination of Isis and Demeter, that is the divine female who lords over the fertility, the Nile River and over the grains of the land. This turn to Isis, syncretic relations with Greek settlers and the local decentralized animism, would become the new trend in religious life through the entirety of the new XXVII Dynasty under Ahmose II.

The Duality Heresy Placed on Trial

In 569 BCE, the full council had taken shape after the preparation phases and the postponing of a general campaign which was expected to be held in 569 BCE. For the moment, the Head of the Guard, Ariba-Ninurta (the former retainer of Ipanqazzu) was placed in a temporary situational title called ‘Commander of the Hill Defense’ (a reference to Duranki) and the retainer of Sinbanipal, Takabu-Assur (Assur makes a ‘swoop’) was placed as interim commander of the Wing of Assur and ordered to conduct drills with the standing army and to raid villages of the rebels in Urartu who though defeated, were still causing trouble.

Other lands were ordered to cease their martial activities, something that was rejected by Cambyses I, who launched military actions against the Dahae to his north against the orders of the Head Sentinel Adad-apal-Duranki in 569 BCE. Adad-apal-Duranki himself had been invoking powers of his office in an attempt to control the Persian vassal to the east for sometime but to no avail, even bringing his worries to Dagon-zakir-shumi, who outright ignored the official. Adad-apal-Duranki, even wrote to the writers of the Kalhu Codex, revered scribes and traditionalists the following:

“Do forgive my recalcitrant tone but worries assail me daily and nightly as to the health of our great land of piety. What great lands and God have we, beyond measure in the universe, yet it is such that in this day officials who notice the danger beyond the back door are shunned and ignored. Meanwhile, those innovators from beyond the desert to the south are able to receive the ear of the Majesty in Babylon and share each the feasts and bestow upon each other they do the titles and honors. What a farce our Great Kingdom has become that men devoted to the Perpetuation of the Family are given little rest and driven from the palace as if he is a lowly foreigner who arrived seated upon a donkey. I write in sincerity to you, for you are the esteemed men of the Land, who know well the past and through the past we can discern the future. Each of you, who are of tenure, renowned in virtue and knowledgeable, may you grant me ease and give offerings to Assur on my behalf, for in this day of uncertainty, what need us most is the certain decisive kingship of the Great Whole Heaven.”


A letter of return was issued by the Kalhu Codex scribes to the effect of admitting to the poor situation and also reassuring him of the truthful eminence of the Great Gods, that the state have little to fear for the favor of the Great Gods come unto the mighty people who stand strong. Adad-apal-Duranki however facing considerable arthritis issues, retired and resigned in the year 567 BCE, to be replaced by his retainer and appointed successor (by Ten Fingers), a certain man who took the name Bulti-Ilawela (Ilawela is the cure). Bulti-Ilawela would continue a conservative tone in his reign and institute a series of new innovations to his occupation that would be attended to later.

Despite Persia, most of the other appendages to Assyria and the vassals submissive, remained unwilling to engage in war without the official approval of the high monarchs who refused to condone new conflicts. Considering this, the Council could begin freely without interruptions from war messages or issues related to this. Indeed, even if they were to come, the Ten Fingers saw fit to create an order of silence to sentries in the Assyrian triangle, forbidding news to reach Sinbanipal or the royal court.

As such, the trial began in earnest. The first topic of the council was to hear to the issues of the new heresy spoken of by the priests in relation to the new Duality postulation. This required first a framing. A member of the Ten Fingers, a man named Ebar-Sin (Sin is beyond) framed the issue in quite plain terms and in a simple manner.

Ebar-Sin holding aloft a cuneiform manuscript containing supposed quotes from the praise of the Duality by Ka’anshish-dugalu-Ishtar. This praise claimed according to the opinions of some, that the Duality was such that the deity exceeded the normal means of the Duranki:

“Praise be to She who hath revealed Herself, She is the Expectation of Duranki and the Embodiment of all things!”

Called to explain the matter was Traditionalist and Kalhu Scribal master, Arinnu-Adad (Adad is the well) who said approximately:

‘The late heretic (a not yet common word and took the people in attendance at surprise) proposes a great and disastrous lie. Espu-kappu, the scion of the late heretic, the abominable one has purported that there exists a duality of the divine. That the Divine exist not as a Host who rule over all things assembled by Duranki, but as a dual entity whose manifestation is that of Great Gods Ishtar and Gula. Their assertion that these two, embody all aspects of the Divine Host, thus replacing them and nullifying need for their worship and hence removal of their temples, palaces and communal devotion.’

This series of statements led the entire room despite the warnings of safeguarding to turn into a sea of murmurs and quiet and hushed voices. Many of the assembled priests had been unaware completely of the heresy or its ideas. Should one have not been in proximity to Arabia and immersed in duties of religious ceremony, you would have had little knowledge of the event. Some major cult centers such as Haran, the priests therein would have never even heard of the heresy, despite its fame in southern lands. Order was not called to the court despite the breach of custom primarily due to the shock momentarily of some of the Ten Fingers who hesitated greatly (emphasized in the Kalhu Codex, an intent to insult them).

After some time, the unfazed announcer ordered Espu-kappu to emerge from his seat and stand in the designated spot and perform a rebuttal and to defend his positions. Espu-kappu and his original words are somewhat interesting and are recorded in various sources in a romantic version or in the Kalhu Codex which heavily comments upon these words.

Espu-kappu entered his placement and gave a lengthy recollection of the foundations of the universe and the creation of humanity and the esoteric proofs for which his position is based:

‘In the beginning there existed but the two beings, Apzu and Tiamat. Tiamat, the Lady of the chaotic dance and Apzu, the passive presence of the abyss. The two whose natures existed as oppositions to each other, danced across the universe upon the face of the void. Their bodies never touching yet ever close in their mingling. For untold breadths of time did they dance among the void, before there emerged from their dance, an aberration, a change in the way of things.

Tiamat and her mate, Apzu existed as the approximate to Divine Power, yet they lacked a creative will, for their minds focused upon the dance upon the abyss. Unbeknownst to the dancers, a star emerged from amongst the void. In this star, stood the universe in its entirety and from it emerged the Zodiac and from it emerged the celestials, Enlil, Anu and Enki. The primordials (Enlil, Enki and Anu) who by their nature, began an act of creation constructing the walls of the Holy Mount of Duranki. The noise of creation excited ears of the mindless dancers. Apzu moved to check and ascertain the source of that which had disturbed him. Upon which, fearing the punishment for unwanted actions, the Primordials trapped Apzu upon his appearance at Duranki and slaughtered him. The death of a being such as he caused a ripple in the universe, upon which Tiamat, now alone and understanding of her role, became enraged and declared war upon the Primordials, thus beginning the war of the heavenly beings.

To consummate the war of the Heavens, Tiamat birthed forth a series of demon-gods who became her children and warriors. She placed as their leader, Kingu who was given a great spear which he held with two hands and he proceeded to make a call for war that frightened the Primordials for their numbers were lesser than their foe.

Yet in a time of need, there emerged from beyond the veil, a being beyond comprehension. She Was a Lady clothed in Divine Aura, an Evil Aura emerged from her hands and from her face, it could not be viewed and was shining with the intensity of the Sun yet in the form of the Morning Star. She spoke unto them with two simultaneous voices. Each the same word, yet in different tones, a splendid design. One soothing and one forceful, fearsome, and majestic. She said unto these assembled a word of assurance. That the Primoridal were to be protected, for Tiamat was her inferior and indeed, she told the assembled the truth, that She had created them.

This Lady of Two Voices was the Duality, a composite Great God, Gula and Ishtar united and never apart, the Mother and Slayer and the Creator and Destroyer. She is the counter to Tiamat and as Tiamat challenged her creative power, made evident in her creation of the Primordials the creative energy and servants of Her Divine Majesty. Her counter was the same as that of Tiamat, she constructed the Great Gods, Sin, Shamash, Nurgle, Ninurta, Marduk, Ilawela, Dagon, Adad and Naboo. She gave all of her symbols, Her power and authority to them as fighters in the coming battle.

Indeed, Good sirs, reconcile, Ishtar and Gula, the Divine Duality, possess all aspects of the Gods derived from her bosom. Regardless of this, the Duality, the Great Being, sent forth her children, the Great Gods who slew and defeated Tiamat in the field of battle. Afterward, the Great Being, the Duality contented Herself to allow Her children to reign supreme over Duranki, yet she remained the possessor of Divine Creation, symbolized by her creation of the Great God Dumuzid, her creation of humanity and her sole role in the ritual sacrifice of Ilawela, the most loyal servant of the Divine Duality.

Yet, our message is to reveal unto the world that the Duality, the Great Being has decreed that our ignorance be ended and that the time of deliberation be at end.’
-----------------------------------
(this is not a full text and not his exact words in tl, which I will discuss in romantic versions later, but my shortened version)

In short, the Kalhu Codex recorded that Espu-kappu is claiming multiple things that would be heresy to its compilers:

-Ishtar-Gula are a single entity.

-Ishtar-Gula precede the other Great Gods

-Ishtar-Gula created the other Great Gods

-Ishtar-Gula are intended to embody all of the aspects of the Great Gods

-All aspects of the Great Gods are derived from the source of Ishtar-Gula
-------------------------------------
The room emerged silent in the conclusion and its ramifications... Stern looks were fastened on the person who spoke and others were contemplating their meanings.


---------------------
Do forgive the long delay and the shorter and not as well made update. Matters have been busy, but indeed I will return to normal shortly. Next update (soon) will cover the reaction to the heresy from the attendants. To be clear, this will lead to a more ready and forceful notion of what the foundational myth of the Akkadian faiths is and a series of rules and laws set into stone if you will. All of which will be exciting and of great importance.
 
I find the more philisophical arguements for the religoius points of view interesting. Given that their doesn't exist at this point anything like an accepted canon of scriptures it will be interesting to see just how this Heresy is disputed (other than by force of course). Just what will be the authority that is appealed to to settle a religous dispute like this? Whatever it is it might have long term consequences as it may thus gain the status of being appealed to in future disputes.

I also find the increasing Egyptian closeness with Greece interesting. We had a similar mixing of Greek and Egyptian culture in otl of course but very much under greek dominance. It will be interesting to see the situation with native Egyptians retaining more power (presuming they do of course retain the power).
 
Last edited:
Announcement. 11.11.20
Greetings,

Do forgive the great slow turn for the timeline. We will be going on a short hiatus. We will recover the timeline after the date of the 10th of December. Around that time, the next update and possibly two more in the following days will come. In other words, we will be in a hiatus for the rest of the month of November.

Do forgive the inconvenience.
 
Report on the Proceedings of the First Council of Kalhu
569-566 BCE

The Duality Heresy Put Upon Trial

The presentation set by Espu-Kappu had shocked many in attendance and set back proceedings. Whilst the Kalhu Codex does not record the exact wordings of people who spoke after Espu-Kapu, the Kalhu Codex proceeds into a litany of evils of Espu-Kapu and his opinions. Most especially the denial of the Great Gods and a more interesting accusation; deception of the reigning monarch!

Regardless of what occurred, there was much argument in the Council following the speech. The Ten Fingers officiating lost control of the flow of events and feeling repressed, Sinbanipal enforced his will, namely by way of moving from his throne and taking control of the room and declaring his opinion. Whilst the Kalhu Codex simply calls the king confused and deceived by false piety, Sinbanipal exits the Council and declares Espu-Kapu an official at the court in Kalhu and promotes him to the position of 'Advisor of the Royal Court' a supposed advisory role to the king. In the months following the ascent, a series of factional divides emerged in the court whilst war was being prepared by Sinbanipal.

Where prior, the court was divided between three factions, a certain four way split emerged. Various lower nobles, mostly retainers at the court or low administers felt that their position could be rapidly raised by way of holding onto the quickly ascendant Espu-Kapu and as such, sought to increase their rank in the state. Espu-Kapu also began exerting a greater influence upon Sinbanipal who in the following two months showed signs of rejecting the models of bureaucratic governance influenced by the Ten Fingers and also from the overtly imposing mentality of the Traditionalists and Noble factions. According to extra Kalhu textsts such as the 'Babannu dinu hara Adantu' ('wondrous proceedings of the journeyed folk) written in 508 BCE, Espu-Kapu was a simple man who was called to duties and service to the Supreme Goddess and empowered with advice to the Great King for the improvement of Duranki. Whatever his true goals were, the rapidly evolving court of Assyria saw a changing situation in court as of 568 BCE and through the remainder of the following years as lower ranking generals, nobles and administers joined a smaller and new faction of pro-Espu-Kapu officials in court.

The faction possessed little in the way of new ideas aside for Espu-Kappu who sponsored his new religious dogma, rather it seems a creation and alliance of Espu-Kappu and Sinbanipal in the immediate aftermath of the first Council of 569-568 BCE. It focused thus on a combination of protecting the new religious community, Arab interests and also the personal interests of Sinbanipal. Arab interest in the sense that despite the origins of the Duality ideology within Karduniash, it gained much wider appeal in the last ten years within the newly conquered Southern Protectorate, with Arab chiefs adopting forms of Supreme Goddess worship in their clans, giving them attributes similar to local deities in their region and also the aura created by the Ishtar temple constructed in the city of Tima.

In the aftermath of the court, an unofficial council began in the city of Kalhu and nearby Assur under the leadership of Traditionalists. This council was called to bring various faction members and conservative priests from around Assyria to discuss various religious matters. These unofficial proceedings surrounded various topics of religious life and in particular asserting a particular dogma for which to protect some of their views. Whilst nothing came out of this council in the first years, the Kalhu Codex refers to it as the Perpetual Council and it continued on for many years as a club of sorts that eventualized into creators of serious religious change through assertion of dogma (this is a conversation for later).

Thus by the year 568-567 BCE, there developed four factions at courts in total, who often drifted between each other frequently and possessed intermediaries:

Traditionalists: The classical group, by 566 BCE, they came to be called by other factions as 'Perpetuals' (Darutunini) and were known for their staunch opposition to Espu-Kappu and their assertion of royal service, the devotion to the Great Gods wherein the king was simply a governor of their might and advocates of assimilation of foreign subject peoples. Further, the Perpetuals advocated for consistent aggressive expansionism and the destruction of provincialization in favor of greater accumulation of tributary and subject states. Made up primarily of merchants, conservative priests, many of the astrologer intellectuals, aspiring minorities, scribes, and most of the entire temple complex economies covering Mesopotamia.

Deification Faction: The group already widely discussed and by 568 BCE, had controlled the government as the dominant faction for the past twenty years. Often called the secularists (Kibrati, the worldly) by Perpetuals, they advocated a certain deified monarch who upheld a wider social order controlled by loyal generals and bureaucrats. Made up primarily of eunuchs, generals within many of the armies, guardsmen, most ethnic minorities and the majority of the high court bureaucracy associated with Sinsharishkun Reformism. They advocated lack of assimilation of foreign peoples, lessening of expansion, provincialization of the empire, the deification of the monarch and the expansion of palatial construction instead of redistributive measures.

Noble Faction: Often called the Alkakati or the gentlemen, were the faction representing noble interests and made up a heterodox group. The main facet of their faction was that the 100 Old Ones, that being the ruling nobles of Assyria, were to be protected in their estates and freed from royal interference. Further, they fought especially for the ability to wage annual campaigns with royal sanction and fill positions of governorship whilst maintaining their collection of kinsmen within the court to advocate in their favor. By 567 BCE, they were also the faction seeking to block the rise of retainers and low administrators and instead enforce a series of hereditary governmental posts, so as to protect privileges.

Faction of Espu-Kappu: Called the Ubaru (unwanted guest), the faction was made up of anxious retainers, lowly administers, Arabs and the influential Espu-Kappu and his allies in the Southern Protectorate. It was essentially a party with little serious goal except the agreement to whatever Sinbanipal sought to do and the improvment/protection of their constituents and allies.


The stage was set for a period of serious factional conflict and malaise in the Assyrian court, contrasted with the rise of competing regimes in nearby Egypt, Persia, Bactria, Greece and the Caucasian hill country.....

---------------
Sorry for the deep delay, I came into a difficult situation in terms of writing. Though rest assured, it is back! I hope you guys like this short update foreshadowing the future disunity and difficulties Assyria is to face.
 
Last edited:
Sorry for the deep delay, I came into a difficult situation in terms of writing. Though rest assured, it is back! I hope you guys like this short update foreshadowing the future disunity and difficulties Assyria is to face.
Happy to see this back! Don't worry, writing is hard and we all have to take breaks and delay sometimes - at least you didn't go dark for a year like I did on my story.

I did definitely like the foreshadowing in this update, Assyria has been riding high for a while now, and structural issues of governance and social-cultural trends are starting to show themselves in ways that can't easily be papered over with more campaigning.
 
Wait Espu-Kappu won! At least temporarily. I did not expect that. Although given the fact that the records are against him it seems his victory was not complete. Still this will allow the new faith to establish itself much more deeply. I have to wonder about the motives of Sinbanipal. Was he genuinely moved by Espu-Kapu's speech or did he simply feel it would be to his advantage to have a new faction entirely dependent on him in the court. (Similar to otl debates about the motives of Constantine in a way.)
 
Last edited:
The Marhashi Incident of 561 BCE and the Ascent of Cyrus II of Persia
566-559 BCE

Cambyses and the Persian kingdom increase belligerence



The years 569-566 BCE in the Indus Valley, the Arian River Valley and the surrounding areas was just as flammable as the years 578-575 BCE. The competition between multiple states took the greatest precedence.

The Kingdom of the Medes, straddling the southern Arian River who were refugees from the west and newcomers. Arriving in the years 603-599 BCE. Median power in the region had been on the rise since 576 BCE, however new disputes with the Persian kingdom under Cambyses to the west had hampered the efficiency of the kingdom. Nevertheless in 568 BCE, the Median king Ainyava succeeded in expanding the territory of his realm with an invasion into the deserts of Gedrosia. The Gedrosian lands were sparsely populated and where people resided, their towns and herders were linked more closely to the powerful Persian kingdom to their west, than in the relation to the upland Median kingdom in Drangiana. Ainyava pushed into these areas and with very little fighting, subjugated several tribes and captured five towns along the coastline of Gedrosia with a force of only 3,000 warriors. As a result of the conquest of Gedrosia, Perso-Median relations reached an all time low and frequent skirmishes began along their borders and Persia began attempting to contact the Kamboja state to the north of the Medes. In 567-566 BCE thus, a burgeoning Kamboja-Persian alliance began to emerge in the region, whilst a counter alliance formed against this one.

In the north in Bactria, the Dasha kingdom of Bactria under Xeshmi was riding high since 575 BCE with its occupation of the area. However, from 573-569 BCE, internal civil war reigned in the Bactrian kingdom upon the demise of Xeshmi in 572 BCE. Competing clans battled for supremacy across the Bactrian lands and opportunistic Dasha and Scythian clans from the north also migrated into Bactria to join the fighting. The records from Sinsharruderi in the Eastern Protectorate describe it as a period of chaotic anarchy within that land. Regardless, the clans ravaged the land and by 570-569 BCE, the clans had coalesced into two predominant factions of warlords, that of a certain ‘Warlord’ Gaorayana arrayed against a certain competing warlord named Sinah, who in 569 BCE waged a final series of war wherein Gaorayana emerged victorious and according to the Assyrain recollections, took the head of his foe and turned the skull into a drinking cup. Gaorayana united thus the Dasha in Bactria in 569 BCE and from 569-566 BCE, the Dasha became exceptionally aggressive, expanding in various directions.

Gaorayana in 568 BCE began launching ferocious raids upon Kamboja and thus idnrectly supported the Medes in their conquest of Gedrosia by distracting the Kamboja from the north. These raids were highly successful in the acquisition of loot and by 567 BCE, Kamboja had submitted to an annual tribute of slaves and foodstuff to the Bactrian Dasha kingdom. In 566 BCE also, Gaorayana struck in a large raid the Eastern Protectorate, wherein he defeated an Assyrian field army due to the defection of several thousand Cimmerian pastoralists who in turn migrated east into Bactria as allies of Gaorayana. After such as successful attack, Gaorayana proclaimed himself ‘King of the Grasslands, Taker of Immense Tribute.’ His fame became wide and in 565 BCE, the Median and now aged king Ainyava concluded an alliance with Gaorayana and provided the Dasha king with an annual tribute of goats, sheep and cattle, all of which were highly prized by the Dasha as symbols of wealth and prestige. The tribute received by the Dasha only increased however their voraciousness and Gaorayana raided east into the Tarim and accordingly to later sources, was defeated by an army of a confederation called the Gara around the ancient town of Kucha.

Counter to these newcomers, were the Kamboja state and the Gandhara kingdom, who would continually be locked in intermittent warfare with each other. Neither gaining advantage over the other, the Kamboja turned to the Indus valley tribes and the Catarjanau, a powerful pastoral confederation inhabiting the Punjab invaded the Gandhjara state in 567 BCE, and in 566 BCE decimated the Gandhara in the field of battle thrice and reduced the kingdom before a Kamboja invasion of Gandhara, which show the Gandhara king, Abjit dethroned and replaced by a council of nobles who were vassals under the Kamboja and Cattarjanau. The success of the Kamboja state however was critically reliant upon their transfer of tribute to the Kingdom of Bactria to its north and after the conquest of Gandhara, turned its eye to reducing the kingdom of the Medes and throwing off the tribute that they owed to Gaorayana. The Cattarjanau for their part in the Punjab, a collection of notables with the massive success of their campaign in the northwest, began a series of attacks on the other so-called ‘Five Races’ the various Vedic-Aryan tribal confederations in the northern Indus Valley, this would preoccupy their lords from 566-558 BCE. Thus by 557 BCE, the Cattarjanau had formed a tribal league of realms that ruled the entirety of the northern Indus valley in the Punjab excluding the Kashmir and the Gandhara kingdom to the northwest. This league however was frequently breaking into pieces and from 557-551 BCE, was ever in dire problems as the tribes and clans splintered along political factions supported by outlying kingdoms and ethnic interest. The result was however a model for a united Punjabi state, simply one that was hard pressed by rampant division, strong on the defense but due to disunity at home, weak on the offensive.

In the west however, the Kingdom of Persia was making great strides. With the Assyrian threat averted through nominal submission, the Median kingdom now a weaker easter foe, rather than a hegemonic northern enemy and with a new Elamite kingdom amiable to Persia, the king Cambyses oversaw an important period of increasing power for Persia from 570-564 BCE. In this period, Persian tribute to Karduniash reduced to approximately 1/5 of the original requirement. In 565 BCE, this led to a war-scare between Dagon-zakir-shumi and Cambyses but the Karduniash king was ultimately dissuaded by his advisors to ignore the slight in light of the power of Persia and the distance of a campaign. As such, Persia embarked on its own series of diplomatic expansions. Firstly the alliance to Kamboja which cemented an anti-Mede and anti-Dasha faction in the region which in 563 BCE, made good in the form of the Perso-Median war of 563-560 BCE.

Foremost as was mentioned in the Persian kingdin the later years of the reign of Cambyses I, was his moving further away from Assyrian vassalage due to internal issues in Assyria and Karduniash and of the distinct lack of respect that Persia came to hold for the Assyrian garrisons in the north made up of Cimmerian deportees. Furthermore, the continued Persian influence upon Elam was weakened by the rise of the Karduniash influence in Elam which saw the ascendancy of the Akkadian faction in Elam and finally, the rise of the ‘merchant kings’ in Elam, who were discussed in a prior update. Epiru-daru-Shamash, the Merchant King of Elam especially held poor relations with the neighboring kingdom in Persia. From 566-562 BCE, despite the two sharing borders and overlords, trade had declined rapidly according to Elamite toll roles and the two kingdoms moved ever more into a disastrous relation.

Reasonings for this abound, but likely have to do with the loss of influence of the Persian population within Elam, which were forced to flee from Elam after the reforms made by the new Akkadian estate lords and the merchant kings. Who, as was mentioned in the update on the Merchant Kings of Elam, transformed much of the rural population into slaves and ruptured the prior order which admittedly had been more or less complete chaos due to the Chaldean wars that had raged within Elam and neighboring Sumer under Karduniashi control.

Increasingly thus, Persia moved overtly from the sphere of the Dual-Monarchy and towards that of an independent eastern state. Few mor than the Perso-Median war display this reality.

After many years at peace, war was resumed in the eastern fringes of the Eastern Protectorate. After years of mutual raids, the Kamboja state openly attacked the Medes and calling their ally in Persia, engaged in an open war with the Median kingdom along the Arius river and in Gedrosia. In the year of 563 BCE, the Persians made their strike upon the Medes, according to Ishme-Assur who perished in the year 562 BCE, whence the records resume again with Shemu-Ninurta. According to the records of Sinsharruderi, the Persian king Cambyses broke with custom and attacked without approval of his master, the King of Karduniash and thus was liable to incur an infraction.

An infraction was supposedly gained by striking the Medes in the land of Arius and Drangia during the 563-562 Persian campaign in these regions, which saw the Persians push back the Medes and capture several locals along the Arius river whilst also dispatched an army towards Gedrosia in early 561 BCE. After the infraction had been gathered, Shemu-Ninurta angered after his envoys to Persia were consistently ignored, rallied an army of supposedly 7,500 warriors and marched from Sinsharruderi to arrest Cambyses whilst sending a letter to the Ten Fingers and to his ally, Epiru-daru-Shamash the governor and ‘king’ of Elam. According to letters exchanged, Shemu-Ninurta requested aid from Elam should the Persians resist and requested that they send an army of deportees to strike the Persians from the west, whilst he attacked from the north. The response from Epiru-daru-Shamash though never reaching Shemu-Ninurta, rejected any plans of assistance or war with Persia and simply sent a letter rejecting the plan to the border, where it was confiscated by a Persian raiding party and sent to the king of Karduniash.

Bypassing Elam, Cambyses sent a letter to Dagon-zakir-shumi decrying the action of aggression from Shemu-Ninurta and then taking responsibility for defeating him in battle, which he did. Early in the year of 561 BCE, Shemu-Ninurta striking southward into Persia was defeated decisively in battle, barely escaping with his army before in a tragic set of events, was faced with a mutiny and then killed by his deportee army of Aramaens and Cimmerians, who declared on of their bannermen as ‘King of Marhashi’ named Agu-Sin (Sin is the wave) a Cimmerian warrior and chief who took the title readily and gathering an army of up to 11,000, marched upon Sinsharruderi.

Medo-Persian war 561-559 BCE

Whilst overt rebellion had emerged in Marhashi or the Eastern Protectorate, the Persians after defeating Shemu-Ninurta had lost their gains on the Arius river, but by the end of 561 BCE, had captured much of Gedrosia. However, in the north, the war had turned poorly for their allies, with the Medes decisively defeating Kamboja in battle and making rendezvous with a Dahae army from Bactria, struck the city of Kamboja itself and capturing it and looting the city, appointed a puppet council as Median vassals.

The war thus went from a more complex conflict to a direct Perso-Median war. Much of the failures to stop the fall of Kamboja had to do with the Persian focus upon Gedrosia and the Median armies’ sacrifices in Gedrosia, pulling their tribal allies northward to make war in Kamboja, leaving Gedrosia to fall quickly to the Persians. The result, Persia, had overtly chosen its selfish goals over the sanctity of its alliance and suffered the consequence. Nevertheless, the Persian kingdom had a major benefit on its side, a particular skilled prince.

The son of Cambyses I, a certain Cyrus had been given command of the Persian army of 21,000 fighters and led them with a fearsome skill. He had a certain burning ambition and a great fighting spirit who in later years will be regarded as the great scourge in the Kalhu Codex and in other Akkadian sources, as the savior and a figure of high regard and rank.

Leading the army of 21,000 forward, Cyrus, despite his young age defeated the Medes in battle decisively along the Arius river and pushing forward engaged in a fearsome battle against Ainyava and a Dahae army, and after according to later source, a battle of four days, slew a Dahae commander with a bow and riding on horse, with strong bow, delivered the heads of 27 Dahae and Mede warriors to the chariot of his father Cambyses I, who had been watching the battle from a nearby hill. The battle was a victory for the Persians but one at great cost. The Persians lost a significant force, but had in the melee slew the Dahae commander, an unnamed man and injured the already aging Ainyava, king oof the Medes, who defeated and injured, was forced to submit to the Median council seeking peace and the election of an heir to the Median people.

The peace was quite simple, with the Dahae driven from the field and their army deserting to flee north, alongside the injury of Ainyava, the Median war council had a free hand to adjudicate a peace and did so. The Medes conceded all of Gedrosia to the Persian kingdom and recognized the payment of an annual tribute of horses to the Persians and more egregious, was forced to revoke their alliance with Gaorayana, the king of the Bactrian Dahae. This all was completed by around late 560 BCE.

Death of Cambyses I and the Ascent of Cyrus II

Cambyses I already relatively ill and aging, passed in late January of 559 BCE and was succeeded without issue by his heroic son Cyrus II. Cyrus II had already gained immense fame in the war with the Medes and thus was respected and widely beloved by the military and by the priestly classes. His first year, was embroiled in controversy however as the fallout of 561 BCE and the death of Shemu-Ninurta came to be felt in the west.

Aside for these issues, Cyrus II in his first year, began making regular inscriptions in Akkadian rather than Elamite and issued a standard set of weights and measures which had already likely been pioneered by his father Cambyses I and his grandfather Cyrus I. Likewise, his first year was upon a growing seat of importance for Persia and his kingdom made moves in his second year to assert the power of his realm against all incomers and to more thoroughly undermine the increasingly brittle Dual-Monarchy to the west.

The Marhashi Incident of 561 BCE

The death of the Ten Fingers appointee Shemu-Ninurta had only been heard in Kalhu after the army of Agu-Sin had set the countryside around central Marhashi into the flames of rebellion. Shemu-Ninurta had been the first appointee of the Ten Fingers in the Eastern Protectorate without the approval of the Great King and had been one of their hopeful champions at curbing the prior influence of the Traditional faction in Marhashi and maintaining the status quo therein. His death was taken with severe consequences on the already rebellious king.

Sinbanipal had since the council of Kalhu taken a firm dislike of the Ten Fingers and thus split the Deification camp into what could be called Palatials and Royalists, the former supporting the Ten Fingers and the later supporting the king. This faction split was further complicated by the Ubaru faction led by Epu-Kappu who essentially from 565-560 BCE, were the ‘yes men’ of the Sinbanipal restoration. Most of these dislikes emerged from Sinbanipal refusing to permit the Ten Fingers the roles that they had prior enjoyed, namely the appointment of officials and the appointing of palace guards, all of whom became issues of contention. In 563 BCE, the king and the Ten Fingers engaged in a quarrel according to the Kalhu Codex over the appointment of a Captain of the Palace Guard, which led to Sinbanipal reportedly slapping and kicking to the floor one of the eunuch envoys of the Ten Fingers who beginning in 564 BCE, had relocated to a nearby temple of Sin for their place of operation for fear of a place coup against their persons.

Thus, the death of Shemu-Ninurta, who was covertly appointed as Eastern Protector and the news relayed to Sinbanipal led to an eruption of anger in the court, with Sinbanipal issuing angry replies to the Ten Fingers and summons ordering. Meanwhile, the Ten Fingers had already made their move and appointed covertly through their contacts a military general of the Palatial faction named Kadu-Ishtar (Ishtar guards) who was dispatched to the land of Mania to rally the army and allies to destroy he rebellion and ensure the remnant of Ten Finger power in the Protectorate. This became more complicated by Sinbanipal appointing his own Protector General named Kullu-Dagon (Dagon held it together) who was also dispatched to gather the forces to subdue the rebellion in Marhashi.

The situation was thus coming to a final head with the Ten Fingers engaged in a deadlock struggle with the Great King and likewise a disastrous Marhashi incident.



------------

Next update we will go deeper into the court politics leading up to this and draw a clear line of the occurrences and make it more clear the dispute between Sinbanipal and his former eunuch allies in the palace.
 
Let's hope that Sinbanipal doesn't have as much trouble with his eunuchs nas the Chinse emperors often had. It's interesting to hear that the deification faction is splitting.
 
Let's hope that Sinbanipal doesn't have as much trouble with his eunuchs nas the Chinse emperors often had. It's interesting to hear that the deification faction is splitting.
So are you rooting for Sinbanipal? Admittedly, his whole sitting in the palace and attempting to dictate is not the Assyrian custom... He is effectively angering Traditionalists by ruling from the chair rather than the saddle and also displeasing the Eunuchs by actively rejecting their privileges. Frankly, Sinbanipal is putting the Assyrian kingdom at major risk.
 
Hm, situation to the east seems suitably complicated. I'm always somewhat surprised to see polities in India have significant interactions with those outside, but I really shouldn't be. Also, kinda getting the weird feeling that we're going to get a temporary Achaemenid Assyria. Certainly wouldn't be the first time Assyria ended up with a foreign monarch who ends up going native for the most part. Heck, one could argue that's how the original Assyrian kingdom got started, unless I'm mixing up my dates again.

Well, either way I'm looking forward to seeing where you take this.

So are you rooting for Sinbanipal?
I'm rooting for Assyria to not violently implode and leave the post-Kassite Babylonians/Chaldeans to carry on the Akkadian legacy. Because we all know they can't be trusted to last even a century. If that's manifest in Sinbanipal increasing royal power at the expense of the bureaucracy and nobility, in either the bureaucracy and/or nobility chastening him, or in a new dynasty coming to power in Nineveh, I'm for it.
 
Last edited:
The Nominal Deposition Part 1
566-559 BCE



The Division of the Deification Faction and the Battle of Tradition



The events that occurred at the Council of Kalhu were of extreme importance to the Assyrian monarchy and the event would be the primary impetus in a series of court disputes that emerged following the Council in the years 566-561 BCE. At the Council of Kalhu, Sinbanipal, who had in most of his reign, focused upon trivial matters of ceremonial warfare, successes in Media and adhering to the advice of his court, broke with his precedent by asserting himself in the Council by supporting Epu-Kappu, the representative of the Duality heresy. Whilst the Duality heresy was accepted into the court and legitimized the new ideas, no radical changed in the general operation of cultic practices in Assyria. However, in outlying territories, the change was understood by 565 BCE, seen in the form of Arab chiefs, already preferent to the ideas of the Duality of a feminine mother-war deity began to openly change their Akkadian given names to ones including references to the composite deity of Ishtar-Gula. Names such as Belu-hinus (She is Lord), Agirtu-apat (Mistress holds the reins), Shidu-shakanu (Two is united), etc… The duality also appears to have become common in Moab or at least noticed by its king, Dagon-ana-shezub, who sent a letter to Sinbanipal recorded in court records as:



“Great King, heir of the Divine Mistress, might thee glory be bright as the eastern sun and furious as the cyclone!



The servant to your great kingdom does grant unto thee a recollection of the soldiers allotted me and those I am obligated to allot to you and are included in the auxiliary message for your lordship to review. In accordance with the celebration of your might and fearless spirit, this humble king, Dagon-ana-shezub, does send you in excess of what is required as a gift from my humble abode to your ascended majesty.”




Regardless of this change seen in much of the southwestern parts of the Assyrian hegemony, the majority position was one of ambivalence to the religious ideas, especially among the bureaucracy, however among the ruling elite, the situation was tenuous. The Ten Fingers, and the deification faction had always existed in opposition to the Traditionalists and the Nobility and operated under the aegis of Sinsharishkun. It combined elements of high royalists, who sought to deify the monarch and also contained individualists who sought to increase the power of eunuchs and another lowly military and civil officials. Further, the deification faction included minority populations and the deportee units that had come to dominate since the Iron Age’s early years, each of these deportee populations possessing masters over them as ‘overseer’s who disliked the conception of assimilation and integration as such would diminish the power of these overseers to make revenues by hiring out state-controlled slave/deported populations for various works.

The deep diversity of the deification faction was disturbed as one could imagine by the assertion of the will of Sinbanipal in the palace beginning at the Council of Kalhu. Sinbanipal we may suspect was a man who was already long chafing under the dominion of his overseers in court and in the Council, found his way to recover royal power and assert a sort of royalist absolutism. Initially, this did not split the deification faction, but increasingly as the great king began to overturn and depose Ten Finger appointees, the harmony of the Assyrian throne was ruptured.

In the year 565 BCE, the squabbles between the eunuchs and the king had led to a definitive division in the deification faction. One side stood firmly as the so-called royalists, joined primarily by Ariba-Ninurta, the head guard of Assyria. This royalist faction was made up of the Wing of Nurgle and the army commanded by Ariba-Ninurta and then holding allies in the small party of upstarts and Arabs, the Ubaru party led by Epu-Kappu, the heretic. Meanwhile, the other side represented as the palatials, led by the Ten Fingers and the commissioners involved most closely to the deportee populations and of the general eunuch military and civil officials. The divided factions often agreed on many points, but the vocal point of dispute was the appointment of different vacant positions that emerged in rapid succession.

In the year 565 BCE, a record number of major positions perished and left a wound in the country. Kanisratu-balutu-Assur, the Palace Herald died in early 565 BCE; shortly thereafter, the governor of Haran, a certain Sin-batanu (Sin is the inner being) and left a vacancy. Traditionally the Great King would have made the appointments by official decree, but following the reforms of Sinsharishkun, this policy had been undertaken by civil officials who inside their places of power in the palace lobbied potential candidates and decided on appointments based upon what amounted to a form of palace democracy where officials placed their candidates and struggled to acquire supporters. The Great King’s role was simply to agree to the proposed position and at times, even less so and the agreement came by the proxy of seeking the nameless agreement from the ‘seal of Assyria’ which once placed on the throne of the king in Kalhu, was seen as the king in proxy.

This display of symbolism would be expanded in later times, but in the year 565 BCE, was little more than an attempt by court officials to, by using the popular religious views regarding the personage of the Great King being bodily present in the Royal Seal, to appoint officials and make legislation without having to petition the Great King directly. Once the more empowered Sinbanipal learned of these practices, he began to reduce their actions, the first of which was deposing appointees and using Ariba-Ninurta, appointing governors without knowledge of the Ten Fingers. In 565 BCE, in both cases of the appointees to the Palace Herald and to Governor of Haran, the Ten Fingers initially appointed candidates who were then immediately deposed by the army of the Qing of Nurgle which weas sent in expectation of the appointments, with each of the appointees beheaded and set alight, as the Great King’s army appointed in Haran Assur-aru (Assur made ready) and in Palace Herald, Anu-dishpu (Anu bloomed, as in he became Assur).

The news spread to Kalhu caused panic in the court and the Great King made his wrath known by slaughtering 100 eunuchs who were implicated in the appointment without the notification of Sinbanipal. Shock of the event caused uproar among some of the court who quietly battled each other in hallways with heated yells out of the earshot of the Great King and the Ubaru faction alongside royalists came to be ascendant by the end of 565 BCE. However, the Ten Fingers were not finished and in 564 BCE, retreated to the Grand Temple to Sin within Niniveh and sought refuge with their ally, the mayor of Niniveh and Head Chamberlain of Assyria, Assur-Shalushtu, the representative of the noble faction in court. With protection in Niniveh, a cold war ensued between the Great King and the Ten Fingers, with other factions and polities seeking to curry favor for the faction that provided them the greatest benefit.

As it played out, the cold war of the factions set into a lull after the fires of 565 BCE, mostly fixated upon constant assassination of officials and attempts to assassinate the other party leadership or opposing generals. The period is called the ‘cutthroat era’ by the Kalhu Codex and is lambasted as the era of degeneracy and cruel evil, as the court indulged in severe factionalism and hid their hatred for the opposing faction with sweet words. According to the Kalhu Codex further, hundreds of officials were put to the death by the Great King and hundreds likewise assassinated or lynched under auspices by the Palatial faction. Amid this factionalism, three full years went by without a single campaign and the kingdom verged on rebellion as the annual redistribution and gifting to the populace, merchants and the elites had failed to occur.

In late 562 BCE, the Kalhu Codex reports two riots of the city populace within Assur and one in the city of Dur-Sharrukin, each were brutally crushed by the Wing of Nurgle, angering the local priesthood, the traditionalists, and the traditional nobility. In order to counter this, the Kalhu Codex mentions the arrival of an army of Arab and Chaldean warriors into Kalhu to service the Great King.

All the while, during the factionalism and the riots in Assyria in 562 BCE, the Karduniash kingdom under Dagon-zakir-shumi reveled in the decline of his brother and began to take seriously the advice of his court members who urged him to take a greater initiative in the empire at large and assert himself as the chief king. According to the Kalhu Codex, the Babylonian streets, ‘filled to the brim with evil and disgusting speech, levied secret envy to the throne above all and practiced treachery in every breath of their existence.’

In the Levant, Ithobaal III perished in 562 BCE and was succeeded by his son as Baal IV, King of Tyre and defacto leader of the Phoenician city states. Baal IV was an extremely astute king and wise in all ways and continued his father’s policy of consolidating the Phoenician states into an alliance of vassal states under Assyria and ultimately using the aura of Assyrian might to project Phoenician mercantile interests. In this matter, the prior king Ithobaal III was assisted enormously by the Ten Fingers, who favoring less assimilation and seeking a more stabile and solid empire, brought great benefits to Ithobaal III. Thus, Baal IV upon his ascent made overt support to the Ten Fingers through his letters to the governors of Syria and the Field Marshal of Assyria, Kadashman-shamash ruling the entirety of Hatti. Many of the Levantine generals also favored the Ten Fingers, most notable all the army Wings stationed there. While the Field Marshal seemed to play both sides until the very last moment, despite his traditionally partisan nature to the noble faction.

Aside from these examples and the obvious support of Moab to the Great King and his granting of greater numbers of levies to the Great King for quelling the riots, most of the vassal states remained untouched by the factionalism. Urartu, carrying the title of the Great Protectorate, was anything but great. Whilst the rebellions had been crushed in the east, the kingdom was in dire straits economically and militarily, the army was dependent upon Assyrian garrisons to protect them from Scytho-Colchean raids and skirmishes. Due to the weakness of the Urartu state, the kingdom had little ability to weigh in on the factionalism occurring in Assyria proper and there exists no indication of the opinion of Ishpuini II on the matter until much later.

Anatolian Shakeup

Kadashman-Shamash and the governate of Hatti from the years beginning in 566-562 BCE, began to steadily acquire further independence of action from the Ten Fingers or the Great King’s personage. Already within Hatti the Marshal of Assyria had been appointing local officials or importing deportees, slaves and officials from Assyria, Aram and Karduniash, but prior to the Council of Kalhu, many of these appointments were made with a ceremonial agreement in an annual statement of the Great King’s seal, which nominally approved all candidates chosen by the Governor pending upon deposition. Even the formality of this annual permissive statement became unessential as the feuding increased in Assyria.

The Hatti Governate in these years, seemed perfectly happy to maintain that status quo too, as the Wing of Adad remained firmly stationed in Hatti and embarked on several raids and skirmishes in the region. Most notably, the Hatti Governate in cooperation with the Wing of Dagon and House Damashu and the Phoenician potentiates of Quwe, launched a series of important raids into the Skudra states of the interior of Anatolia. These raids had the effect of destabilizing an already beleaguered series of Skudra tribes outside of the great Skudra kingdom of Bithynia.

Ninurta-shaknu-siriam the retainer of House Damashu and Kadashman-Shamash-, led a force of 7,000 into Odyrssian kingdom of Anatolia in the year of 564-563 BCE, then ruled by Pridabalas. Previously, the king Pridabalas had managed to secure some minor victories over Assyria and after the succession crisis in Bithynia and a period of peace with Lydia underway, had become more aware of how to defend the territorial borders of his realms against that of Assyria. Thus, when news of an advancing Assyrian army had been heard, the army of Pridabalas gathered a massive force of 20,000 warriors from the tribal elites of the region and more prominently, forced levies of peasants from rural villages and homesteads, who had become virtual tributaries of the Skudra in the area.

While this army was substantial and is mentioned as 20,000 by Assyrian sources and as a large force in Greek accounts, the Skudra were ascertained of their victory. Instead of a victory however, the Skudra were soundly defeated in a massive defeat. According to the Greek historian Herodotus, who was informed as he said, by a local oral tradition, the Assyrian cavalry, armed heavily had surprised the Skudra in in the field and whilst the Skudra nobles, armed on horseback and fearsome on foot remained brave, approximately the majority of the Skudra army fled the battle in the early scenes, fleeing to the countryside in desertion prior to the start of the battle, leaving the Skudra army significantly smaller. The result was a true disaster, Pridabalas, the great defender of the Odryssians was slain in the field, supposedly by the retainer and growing hero, Ninurta-shaknu-siriam and burned after the battle by the Assyrian forces supposedly as an offering to Nurgle. The smaller Assyrian army had in a quick and inconsequential campaign, devasted the Skudra power in central Anatolia and the death of the Odryssian king, led to the rise of a series of counter chiefs and rulers who claimed to be kings of the land. The kings and rising chiefs emerged near immediately after the news emerged, often by way of fleeing Skudran warriors who spread news of an Assyrian invasion.

“Assur led the force, I followed. Assur and his brothers, Ninurta and Nurgle, swarmed the land of the Skudra in the land of Lut and they savaged the land. This one, upon direction of His exalted lords, slew the enemy and flung their carcasses upon heaps of flames as an offering to the Exalted Lord Nurgle and his heavenly host, who by his power, permits this meagre warrior to punish the sinful and bring order unto chaos. At the order of my masters and through their direction, I smashed the altars, set flame to the wooden idols, infested their homesteads with the woes of defeat and sent forth the aura of the Great Gods to their people. Their people divided and dispersed were driven forth and Assur deemed the year such that loot was to be plenty and that order was to be reserved for another year.” -Kadashman-shamash inscription of 563 BCE

The statement of Kadashman-shamash indicates that the Assyrian army was unable to tame the area and annex it but was nevertheless successful at taking the loot and ravaging the land. Ravaging they did do, and order was the opposite creation of the Assyrian pillaging. As the death of the king of the Odryssian became clear, in 562 BCE, a serious fracture of the Odryssian associated tribes emerged as different chiefs took control of different areas and asserted their power in different leagues and alliances and immediately began battling each other over land, feuds and hegemony. Alongside this, increasing flight from the region by the local Anatolian population further depopulated the region as Lydia began to receive massive numbers of refugees just like in the initial Skudran invasions. This in turn empowered Alyattes, who beleaguered at home, finally found a stable branch to hold onto.

Alyattes for his part beginning in 562 BCE, made overtures to support different chiefs in Lukuwana (Lycaonia and Galatia) and began to create a system of alliances with those that would be willing to seek Lydian protection in exchange for service. In this affair, the Tytheni Skudra, which ahd submitted to Lydian vassalage a decade ago had been of great instruction and the Lydian government, no longer ignorant of how to divide the Skudra came to be skilled at dividing them and engaging in diplomacy.

At home, Alyattes was dealing with terminal issues related to the reforms of Sadyattes and his royalization of massive amounts of the economic affairs of the capitol in at Sardis. The strain on the bureaucracy was the most potent issue with the reforms and while Alyattes had made much progress in moderating the excesses and tyranny of his father, some work remained to be done. In rural areas, the nobility had been to a large degree purged in many areas and the rise of the royal state had emerged as the dominant factor in societal organization. The royal estate was a collection of autonomous villages organized on a shared communal farmland owned by the king and overseen by royal representatives. This level of control had by 559 BCE, developed into a general and standardized corvee and state control over peasants in a sort of serf-like relation. Slavery on the other hand had come to be rare in Lydia, due to the program whereby excess refugee population were pushed into rural villages under royal supervision and due to the loss of trade links to the sea where slave traders purchased slaves amply from pirates or from the Greek world. Refugee and food production became a major cause for fear thus and famines were likely common.

To combat these issues, Alyattes began in 562 BCE, doubling down upon his father’s tactic of converting refugees and disgruntled peasants into large and desperate field armies led by captains and sending these forces into exterior fortifications on the frontier or into hapless raids into enemy territory. These types of actions were of use in defending the frontiers, but such soldiers were of little use against the Skudran when united. Yet, with the Skudran divided in the east, such large armies may enjoy a greater amount of success and Alyattes began enjoying such wars on his east against Skudra and by 558 BCE, had defeated several tribes on the border and reintegrated these areas and even recaptured the city of Ikkuwaniya, the former capitol of the Odyrssian Skudran kingdom.

With these successes, refugees were resettled in the east and the territory enlarged. The price of these victories however was the formation of a collection of formerly allied Skudran chiefs ruling the lands of northern Lukuwana and eastern Lukuwana on the border with Assyria. Additionally, the expansion troubled the king of Trymnya (Lukka) who sent a preserved letter to king Leon I of Sparta in 559 BCE which was received by his heir Anaxandridas II saying:

The king of the Lydians has remerged as a threat… We call to our ally in the land of Sparta to oversee the matter, for the people of the Luka are expecting of a reprisal from the Lydians. The King of the Lydians, has captured the city of Ikonium and pressed the borders strongly and should the king of the Lydians be given a free hand to capture as he pleases, the land will not be permitted to be set to peace, nor shall the order be made in the land. As such, to our brother and loving friend, Leon, king of the Spartans, we do seek the aid to this matter.”

The stage was set thus for a second conflagration in Anatolia between Sparta and Lydia alongside their respective allies.

In the north of Lydia however, matters were primarily European. The Bithynian king had seemingly been at war in Thrace itself, perhaps against rebels and or invading Dacians. Greek records seemed to indicate that the Bithynian king was waging war in Europe and hence the trade in Asia was tranquil and good and the port at Nicomedia was opened as was Byzantion for enjoyable relations as the Skudra tended to be amiable when at war and intolerable at peace.

While Anatolian politics shifted, the situation in Assyria by 561 BCE, had reached a further deplorable status.

The Nominal Deposition of 561 BCE



The feuding at court between the Ten Fingers and the Great King reached a fever pitch by the years 562-561 BCE as the two were holding what amounted to counter courts, with neither willing to budge. The Ten Fingers had grown entrenched in their position and refused to give ground to a king for whom they had created, sustained, and made solvent; meanwhile, Sinbanipal refused to submit for the sake of his renewed royalist spirit. On the sides of this emerging conflict, was lingering foes on all sides of the Assyrian kingdom and powerful commanderies in the various Wings, commanded by autonoumous nobles and or eunuchs.

When the Marhashi Incident began and the rebellion of Persia virtually a reality, the Great King, blamed the Ten Fingers and issued a decree to arrest the Ten Fingers and also, disastrously, the Mayor of Nineveh, the Chamberlain of Assyria, Assur-shalushtu… The sudden change in personality and the rage of the Great King shocked some but energized others as servants of the king who had awaited his return to authority happily decreed his orders in the city of Kalhu calling for the arrest of the tyrannical bureaucracy and the deposition of the Chamberlain of Assyria.

Furthermore, Sinbanipal made an order to have the rogue Kadu-Ishtar the Ten Finger’s appointed Protector of the East captured and beheaded and Sinbanipal ordered Kulu-Dagon, the royalist Eastern Protector to gather an army of levies and destroy the Marhashi rebels before they could conquer the remainder of Marhashi-Media. The setting was now a imminent civil war within Assyria and an ongoing rebellion in Media and Persia. situations had taken a radical turn for the worse in the empire, indeed.
 
Looks like the cauldron, having simmered long, is on fire once more. The events of the coming shakeup will be most interesting to observe!
 
Any predictions for the near future?
Admittedly I am not the most intensive scholar of the timeframe, but based on what has gone on in the story I have a number of ideas as to what could happen:
  • Babylon, long a bastion of religious and cultural traditionalism, taking the division of the Assyrian court as its chance to finally throw off the suzerainty of Aššur. There are a lot of factors at hand encouraging this - the longstanding argument as to whether Marduk (and Babylon) or Ashur (and Aššur) is prime in the pantheon, the present state of religious division in the Assyrian religious platform in addition to that, and the unprecedented reformism in everything from script to the nature of divine conquest, the list goes on. Whether it leads to Babylon keeping the present Akkadian dual-monarchy apparatus intact and simply shifting the center of gravity to Karduniash, or the re-establishment of an independent neotraditionalist Babylonian polity (a la the Neo-Babylonian Empire that has not [yet] occurred ITTL), is less certain. Even any successful independence or power shift is not assured to happen, though I think there will be powerful stirrings at the least.
  • Likewise, the Governorate of Hatti might well end up breaking its links to Mesopotamia and establishing a new independent Anatolian-Akkadian polity. I don't really know what policy such a breakaway state would have towards cultural identity (whether it would attempt to impose an Akkadian identity over the region, or adopt a more mixed identity as a successor to the old Kingdom of Hattusa), but regardless of that it would be poised to dominate the plateau/peninsula and re-establish the geopolitical position of the late Hittites no matter its self-identification.
  • In terms of states that already have independence, Egypt might make some moves to re-establish a Levantine/Phoenician buffer territory. How successful they might be at this is questionable, but given the seeming modernization/modification of the military by Ahmose II, they might be able to make waves by virtue of the Assyrians not having adapted to the new capabilities of their old opponent. If we assume that both this and both above predictions end up coming to fruition in some case, we are suddenly starting to see a geopolitical climate curiously reminiscent of that seen in the latter Bronze Age rise anew in the Eastern Mediterranean...
  • I feel it's safe to say that the Persians and/or Medes will have success in carving out niches in the East, but I really don't know enough about either Persian history or the ITTL climate there to say further. What I can say about Assyrian vassals is that I think that Urartu will remain in Assyrian orbit, and moreover might become even more integrated within the imperial framework. There is still Colchis in the north to worry about, and assuming they don't manage to fully overrun the Caucasian/East Anatolian territories overseen by Assyria (which is a hard ask at any point in history, not in the least the Iron Age), I think Assyria's faith in lending vassals so much autonomy will be shaken enough that they decide to crack down on outlying independence once the dust settles.
This civil war could bring about some kind of religious-based schism between Assyria proper and the Southern Protectorate/Arabian territories, but at this point I can't really say.
 
Last edited:
Top