The Bullet that was never fired: An Alternate India TL

Election of 1991
"The election of 1991 was a turning point in the history of India. From it confirmed the birth of a new India, coinciding with the Cold War's end. Now, India's right commanded a strong voice, demanding both economic reform and an emphasis on the indigenous Hindu culture. Now longer was it merely a coalition of castes and the tossing of money power by local bosses, but a national mandate focused on nation issues was becoming the new norm." - Thomas Friedman for the New York Times, 1991.


Rajiv Gandhi's ambitious strategy, while not an utter failure, did not bring out the results the Congress Party so desperately desired. Still losing the magic touch the Congress had just ten years ago, the party performed rather poorly. In Andhra Pradesh, the Telegu Desam party captured 33 seats, and with the Shiv Sena BJP understanding capturing around 30 seats, the Congress party was in bad shape. But the Janata Dal was in even worse condition, performing only well in its stronghold of Bihar and garnering a good number of seats in Odisha. Rajiv Gandhi's tour across Uttar Pradesh harmed the Janata Dal more than it helped the Congress, allowing for the BJP to sweep the electorally rich state.


Results:

BJP- 181 (25%)
Congress - 176 (28%)
Janata Dal - 48 (7%)
Shiv Sena - 15
Telegu Desam Party - 33


While the Congress Party obtained the most votes, it was the BJP that got the most seats. The horse trading in the Parliament had just begun.
 
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"The election of 1991 was a turning point in the history of India. From it confirmed the birth of a new India, coinciding with the Cold War's end. Now, India's right commanded a strong voice, demanding both economic reform and an emphasis on the indigenous Hindu culture. Now longer was it merely a coalition of castes and the tossing of money power by local bosses, but a national mandate focused on nation issues was becoming the new norm." - Thomas Friedman for the New York Times, 1991.


Rajiv Gandhi's ambitious strategy, while not an utter failure, did not bring out the results the Congress Party so desperately desired. Still losing the magic touch the Congress had just ten years ago, the party performed rather poorly. In Andhra Pradesh, the Telegu Desam party captured 33 seats, and with the Shiv Sena BJP understanding capturing around 30 seats, the Congress party was in bad shape. But the Janata Dal was in even worse condition. Rajiv Gandhi's tour across Uttar Pradesh harmed the Janata Dal more than it helped the Congress, allowing for the BJP to sweep the electorally rich state.


Results:

BJP- 181 (25%)
Congress - 176 (28%)
Janata Dal - 48 (7%)
Shiv Sena - 15
Telegu Desam Party - 33


While the Congress Party obtained the most votes, it was the BJP that got the most seats. The horse trading in the Parliament had just begun.
I am following this and will to offer any support and ideas. What is Sonia doing during all of this?
 
Where shall the Dragon's Fire Breath?
Beijing, 1991:

Having only been selected as China's paramount leader two years before, Jiang Zemin still had depended on the good graces of Deng Xiaoping and other leaders. Slowly but surely, building up his power, Zemin need to develop a game plan which, not only would be approved by the party at large but would also demonstrate his ambition to lead the People's Republic into a bright new future.

With Tiananmen square occurring just two years ago, the reform minded agenda of Deng Xiaoping faced a halt. The Conservatives in the politburo and central party leadership demanded that the brakes be enforced, leaving the PRC's leadership in bitter division. Out in this chaos came Jiang Zemin, the former mayor of Shanghai. As of 1991, Zemin was allied to the Conservative wing, lead by Conservative Party elder Chen Yun.

While Chen Yun was originally a reformer (he did not support total government fiat in the allocation of resources but preferred using supply and demand), but by the 80's became a staunch opponent of Deng's reform policies, and with the Tiananmen Square forcing a compromise candidate equilibrating the power scales between reformers and conservatives, Chen vowed to take advantage of the situation and grow his, and the Conservative wing's power. The generally unambitious leader from Shanghai for the first time was eyeing the job as paramount kingmaker, much to the dismay of his rival and former paramount leader Deng Xiaoping.


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(Paramount leader Jiang meeting party elder Chen for a meeting, 1991. At the early stage of Zemin's reign many accused him privately of being Chen's puppet.)


Deng Xiaoping still commanded much power in the PRC, and would not allow for his vision to slip away from the cracks, especially when a compromise candidate was in charge. Through the help of his subordinate, fellow reformer and mayor of Shanghai Zhu Rongji, the Reform faction, while at the moment out of favor, would turn no stone to restore Deng's vision of a modern and prosperous China.


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(Zhu Rongji shaking hands with his superior Deng Xiaoping. They would be key leaders in the reform faction of the CPC.)


With Conservatives and Reformers both competing for control in post-Tiananmen China, the big question was: in which direction will the Dragon's fire breath?
 
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Hi this is a bump but more than that. I haven't forgotten about this TL but I've just been really busy recently (still am). But I plan on updating relatively soon.

Little sneak peak:

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I also hope to get into economics more very soon (started with China but more into detail). And when the time comes, the 1992 U.S. Presidential election.
 
Cradle of Revolution
Iraq, the cradle of civilization, was in major turmoil. Saddam Hussein, Iraq's Sunni Ba'athist dictator, had just suffered a major defeat post Kuwait invasion.

President George H. W. Bush, leader if the free world and most powerful politician on the planet, knew when opportunity sprung. Iraq, located right in the middle east's center and neighboring hostile Iran was, if transitioned to, would be a great asset to America. Bush was also a kind hearted and empathetic gentleman: he understood and cherished democracy's appeal. "I do not see why the Iraqi people cannot live in freedom like us" President Bush told his staff on numerous occasions. Still, he was not going to recklessly invest American influence for the purposes of regime change: unless the people desired it.


Iraq's opposition was strong but badly divided. From Shi'ite Islamists to socialists and Kurdish nationalists, the task of liberating Iraq was an arduous task. A united Iraqi resistance was seen as a pipe dream if it were not for the serene statesman himself, President Bush. In constant communication with the rebels, he organized conference and conference asserting America's message: we are for a prosperous and free Iraq.

"Rather than arguing now about the future, grasp the future in your hands and then debate its outcomes". Manifold heads nodded in agreement, and Baker informed '41 that his praises were sung across the Euphrates.

Bush understood that Iraq's liberation would not only boost America's short term power, but would also boost America's long term goals of global liberal, enlightened democracy.

The biggest trouble was finding a foil for Saddam. Those fears would not be quickly quelled, yet President Bush vowed to do anything in his power to provide the various rebel factions a leader they could unite around (and also ensure that said leader could not dominate all the factions and weaker their influence post-Saddam's overthrowal).

Saddam and his Republican guard were also biding their time, anticipating insurrection across the Tigris-Euphrates.



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(President Bush's address to the nation, 1991. He called for "justice and prayer for the people of Iraq" and that they "surmount evil in the sands of time".)
 
If anything else, the presence of Vajpayee and Narasimha Rao will keep Rajeev on his toes. A rival both from the opposition and inside his own party will force him to play for keeps.
 
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