The Biden Express

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Memories

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The soft September sun shined down upon the expectant crowd and dignitaries. The weather seemed to know that today was no time to act out, a day long delayed by the traditional constraints on any building project. On the south bank of the Christiana River, the Joseph R. Biden Presidential Library and Museum stands as a reflection of the expanded and newly reminted Joseph R. Biden Railroad Station across the river, just one small station of the former President’s most visible legacy.

On the grandstand, Mayor Baker, his sister Senator Owens, Senator Carper, Representative Castle and Governor Minner chatted amiably, displaying the trademark bipartisanship and intimacy of the small and sometimes overlooked state. In the front row sat the Biden family, most notably Beau Biden, already making waves in Delaware with rumors about political career of his own floating around Wilmington and down the high speed rail to D.C. as well. The scion of the family came up to the stage and took the microphone, introducing his father.

The University of Delaware band struck up with Our Delaware as the man of the hour bound forward on stage, with his trademark, boyish energy and smile. The former President hardly seemed like a man pushing 60, showing little aging from having served through one of the most monumental changes in modern history. The only outward betrayal of his age was the thinned, receding hairline. Today it seemed to be making a suspicious return though… Eventually, the crowd died down.

“Gosh, what a day, Delaware! Standing before you all today, I feel as young as when I first ran for Senate all those years back. I think about what a journey it was that took me here today, all the roads, all the tracks, I had to travel down…”


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Sterile – sterile is the only word that fits a doctor’s office, hopefully. No matter the décor, when it came down to it, you are still sitting in a grey room of faded pastels, every inch colored for easy cleaning and a supposedly soothing atmosphere. To sit and wait in the artificial bubble when one is most prone on a biological level is bothersome to virtually all people. Senator Joe Biden was no different. Finally, the masochist in the white coat returned.

“Well, Senator, I will admit that you are exceptionally healthy for your age.”

“That’s no surprise to me but always good to hear, Doc.”

“Well, I wouldn’t break out the champagne just yet. Your blood pressure was slightly higher than we typically prefer… how is your diet?”

“My diet? I eat well enough.”

“And how often to get regular exercise?”

“Well, my chosen profession sort of keeps me busy.”

“I’m not joking, Joe. If we don’t keep this in check, and you develop hypertension, you’ll be at much high risk of stroke, heart attack, aneurysms…”

“Okay, okay, I get the picture. Cut the steak, more salads.”

“For starters, yes. Regular cardiovascular exercise…”

“[audible sigh]”

“Regular cardiovascular exercise is critical as well.”

“Well, if you say so, Glenn. I guess me jogging would make a good photo op.”

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Variety

January 12, 2002

“Phil Hartman has been confirmed as signing on to the new Ben Stiller project, ‘Stump Speech’. Hartman will play a buffoonish Presidential candidate stuck in rural America, with his wife, womanizing son and chief-of-staff, when their campaign bus breaks down. Rumored to also be attached is Brendan Fraser as Hartman’s son. It is currently slated for a fall release to correspond with the off-year elections.”

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I'm glad this is getting a positive response. I will try and make another post today.

I will admit that I have a fair amount written but I am getting hung up on policy differences for the Biden administration and possible cultural butterflies.

Suggestions on both will be well accepted.

So much changed in this time period in history; a completely new path may be forged completely accidentally.
 
Should we be worried about Biden's healh?

In February 1988, after suffering from several episodes of increasingly severe neck pain, Biden was taken by long-distance ambulance to Walter Reed Army Medical Center and given lifesaving surgery to correct an intracranial berry aneurysm that had begun leaking; the situation was serious enough that a priest had administered last rites at the hospital. While recuperating, he suffered a pulmonary embolism, which represented a major complication. Another operation to repair a second aneurysm, which had caused no symptoms but was also at risk from bursting, was performed in May 1988. The hospitalization and recovery kept Biden from his duties in the U.S. Senate for seven months. Biden has had no recurrences or effects from the aneurysms since then. In retrospect, Biden's family came to believe that the early end to his presidential campaign had been a blessing in disguise, for had he still been campaigning in the midst of the primaries in early 1988, he might well have not have stopped to seek medical attention and the condition might have become unsurvivable.
In OTL, this would've been the biggest challenge to the Biden '88 challenge. The medical scene I've noted above is an attempt to avoid this situation, by Biden taking the earlier changes to hopefully stave off the aneurysm before it develops.
 
Rat Race

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During the 1988 Democratic presidential primaries, the Democratic Party was looking for a clear break and new strategy to win the presidency, after the decisive defeat of the Mondale – Ferraro ticket in 1984. The earlier creation of the Democratic Leadership Council was an effort to moderate positions and appeal to ‘Reagan Democrats’ and bring them back into the fold. Additionally, the Democrats had begun to feel more optimistic about their chances than past election cycles. The Iran-Contra scandal and regaining the Senate after six years of Republican rule showed weakness. An inspiring candidate who could unite the party was the goal, a person who could reach to those who felt forgotten during the Reagan presidency – women, national security Democrats, and minorities.

The early front runner was the former Senator from Colorado Gary Hart. As the runner-up in 1984, he was the most visible candidate amongst a crowded field. Spin on the campaign labeled the race early as “Gary Hart and the Seven Dwarves.” The other seven being:

Michael Dukakis, governor of Massachusetts
Jesse Jackson, reverend and civil rights leader from South Carolina
Al Gore, U.S. senator from Tennessee
Dick Gephardt, U.S. representative from Missouri
Paul Simon, U.S. senator from Illinois
Bruce Babbitt, former governor of Arizona
Joe Biden, U.S. senator from Delaware

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The Seven Dwarves, minus Biden


However, questions of marital infidelity plagued the campaign almost immediately. Hart responded to the rumors with a dare: "Follow me around. I don't care. I'm serious. If anybody wants to put a tail on me, go ahead. They'll be very bored." The Miami Herald did so. Donna Rice, a 29-year-old model, was reported to not only visit Hart’s residence overnight, but had also flown on the same flights as the residence.


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A final nail in the coffin was a picture which surfaced in the National Enquirer on June 2, 1987, of Rice sitting on Hart’s lap while he was wearing a Monkey Business t-shirt. Hart would soon withdraw from the campaign and left for Ireland to escape the eye of the media. His late attempt to return to the race in December of 1987 netted him only 4% of the vote in New Hampshire. He withdrew from the race after Super Tuesday on March 8, 1988.


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With the most visible Democratic candidate crashing and burning even before the first primary, numerous other prominent Democratic names where suggested. Senator Edward M. Kennedy of Massachusetts had been considered a potential candidate, but he ruled himself out of the 1988 campaign in the fall of 1985. Two other politicians, Senator Dale Bumpers and Governor Bill Clinton, both from Arkansas, were mentioned as possible candidates but neither joined the race. Various Democratic parties and pundits suggested and dreamed of New Jersey Senator Bill Bradley, a Rhodes scholar and basketball star, Georgia senator Sam Nunn, with defense credentials, and New York Governor Mario Cuomo, who would grab the family values voters.

The final controversy would develop between the Biden and Dukakis campaigns after Senator Biden was accused of plagiarizing a speech by Neil Kinnock, then-leader of the British Labour Party. Though Biden had correctly credited the original author in all speeches, a slighted edited video was circulated to the press. The Biden campaign responded by releasing the same video but with the words, “As Kinnock has said,” still present. The question of who released the video plagued the Democrats in the early fall of 1987. Governor Dukakis denied having anything to do with the release. However, it was soon revealed that his campaign manager John Sasso had leaked the video without the Governor’s knowledge. Sasso would resign from the campaign, but Dukakis was beginning to appear as a candidate who could not keep his house in order.


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With seven respectable candidates running national campaigns, a multipolar system of give and take would develop. Dukakis, Gore and Biden would attack Gephardt at his base – labor. Biden, Gore and Gephardt would attack Dukakis as too liberal for the general election. Gore, Gephardt and Dukakis would attack Biden as a career politician and loose cannon. Dukakis, Gephardt, and Biden would attack Gore as relatively inexperienced and naïve. To date, 1988 marks the Democratic primary in which the most candidates have won a state since the primary reforms of 1971. The only serious competitor to not win a state would be former Governor Babbit, who withdrew prior to his home state of Arizona’s primary.

Senator Joe Biden, however, had a stage that none of the other candidates had. As Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Sen. Biden was receiving national attention during the Robert Bork appointment hearings. President Reagan had appointed Robert Bork to replace to replace outgoing, moderate Supreme Court Justice Lewis Powell on July 1, 1987. Senator Joe Biden presided over Bork's hearing.



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Biden stated his opposition to Bork soon after the nomination, reversing an approval in an interview of a hypothetical Bork nomination he had made the previous year and angering conservatives who thought he could not conduct the hearings dispassionately. At the close, Biden won praise for conducting the proceedings fairly, and with good humor and courage, as his 1988 presidential campaign faced the questions of plagiarism in the middle of it.

Rejecting some of the arguments that other Bork opponents were making, Biden framed his discussion around the belief that the U.S. Constitution provides rights to liberty and privacy that extend beyond those explicitly enumerated in the text, and that Bork's strong originalism was ideologically incompatible with that view. Biden was able to stand side-by-side by Senator Ted Kennedy on national news during this debate which dragged into late October, due to Bork refusing to concede defeat after not being approved by the committee.

Biden was considered the strongest contender and had the largest war chest prior to the first primaries.
 
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Slogging It Out

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The Democratic Primaries began with the Iowa Caucus on 02/08/1988. The night was a surprise win for the bowtie-wearing Senator Paul Simon. In second and third came Gephardt and Biden, respectively, who had split each other constituents, allowing the Simon win. Governor Dukakis finished a close fourth.

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Captain of the 'Bow Tie Brigade'


Eight days later, the polls closed in New Hampshire. Regional favorite Dukakis won, but by smaller margins than expected. The expected win a non-story, the news coverage focused on the second place winner – Biden, who was able to flood the air waves with positive ads of his well-polished rhetoric and squeak past Gephardt. The race was relatively even keel until the massive Super Tuesday on March 8th. With 20 states and 1335 delegates up for grabs, every campaign’s future was on the line.

Al Gore carried the states of Arkansas, Kentucky, North Carolina, and his home state of Tennessee, but was unable to break out of the south. Also hurting him was Jesse Jackson’s pull of strong African-American turnout, which was able to stand unified while the other white candidates splintered the vote. Jackson carried Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and even Texas. Rep. Gephardt only carried his home state of Missouri and nearby Oklahoma.

Dukakis won primarily in the north and west with Idaho, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Washington State, and just squeaked a win in Florida. Senator Simon, despite his early wins, did not win a single delegate. Senator Biden won Virginia, Maryland, Hawaii and was able to pull many second place finishes, allotting proportional delegate wins. With the poor showings and the coffers running dry, a final nail in Gephardt’s coffin was when the Auto Workers Union revoked their endorsement of the candidate and instead would later put their support behind Senator Biden, but who was still third in the delegate count after Super Tuesday.

Senator Gore was hoping South Carolina on March 12th would be a boost to his campaign but came in second to Jackson. With money to spare, the Biden campaign had split the white vote in the state. With the missing bounce, and the next southern contest not until West Virginia in two months, Senator Gore withdrew his name from consideration and endorsed his fellow Senator Biden, causing the first swing in delegate momentum, especially among pledged superdelegates. Three days later, Simon would win Illinois, followed by Jackson, Biden and Dukakis.

The next month would be judge by primarily three large contests – Michigan, New York and Pennsylvania. These competitions would be the final deciding factors, everyone hoped.

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Brian McFayden – “Hi, I’m Brian McFayden with MTV News. I’m sitting down with comedian and actor Ben Stiller, who recently starred in the hit movie Zoolander, which he also wrote and directed. And now he has another film coming out soon called Stump Speech. Ben, thanks for being here.”

Ben Stiller – “Yeah, great to be here.”

BM – “Zoolander has been a big success in theaters and it’s the fourth film you’ve directed. What’s it like to be in front of and behind the camera?”

BS – “I gotta say it can be hard sometimes but it really depends on trusting who you work with and getting a good system down. It’s a team effort.”

BM – “So Zoolander was about male models. Your next film, Stump Speech, is about politics, of all things. Why the shift?”

BS – I think that L.A. and D.C. have a lot in common, two sides of the same coin. Both sort of live in their own bubble, sort of removed from the rest of the country. This is sort of going to be a take on what happens when that bubble pops.”

BM – “Are you going to be starring in this movie as well?”

BS – “Actually, Phil Hartman is going to play the candidate this will focus on, a life-long Senator. I’ll play his Chief-of-Staff.”

BM – “Will we recognize any real life politicians in these characters?”

BS – “I’ve actually been working on this script for a while. I’ve certainly been inspired by some more than others... but we’ve got a couple different characters that will pop up and may remind you of a person or two.

BM – “Such as?”

BS – “I’m not going to say anything too specific, but just keep a look out. You’ll know it when you see it.”

BM – “Okay, okay.”

BS - “Here’s a hint – Josh Brolin may remind you of somebody.”

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Action Jackson

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On March 26th, the final leg of the campaign was to begin with the Michigan caucus. The blue-collar, union state had suffered during the Reagan years, with the abating albatross of Detroit hanging around its neck. Dukakis touted the “Massachusetts Miracle” and pushed a very reasonable economic recovery plan that he had been campaigning on all year. Biden, though, was on his home turf. Tying in his blue-collar Scranton roots, ties to labor, Biden’s promise wasn’t of economic growth – it was a future. “We don’t need an 11-point plan, we need a vision, hope for the future.” Biden realized that the problem the Democrats faced in the post-Reagan era was not that they were not the smartest kids in the room, but that they had no message along with the data. He spoke to those parties who felt left behind in ’80 and ’84.

But so did another candidate who would win the Wolverine State. Jesse Jackson would carry Michigan at 55%, followed by Biden then Dukakis. The ‘surprise’ upset sent shockwaves through the Biden and Dukakis campaigns. The Jackson campaign had been continually underestimated by many parties. Few expected the campaign to do any better than 1984. But Jackson had learned a great deal since then. Better organized and financed, Jackson had made a push to broaden his appeal to a "Rainbow Coalition" of various minority groups and progressives. The Michigan win made the media take notice, however. Jackson was the frontrunner in the pledged delegate count at the end of March.

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The wind was taken out of his sails, however, the following week when Dukakis would carry Colorado and Biden Wisconsin, Jackson winning neither but coming second in Wisconsin and third in Colorado. The sudden swing would be explained in party by the more intense media scrutiny, continuing to ask questions regarding his half-brother Noah Robinson, Jr.'s criminal activity. Jackson had to answer frequent questions about Noah, who was often referred to as "the Billy Carter of the Jackson campaign". Additionally, the Jackson platform was certainly the most liberal of all the candidates, many would say radical even.

The Dukakis campaign was flailing as well, their only notable wins of late in his home region, the small prize of Connecticut. Squeaking a win in Arizona on April 16th kept them afloat for the next big prize, New York – considered a toss-up. While virtually all political commentators considered Biden the front runner, the horse race that had been going for over three months now and it was mathematically possible for any of the three men to win the nomination. But the day before the New York primary was Delaware on the 18th. No candidates truly contested the state. Biden obviously had a lock on the state and media coverage was very positive the night before New York went to vote. All eyes were turned to the Empire State, wondering if Governor Cuomo would make an endorsement before his state’s vote.

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I imagine whoever wins is going to be deeply in debt to Jackson.

One of the first surprises I came across when actually doing research on this campaign was how well Jackson did in 1988 IOTL. People tend to forget, perhaps on purpose, about him, saying Obama was the first 'viable' black candidate.

But Jesse Jackson in 1988 had a good campaign running, more hamstringed for pushing a really liberal platform more than poor management and bad PR decisions. He really was 2nd place and won contests late into the primary system, outlasting ‘establishment’ Democrats like Gore and Gephardt.

1988 was really a chance for the Democrats to exploit Bush's failure to connect with the Reagan coalition. Dukakis was not the person to do this either. So with both candidates failing to connect in a positive sense with the nation, it devolved into the mudslinging fight we know of.
 
MORE!! MORE!! MORE!!!

Well, I will take this as a positive response! :p

I'm sticking to shorter posts for the moment because:

1) To probe interest

2) Not get too far ahead to see if people have imput/suggestions (like how a Dem would handle the end of the Cold War/ POP CULTURE ideas)

3) Imgur is blocked for the computer I am on and I'm limited to attachments for images...
 
The Kingmaker

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In the end, Cuomo did not express a preference before the New York Primary, saying, “I’ll let the people decide.”

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PK – “Did you actually have a personal preference in the ’88 race?”

MC – “I honestly believed what I said back then, to ‘let the people decide.’ That is the entire point of primaries, to let the members of a party pick their choice. The smoked filled rooms of Tammany Hall may be how people to this day think of New York politics, but I was not a ‘party boss’ and I did not wish to interfere in the process, even as a superdelegate.”

PK – “Even though your policies may have aligned very well with one of the candidates?”


MC – “Well, I disagreed on some issues with all of them. On the whole, it would seem I aligned very well with Biden, but on a couple notes, say the death penalty, we disagreed. I aligned more with Dukakis on my social concerns, but his budgetary priorities differed from mine.”

PK – “People tend to think of the modern Republican Party being born in 1980 with the ‘Reagan Revolution’ honing in their brand identity. Would the same be true of the Democrats in ’88?”

MC – “I think that’s a trick question.” (laughter) “In reality, the Republicans chose their path in 1964 and ’68. This was when the parties really started to align along partisan lines. In 1980 the Republicans seemed to solidify and reconfirm this decision of being an ‘ideologically pure’ party. It may have been a troubling development; the federal system was never created with partisan politics in mind. By ’88, we had done a lot of soul searching in the political wilderness. If anything, ’88 simply marked when Democrats realized they had to win the middle of the country again. Did you have a personal preference?”

PK – “In ’88? I will admit I was for Dukakis at first, but I’m a policy-wonk. People would throw around ‘balanced budget’ as a talking point but plenty were actually worried about it. It wasn’t a phrase just used by the opposition to block every measure… Many Democrats think you would’ve been the ideal candidate at the time.”

MC – “I don’t know about that; it is easy to judge hypotheticals as the ideal, since they never happened a perfect narrative can be written, free of constraint. Who am I to say that I could’ve handled the Balkans or the Drug War better than the Biden administration, or any administration after that?”

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Consider my interest peaked.
Biden is President at some point. No scandle in his '88' campaign then. I might have cabinet ideas later.
 
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