The Battle of Detselk and its Consequences: An Amerindian Mini-Timeline

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Eparkhos

Banned
What's this about?
It's an idea I had while working on a larger TL that will probably never see the light of day. Basically, it's the battle that decides whether or not the Athabaskans will migrate into the Pacific Northwest ITTL or not, with high stakes for the people who already live there, of course.

You said it's a mini-timeline. How long?
I hope to have it done in three days or less, with three rough parts: 1. The migrations and the leadup to the battle, 2. the actual battle itself and 3. the impact of the battle throughout the region.

Will it be interesting?
It'll be like 7k words at most, that only about a half-hour of reading. If I can't keep your attention that long I'm a really bad writer.

With no further ado, let's begin. As always, comments are desperately asked for and greatly enjoyed.
 
Narrative Introduction

Eparkhos

Banned
From Fire in the Mountains: The Dena Origin (A Novel) by Shinpum Tsiquatsequaelqua (2004)

“The enemy approaches.”

Your scouts, two quick-footed youths, gasp for breath in the cold air. Clouds of fog drift upward, mingling with all the others made by your men and your vassals’. There’s no need to ask from which direction or how many. After years of raiding and probing, your people had begun pushing southward the previous summer, sacking several towns and putting the locals to flight. Their lands were left fallow and used to pasture your elk-herds, ending the great hunger which had gripped your people for so many years. So great was your success that the chiefs of the southerners, normally busy fighting each other, had put aside their differences and gathered a great host to stop your advance. Or so they hoped.

“How close?” you ask.

“Almost to the edge of the ravine.”

You nod, turning and barking a command to your vassal chiefs. “To the sleds!”

In minutes the entire camp is roused, dogs howling and barking as they are put in harnesses as men break down their fur tents and mount their sleds. The dogs are eager. They do not eat the fallen, but enemy camps often have a bounty of other foods. They will feast well today. The southerners claim to be the men who know winter best, but they do not know it like you do, they do not live it like you do. They will be shown this.

Within an hour you sit on the front face of a dog-sled, bow in hand, listening to your chiefs shout reports to you over the dull roar of the wind. Your chiefs had camped along the river but a few miles into the forest to make your numbers seem less than they truly were, and it has worked. The enemy has attacked the camp closest to the river, and now your men move to surround them, cut them off from their canoes and slaughter them. The southerners do not have sleds as swift as yours, and they cannot fire from them nearly as well as your men. They rely upon the river, and thus their canoes to move with any speed, and once these are destroyed they will be run down with ease. Around you the priests’ chanting becomes loud enough to hear over the wind, and the edge of the treeline draws close.

You smash through and into the open, the forest’s edge erupting with yells and shouts as your sleds follow on either side and behind you. There are far more of the enemy than expected, a roiling mass of southerners in their painted hides and with gleaming metal spears stretching from the center of the clearing all the way down to the river, as many or maybe even more than your men. One of your chiefs has already reached their line, men leaping off their sleds and rushing forward with spears and clubs, and as you watch an arrow pierces his chest and he stumbles, then falls. For a heartbeat you wonder if you should call retreat, with the enemy much stronger and the plan suddenly changed. No, your men would not fight after retreating as strongly as they would now. They may not even fight again. The great hunger had driven the clans apart, and it was only the thought of victory, riches and above all else food that had brought them here. If the battle is lost, you will have to retreat and face another hungry winter which many will not survive. The only option is victory.

In the distance a group of sleds break the treeline and race for the river. The attack must begin now to draw their attention and their strength. You raise a horn to your lips, the booming attack call, and the sled lurches under you as the dogs pick up speed. The snow-covered meadow speeds by as you fire, draw another arrow and fire again. Then you are upon them, leaping from the sled with axe raised and plunging into the fray…
 
I. The Great Hunger

Eparkhos

Banned
I.
The Great Hunger

The Great White Mountains[1] run the length of the Marcaladan[2] continent, forming a towering wall of stones that effectively cuts Marcalada in half. Along the western coast, another mountain chain, the Great Grey Mountains, rises to separate the hinterland from the sea. As they move further north, the Great White and the Great Grey chain grows closer and closer together, forming a complex network of mountains, valleys, ridges, plateaus and rivers known by the Anglicized form of its Gwulchean[3] name, Iquasami[4]. Agriculture was first widely adopted in Iquasami around 100 BC, and a set of practices and cultural beliefs known to history as the Nlakapamux Complex flourished over the following centuries as populations rose and widespread mining and trapping led to increasing political union and material wealth. However, the Roman Warm Period around AD 200 led to most of the region reverting to hunting, fishing and gathering during a time of frost, flood and famine. The early statelets which had formed during this period collapsed and had no real replacement, with individual and groups of clans warring over control of fishing sites, hunting grounds and countless other things. This reinforced the population decline caused by the natural disasters and the end of farming, and by the time temperatures stabilized again around AD 850 Iquasami was generally depopulated and the Nlakapamux Complex was nothing but a fabled past remembered by its scarce descendants.

Enter the Gwulcheans. The Gwulch[5] had been one of the first regions to adopt agriculture, but constant internal warfare, conflict with nearby Wakashan, Emalskan[6] and Kumshiman[7] peoples and no small amount of ill fortune prevented them from expanding outwards in a similar manner to other early agriculturalist societies. By the 9th century, the Gwulch was coming under increasing assault as Wakashan raiding intensified and Kumshiman groups in the Great Grey Mountains were driven to lower altitudes to escape freezing temperatures. As temperatures began to stabilize and weather began to become better and better, many Gwulchean groups migrated northward up the Stolo[8] River and into Iquasami’s many valleys and plateaus, establishing farming and herding communities that allowed them to prosper in terrain sheltered from many raids. Over time, the existing chiefdoms began to grow in power and absorb outlying settlements, using mountain terracing and slash-and-burn farming to expand the amount of arable land available to them and their followers. The population of the region rose dramatically and the Iquasamian Gwulcheans began to develop their own cultural practices and beliefs as these agricultural practices and the Medieval Warm Period fueled a golden age. By 1350, they had expanded as far east as Ktunaha Lake and as far north as the headwaters of the Stolo, establishing farming communities wherever possible and herding groups where it was not.

However, no golden age lasts forever. By 1400, global cooling caused longer winters and heavier snows, which in turn reduced the amount of arable land and available food. Although nowhere near as bad as the food shortages which had led to the collapse of the Nlakapamux, this still sparked a period of increased violence and warfare. With only so much land to go around, smaller cities and clans sought protection under their larger neighbors to ensure they could keep what they had, while those without were driven to increasingly desperate measures to keep starvation away. Eight major states formed, swallowing up the smaller cities and statelets around them and forcing the herding groups on their periphery to pay tribute or be destroyed. The most powerful of these states were Tkemlaps[9] and Nahunwinuh[10], who from about 1417 onward were locked in a state of perpetual low-intensity war punctuated by major sieges and campaigns. Over the decades, both states established large armies and warrior classes, which were reckoned by the Chelanian traveler Kwiltalahun in 1429 to be “the best and most numerous warriors in the country north of the Nachiwana.” Nahunwinuh held sway over Okanagan Lake and most of its hinterland, while Tkemlaps controlled most of the region west of the lake, including many of the herding tribes on the Intermontane Plateau to the north. Thus it was Tkemlaps, or rather its vassals, that were the first to encounter the Dena.

The Dena were a collection of nomadic herding groups who had lived in the forests and mountains north of the Intermontane Plateau for centuries by the 1430s. For most of this period they had been mere hunter-gatherers, about as numerous as the Inuit who lived further north, but this had changed abruptly in the 7th century with the introduction of dual domesticates, the Marcaladan goat[11] and the Marcaladan sheep[12]. Though the sheep, which were by far the most commonly herded animal in Marcalada, were unable to survive harsh northern winters, the goats thrived in it, and within a few scant generations the Dena had transitioned into numerous herding groups, shepherding vast herds of goats through the dense forests. These movements left broad swathes of open country, and these soon attracted groups of reindeer drawn by their high visibility and the presence of many mosses which the goats did not eat. The Dena picked up on this and began spreading these mosses along their travels to draw more reindeer for easier hunting, and after a time some enterprising herder reasoned that reindeer could be treated more or less the same as the goats could. By the mid-11th century, reindeer were semi-domesticated, and with a new animal to herd the Dena were able to expand into lands further north and further east where goats had been unable to live. This domestication sparked a massive population boom, and soon many groups began to forage further afield in search of richer pastures, many large groups eventually moving southward onto the northern fringes of the Marcaladan steppe[13]. All across their region--which stretched roughly from the Middle Yukon Valley in the west to Helleland Bay[14] in the east, and from the tundra in the north all the way to the edge of the Wimesourtee[15] Basin in the south--the Dena prospered and flourished, amassing a massive population for the region, founding a number of small trading settlements and clashing frequently outside groups (as well as other groups of Dena). It is during this period, around 1100, that the oldest known military dogsleds have been found, a cornerstone of later military skills.

This Dena golden age came to an end just as the one in Iquasami did. The onset of colder winters and heavier snow was a serious blow to the nomads, and as many of their pasturelands became too cold to be used they were driven further and further south. Under normal circumstances they would have advanced further onto the steppe, but the cooling which forced them southwards also led to the return of the droughts which had plagued the northern steppe throughout the Medieval Warm Period, which in turn drove the southernmost Dena further north. This combination led to many Dena groups being packed together in lands unable to support them, and subsequently a great deal of inter-tribal warfare broke out. Many groups sought refuge in the eastern and western edges of the Dena world, the taiga around Helleland Bay and the relatively stable Intermontane Plateau, respectively, which triggered yet more fighting between groups as those in the afflicted areas sought to migrate into unafflicted areas at the expense of their current residents. In the Intermontane Plateau this series of events led to a southward migration of many Dena groups across the Plateau, with the confluence of the Grey and White Mountains funneling them towards Iquasami.

The first impact this had on Iquasami was in the form of the Gwulchean nomads of the Plateau itself, who were driven ahead of the Dena migration. With their pastures gone but their herds and clans still left to them, these nomads became involved in the inter-Iquasamian conflict as mercenaries or simply tried to fight their way through the valleys to reach new pastures, further inflaming the ongoing conflict. Some were able to successfully reach new pastures, in one case even swimming their herds over the Upper Nachiwana[16] to reach the mountains around the Ktunaha Lakes. Most of them, however, were sucked into ongoing fighting and caused a glut of mercenaries, which in turn caused a glut of campaigning and violence.

The first groups of Dena reached the settled Iquasamian frontier in 1437, engaging in wary trade before departing. The following year, however, a different clan attacked a number of outlying villages and carried off their inhabitants as slaves, marking the beginning of direct conflict between the two groups and setting a pattern. Over the following years, the Dena began raiding the frontier in great numbers, seeking to drive the Gwulcheans off their land to expand their pastures or to enslave them as a source of labor (and on occasion, food). The shayab of Tkemlaps, Chinisha, was busy laying siege to Shekhwepme[17], a vassal of Nahunwinuh, to respond to these early raids, and so the Dena began to return more and more often, becoming more and more aggressive and ranging further and further across the frontier.

The turning point occurred in late 1448. A Dena warrior-tunred-mystic, Ulkatchot, claimed to have had a vision that promised the Dena incredible success (literally a herd of reindeer so vast they drank the sea) if they were to unify as one under his leadership. Clans and bands flocked to him at the small trading town of Leidlidena[18] over the following year, and by the time the winter of 1448-1449 began Ulkatchot commanded a force of more than 3,000 warriors and their families. He led them southward along the Stolo before turning eastward and moving across the Plateau to reach the valley of Tqeqeltemeh[19] River, which his host descended into and began plundering, burning and pillaging the riverside settlements and sending a wave of refugees fleeing southward. The fortified town of Saskum[2] was swamped with these refugees, and after a siege of less than two weeks its garrison took to their canoes and fled downriver, leaving the settlement and the people thereof to its fate. The Dena brutally sacked it, then continued on down the course of the river, burning, raping and pillaging as they went and feeding every plant in the region to their herds, and came within sight of Tkemlaps before Ulkatchot was killed by an enslaved Gwulchean woman. With his death, the unity of his force collapsed and the Dena withdrew, moving northwest to pillage more land before crossing the frontier and vanishing into the wilds just before the harvest began.

Such a brutal and blatant display finally forced the Isquamians to respond. Chinisha, faced with the prospect of having his very capital and the second-largest Gwulchean settlement in the region destroyed, gathered up all the men he could in preparation for a reprisal campaign. Having correctly determined that the horde withdrew after Ulkatchot was killed, he calculated that his best option was to dry and destroy their center to throw them into chaos, then let them bleed each other until he could destroy whoever survived. With no shortage of experienced warriors and mercenaries, he was able to assemble 2,000 men by the spring of 1450 and began making preparations to move northward along the Stolo towards Leidlidena. Before he departed, he was joined by an unexpected ally: Nquala, the shayab of Nahunwinah. Refugees from the Tqeqeltemeh Valley had spread across Isquami, bringing tales of the savagery of the Dena with them, and Nquala saw a perfect opportunity to eliminate a potential threat to his own state and allow him to paint himself as champion of all the Gwulcheans and avenger of those that his rival had been unable to protect. If that meant helping Chinisha, then so be it. Nquala brought 1,500 men with him, and despite Chinisha’s distrust of him, the shayab of Tkemlaps decided that doubling his forces in a campaign against an unknown enemy was worth the risk. After several weeks’ more of preparation, the combined host set out for the Stolo in June.

Meanwhile, the inter-clan conflict that had threatened to tear apart Ulkatchot’s coalition was abruptly ended in March when one of his lieutenants, Nenkhatchot, defeated and killed four other prominent leaders in a series of duels, intimidating the rest of the former coalition into either joining him or fleeing. With loot and slaves from the raid spread liberally amongst the tribes of the region, many other clans and bands rallied to Nenkhatchot, and he began making preparations for another, larger raid to take Tkemlaps itself. As the first step in doing so, he relocated the clans loyal to him further south, to the small trading town of Detselk[20]. It was here that he first received word of the Gwulchean’s approach, and it was here that the battle would be fought….​

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[1] Rocky Mountains
[2] North America, specifically the continent above the Sierra Occidental/Rio Grande--the exact border is a matter of opinion, but it generally refers to the temperate parts of OTL N. America
[3] Gwulchean refers to the Salish at large--note that due to larger populations on the Columbia Plateau, much of the eastward expansion has been funneled northward into the Intermonate Plateau instead
[4] I’m not sure if there is an OTL term for this region, but it refers to the region of lakes and valleys that stretches from around OTL Williams Lake down to the Columbia Plateau/Rockies
[5] Salish Sea, from OTL’s /x̌ʷə́lč/
[6] Chinookan. Emalska is the Russianized form of Wimal, i.e. the Columbia River
[7] Cayusan. They are much more successful ITTL thanks to being the first to domesticate the mountain goat/bighorn sheep, and so are spread throughout many mountainous regions in Western North America
[8] Fraser River
[9] Kamloops, BC
[10] Vernon, BC. Not an OTL Salish place name but instead borrowed from a nearby village on Lake Okanagan.
[11] Mountain Goat
[12] Bighorn sheep
[13] Great Plains
[14] Hudson Bay
[15] Missouri River Basin, roughly Northern Montana
[16] Complicated, but basically the Revelstoke Narrows
[17] Salmon Arm, BC
[18] Prince George, BC
[19] Upper Thompson River
[20] Williams Lake, BC
 

Eparkhos

Banned
I will, but I should note that the narrative at the top contains some historical inaccuracies and the actual battle will be different.
 
II. The River Runs Red

Eparkhos

Banned
Sorry if there are any inconsistencies/things that don't make sense, I'm super tired and just want to get this out tonight. BTW, this is the most words (~5.8k) I've written in one day since March, so that's something.

II.
The River Runs Red

The Gwulchean advance northward was a slow and arduous one. The only efficient and reliable means of transporting such a great number of warriors was by river, but the paths of the Stolo and the Tqeqeltemeh were winding and took much longer to pass through than as the bird flew. Much of the region was also dry and barren, and keeping such a large host fed while it moved was a logistical juggling act that was just barely able to keep them going. Compounding the problem was mistrust between the leaders--Nquala and the Nahunwinans almost stormed out after an argument over a camp riot in July--and poor communication. By October, the army had only reached the small trading village of Hgattem[1], less than halfway to Leidledena, and so news of the Dena relocation to Detselk was well-received. After a brief argument, the army pressed onward with a new destination in mind, its men spirited by the prospect of actually being able to fight the raiders instead of fighting rapids and bears.

The Dena, meanwhile, had been shadowing the Gwulcheans for almost their entire advance, never directly attacking them and usually hanging back a day or so from the force but watching them nonetheless. Nankhachot was a very capable general and recognized that supplies and infighting were the Gwulchean’s greatest weakness, and the more he could exacerbate these difficulties the easier defeating them would be. Several of his chiefs questioned the wisdom of allowing the Gwulcheans to enter their territory unmolested and not just ambushing them while they were in the river. As Nankhachot explained, if they were attacked in the river there was a chance that a sizable portion could get away; once they were on land, the Dena would be far more mobile and they could be destroyed to a man.

In the third week of October the Gwulcheans landed on the bluffs three days’ march south-east of Detselk. The terrain here was difficult, with the river flowing some hundred meters below the bluffs and accessible only by a series of small ravines; the bluffs were in turn two hundred meters below the true flatlands around Detselk, but it was certainly easier landing there than at the mouth of the Detselk River and having to fight their way up a two hundred meter canyon to get to the town. As they landed, Nankhachot moved his own men into position. If he had attacked from the bluffs above the landing, the Gwulcheans may have been able to flee back to the river, but once they were drawn up to the flatlands they would be unable to escape. So he waited, watching, as the Gwulcheans began to climb into the hinterland.

Nankhachot’s tactical plan was one that had worked many times before in wars with rival peoples. The Dena would camp in bands of a few hundred each, spread out in an arc that would allow them to support each other well and cut off any retreat or attack. The Gwulcheans would then be bated into attacking one of these bands, pinning them down while the rest moved in to surround them and cut off their retreat. One of these bands, he decided, would camp on the heights above the river and sweep down to destroy the canoes and enemy camp in the event that the Dena were somehow defeated so that the Gwulcheans would be subject to further privations and defeated through entropy. By this point all of his chiefs were more or less content with the plan, and so as the snows fell and the date of battle drew nearer preparations were made.

Chinisha and Nquala still distrusted each other, but as time drew on and they traveled further and further from any reinforcements, they came to a working agreement. Their collective strategy was simple but hopefully effective, based on past experience campaigning against Ktunic and Kumshiman groups on the edge of Iquasami. They would attack one of the camps and crush the defenders before reinforcements could arrive, then draw in the rest of the enemy host piecemeal, keeping them spread out by time and terrain while using light forces to burn the enemy camps, distracting them and sowing chaos in their ranks until Nankhatchot’s army collapsed on itself. There were some flaws in this--what if the Dena assembled and then attacked all at once?--but given their nomadic and generally undisciplined nature and the ability which such a movement would require, this was considered almost impossible.

The Gwulcheans broke camp two hours before dawn on 22 October. Both the shayabs had agreed that giving their men time to eat and warm up would be crucial in the cold conditions, and just as the sun cracked the sky both armies began to form up, leaving behind small forces to maintain the appearance of being camped. Chinisha’s force advanced through the upper ravine, slowed by the need for snowshoes and near-complete silence, and joined Nquala as the ravine began to level out. With the southernmost camp the closest and smallest, it was a natural target, but what made it far and above the best was the fact that it was located in a natural meadow. The Dena would have to break cover to close to fighting distance and in doing so would leave themselves open to slings and arrows for several crucial minutes before they themselves came within weapons range, in addition to temporarily halting to dismount before pressing the attack, a window during which sustained fire might very well turn back a charge. We cannot know what the Gwulcheans were thinking as they marched that morning, but it couldn’t have been as grim as the fate that truly awaited them.

The Dena in the southern camp were woken by the bellow of horns and war-cries as the Gwulcheans stormed across the meadow, a shimmering wall of armored men. They to arms, chiefs and sub-chiefs shouting orders as the air erupted into a cacophony of shouts and screams, barely forming their line within the camp before the Gwulcheans were upon them, striking with their full weight and fury. The Dena fought back as well as they could but in the confused swirl of the fighting their spears and clubs did little against the hard bronze and iron of Gwulchean arms and armor, men encased head-to-toe in their armor surrounded on all sides but fighting and killing still, waves of warriors charging back and forth over the trampled dead and the ruined camp. After half an hour of heavy fighting, the Dena chief was killed and his men’s morale broke, sending them streaming out into the forests around the camp in panicked disarray as the Gwulcheans massacred any left in the camp. It was a far swifter and far easier victory than any of the Gwulcheans had expected.

If they had kept their momentum, swung north to hit the next camp before Nenkhatchot could rally his chiefs and stormed it while the Dena were still out of order and confused, the Gwulcheans could have still carried the day. But instead they hesitated. Chinisha saw the sudden capture of the camp as a windfall that would give them more time to dig in and resist the onslaught when it came, while Nquala realized the Dena were disunited and could be crushed piecemeal if they acted swiftly enough. However, both knew that their armies were too small to fight by themselves and so they were stuck together, arguing furiously about the proper course of action until the Dena rallied and swept down on them in turn.

Nankhatchot had also woken his band early, and when word of the attack on the southern camp reached him they leapt into action. Within minutes they had mounted and were sweeping southward while relay sleds raced for the other camps. Nankhatchot knew that this initial defeat would be a major hindrance to morale, and to prevent any immediate concerns he ordered the shamans accompanying him to keep up a constant chant while all his war-horns sounded, sounding like a host far greater than what it really was, and as he hoped the sound of a reinforcing army bolstered the morale of the other camps. En route, Nankhatchot’s band was bolstered by Tsuenedena and the fourth band, and with the second camp’s band closing in behind them they broke into the meadow only half an hour after the Gwulcheans had taken it. The fourth band was in the lead and thundered across the meadow towards the camp, closing to within four hundred yards before the Gwulcheans opened fire, catching the worst of the first volley, taking a second and faltering. Nankhatchot ordered Tsuenedena to fall back, but Tsuenedena realized that turning his sleds and withdrawing would leave his men exposed to several more volleys that would tear his men to shreds and likely spark a general retreat, and instead he sounded the call to dismount, press the attack and loose the dogs. Harnesses were dropped and the sled-dogs charged forward, baying and drawing Gwulchean fire as the drivers and bowmen both dismounted and charged after them. Nankhatchot saw this, realized his best option was to support Tsuenedena and try and drive off the Gwulcheans in one fell swoop, and sounded a total charge. His band dismounted and charged, using Tsuenedena’s men as a screening force and screaming, whooping and hollering as they went. The wall of sound and men struck the Gwulchean lines simultaneously as the archers dropped their bows and raised their spears, stabbing and thrusting at the Dena and their dogs as the Dena hurled their own spears and drew their clubs and axes. The reach of the Gwulcheans was greater but not everything and in the confusion many of the Dena fought their way to within arm’s reach of the line, hacking and clubbing as the Gwulcheans stumbled over each other to fight back, and then Nankhatchot’s force reached the line and sheer weight of numbers carried them forward, corpses pushed through spears by the oncoming weight and lines dissolving into bare patterns as the men fought and killed the man in front of them over and over again, a new enemy rising each time the last one fell, the two armies locked together.

As the fighting wore on, the Dena and the Gwulcheans were well and truly pinned down, the Dena slowly pushing the Gwulcheans back into the ruins of the camp but pouring out blood for each step taken. The chiefs of both sides led from the front, and after a time Tsuenedena fell from a spear to the gut and was trampled in a push, while Chinisha was clubbed to death leading a counter-push. Neither of their deaths was known and fighting continued on nonetheless. The Dena’s momentum only grew as the second band reached the field and, despite an attempt to bring them around to outflank the Gwulcheans, joined in the thick of the fighting, driving the enemy further back into the camp. The real turning point in the battle came as Tsadadena arrived with the first band. He saw the ongoing melee and decided his men could do little to turn the tide either way. Instead, he dispatched several of his fastest sleds to burn the Gwulchean camps before leading his main force through the portage between the two lakes the camp backed up against[3] to circle around and attack the third camp from behind, dismounting less than fifty yards out and charging in through dense underbrush.

Tsadadena’s men hit the Gwulchean rear like rabid moose, catching them completely off-guard and smashing deep into their ranks. The Gwulcheans were thrown into a panic, men losing sight of all but those around them as their signal-horns suddenly fell silent and all order was lost. Once again Nankhachot sounded an all-out charge, and once again the Dena surged forth, but this time they carried all ahead of them, driving the wedge in the Gwulchean force even further apart and cutting them down in such great numbers that mounds of bodies rose and the ground was stained red. Now the superior armor of the Gwulcheans played against them, as they were weighed down even further in the crushes, some even being suffocated by their comrades from sheer packing. All order was lost and the Dena focused their attention on the right side of the camp, closing in and cutting the surviving warriors to pieces with arrows and clubs. Nquala, meanwhile, realized what was happening and rallied the men around him for a final desperate dash for the canoes, managing to fight his way out of the press and making a rush for the ravine, only to be ridden down by sled-mounted archers. With him died any morale that remained and the Gwulcheans collapsed into savage individual fights, killing many of the Dena in final defiant duels and covering themselves with the enemy’s blood before choking on their own.

After three hours of intense, desperate fighting the Gwulcheans had been killed nearly to a man. It was not yet noon, but so many dead were left piled on the field that the sky was said to look like a mountain against a blood-red sky. All but a few dozen of the Gwulcheans, the defenders of their own camp who had taken to their canoes and fled downriver upon seeing Tsadadena’s sleds, were dead or soon to be dead, the handful of prisoners being unceremoniously fed to the war-dogs as rewards for their service. Nankhatchot had lost more than a thousand of his own men, but he was victorious and held the field, the only force capable of stopping him crushed. He had the armor, weapons and anything of value stripped from the dead and piled in Detselk as a sign of his triumph, simultaneously using them as propaganda to gather more tribes to his banner. It was a rare battle and an even rarer victory; where most battles ended with a third, at most, of the losing army dead or wounded and a sizable percentage captured and enslaved, the Gwulcheans had been completely and utterly destroyed, and he would make the battle into a great legend for the benefit of himself and all the Dena. After all, with the shayabs and their men dead and all the settled people terrified, who could dare to stand in their way now?

The road southward was open, and the Dena would soon storm down it….​

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[1] Dog Creek, British Columbia
[2] It should be noted this battle actually took place 8km south of Detselk, but that's not as flashy a name.
[3] These are the Westwick Lakes, with the actual camp backing up to the North Westwick Lake.
 
III. The Thundering of Hooves

Eparkhos

Banned
III.
The Thundering of Hooves​

With the sudden destruction of their leaders and much of their standing armies, the Isaquami Gwulcheans were thrown into chaos as the 1450s dawned. Many of the smaller cities survived, but without the political unity provided by the preeminence of Tkemlaps and Nahunwinuh they were unable to offer an effective defense against the Dena and in some cases even devolved into internal or inter-city warfare. Nankhachot, meanwhile, was able to keep up the united front of the Dena by freely distributing the loot from raids and conquests amongst his followers, and the greater riches offered by working together was a powerful incentive to keep up a united front. In the face of such a force, the demoralized and divided Isaquamian Gwulcheans didn’t have a chance.

In the summer of 1450, the Dena returned to the Tqeqeltemeh Valley with fire and club, ransacking it once again before pressing on to its turn westward. After a brief battle at the fords of the river, the Dena crossed onto the south bank and sacked Tkemlaps, killing or enslaving the residents and decorating themselves and their dogs with the rich gold, silver and cloth of the city. Over the next three years the Dena waged a brutal campaign against the other Gwulchean city-states, culminating in the sack of Kilawna[1], the southernmost city and major refugee center in early 1454, massacring almost the entire population and driving the survivors south across Okanagan Lake. During this war most of Isaqaumi’s fertile valleys and terraces were depopulated even further, leaving plenty of barren land for them to graze their herds in and effectively ending the Gwulchean period of the region in all but a few isolated valleys. Most of the Dena dispersed over Isaquamia and the valleys immediately around it, driving out the locals there to further expand their pasturage. Their primary conflict after this was with the Kumishman nomads whose pastures they were beginning to encroach upon, and in the latter half of the 16th century a second round of expansion began to drive out the Kumishimans and render them less of a threat.

Screw it, if nobody’s going to read this I’m just going to cut this short.

Nankhachot dies in 1460 and after his death the unity of the Dena coalition shatters, leading to a collapse into a few dozen feuding clans and tribes. Many of these clans either remain in Isaquami, fighting other Dena groups to keep their conquests, or are pushed further south onto the Columbia Plateau or the Cascade Mountains, where most of them are either crushed by the settled peoples or manage to set themselves up as a ruling caste over individual cities and minor states. Before Nankhachot’s death, however, Tsadadena had gathered a sizable band of his own and invaded the Spokane-Couer d’Alene region, defeating the local Ktunic and Sahaptin peoples and pillaging several major cities before withdrawing, solidifying his place as one of the greatest Dena warriors of the period. The Columbia Plateau has been in decline since the mid 14th century because of constant warfare, droughts, frosts and low salmon runs, and while he could march on Chemna (Richland, WA) and likely take it, he decides not to. After all, it’s already been pillaged a half-dozen times since 1400. Instead, he decides to invade the Fifth Etsanwi in the distant Snake River Valley, reasoning that since the last time Pahapwki (Twin Falls, ID) was sacked was 1216 there’ll be plenty of loot ready for the taking, and that such a score--not to mention all the pastureland available in and around the Snake River Plain--will make him the greatest Dena to have ever lived. He assembles a vast force--~5,000 Dena, ~3,000 Cayuse and ~1,500 Lelknam (Algic herders from NW Montana)--and sets out southward in 1464, crossing into the Missoula Valley before following the passes over the mountains into the Salmon Valley and pressing southward to the Snake Plain itself. The Etsanwi are caught off-guard and are destroyed piecemeal in a string of battles as the Dena drive on Pahapkwi, but just as if it seems the Etsanwi will finally be permanently destroyed one of the Lelknam, Nuatay, persuades Tsadadena that the riches to be gained by making the Nahnik their subjects is much greater than would be gained by destroying them. Pahapkwi is subject to an orderly but extensive sack and the loot divided amongst the conquerors, while Tsadadena sets himself up as the first Etsanwi of the Sixth Dynasty, breaking up the provinces into clan-lands to be ruled by each group. By 1468, the Sixth Dynasty has established itself and the next century in Winchawa dictated.
 
while Tsadadena sets himself up as the first Etsanwi of the Sixth Dynasty, breaking up the provinces into clan-lands to be ruled by each group. By 1468, the Sixth Dynasty has established itself and the next century in Winchawa dictated.
Is this the first time this has happened, or were some of the first five Etsanwi dynasties founded by non-Nahnik conquerors?
 

Eparkhos

Banned
Is this the first time this has happened, or were some of the first five Etsanwi dynasties founded by non-Nahnik conquerors?
The fourth was founded by part of the !Paiute in the 1210s, but then immediately turned around and started fighting other Paiute peoples to keep them out, leading to them downplaying their barbarian background and assimilating completely by the 1270s.
 
The fourth was founded by part of the !Paiute in the 1210s, but then immediately turned around and started fighting other Paiute peoples to keep them out, leading to them downplaying their barbarian background and assimilating completely by the 1270s.
Looks like the Sixth Dynasty won't have such pressure to assimilate, being very distant from the Dena homeland and separated from the other Dena conquests by a buffer of Columbia Plateau city-states. I wonder if that translates to a nationalistically justified complete overthrow of the ruling class when the state runs into a crisis it can't handle.
 
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