The Annals of Aelius -- A History of Rome Under the Julian Emperors

Which writing style should I stick with from here on out?

  • I love reading your mediocre imitation of Latin prose, keep the historian-style

  • The full text gave me suicidal thoughts, TL;DR, stick to the summaries

  • Both is fine, I'm only skimming anyways


Results are only viewable after voting.
Book 25: 36-37 CE
Book Twenty Five - Discord of the Wills

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The sons of Germanicus (from left to right): Drusus, Tiberius Vopiscus, Gaius, Sextus (deceased), and Marcus

—In the consulship of Publius Cornelius Lentulus Scipio and Marcus Porcius Cato…
Cornelius Dolabella was elected to the suffect censorship on the death of Sextus Pompeius. Caesar was concerned with the grave confluence of these events, but he was advised that his direct presence be made, as the Illyrian legions had mutinied numerous times, and the austere presence of Caesar might instill the infantry therein with a sense of loyalty to the imperial personage. However, the agents of Caesar would be less capable of addressing the governing demands of the city in his absence. He thusly assembled a council of four wealthy freedmen into a formal body. This included Faustus, Paullus Fronto, Caeso, and a fourth named Tiberius Julius Trachalus. Each of these men would be tasked with wielding their wealth, influence, and clientele to ensure the stability and compliance of the city of Rome. The most senior among them, Faustus, would exercise indirect oversight over all elections, trials, and public business in the senate and the courts, whereas Caeso and Trachalus would oversee public correspondence and the treasuries respectively. Fronto would be given a wholly autonomous jurisdiction over a network of well-connected informants and ambassadors through which he might act as the eyes and ears of Caesar for the tenure of his absence.

On the morning of the Kalends of Martius, Caesar, Drusus, and their entourage departed Rome. Vopiscus protested his disinclusion among the staff of the endeavor, as he was well-respected among the praetorian cohorts. However, Caesar insisted that he and his brothers, Gaius and Marcus, remain in Italia and disperse gifts from the personal treasuries of the imperial largesse. In a span of time not exceeding one month, the legions of Caesar and Norbanus joined in ready order and disembarked northward to engage the forces of Fimbria in Noricum. Around the same time, Galerius had established himself as the undisputed governor of Macedonia and Greece, and had levied a force which included large numbers of Thessalian cavalryman. The amassing army in Illyricum numbered on the order of forty-five-thousand, including a number of Thracian cavalry whom had volunteered their services to the army of Surdinus. They had established a number of defensive fortifications in the perimeter of Pannonia by which they sought to repel the forthcoming onslaught of the legions from Italia, whom had been reinforced by the forces of Camillus Scribonianus.

At the outset of their departure, Caesar wished that Drusus might become learned as a commander of the legions, and as such delegated to him the staff of Aulus Plautius, the magister consilium thereof. Drusus was discontented at this, as he had previously served as a legatus during the Marcomannic campaigns, and was preferential to a direct hand in the course of a battle rather than one of oversight and meticulous preparation. The advance guard of the loyalist legion, commanded by Scribonianus, engaged with the Norican militia of Fimbria and drew the singular legion of Fimbria’s into battle order in a rescue effort to the vastly inferior Noricans. However, the inferior discipline and experience of the mutinous legion became their ruin, and a number of their cohorts elected to defect their loyalties to the auspices of Caesar. Fimbria himself fled to Pannonia on this development, and the rebellious cohorts were decimated on the order of Scribonianus, while those which had defected were given honors, although they would not receive any disbursements in that year. Upon receiving word of the fall of Noricum to Caesar, the Illyrian governors vigorously prosecuted several allies of Caesar whom they had arrested within their jurisdictions, including Livineius Regulus. His fallacious trial saw him banished to Rhodes, and they rallied their forces to defensible positions in central Dalmatia to await the sallies of Caesar and his allies. Caesar himself marched into Pannonia where the siege of Carnuntum by Domitius Calvinus had encircled the staff of Appius Silanus. The mutinous governor, whom had been joined by the remnants of Fimbria’s infantry, fled southward into Dalmatia near Delminium, whereafter they were pursued in some measure by the cohorts of the praetorians under the command of Rufinius Florus. The remainder of Caesar’s army remained encamped at Siscia in order to resupply their number, as Caesar had elected to abandon their heavy baggage train in Noricum and were in want for provisions.

At the same juncture, the legions of Germania had been engaged in punitive exactions of tribute from among the tribesmen on the further banks of the Albis and the vicinity of the Visurgis. However, Blaesus had been ordered by Caesar that his campaign there over might be de-escalated because the demands of the Illyrian campaign were increasing as Surdinus marshaled his forces.

Concurrently, at Rome, the government of Caesar held in a tenuous balance. The elder Drusus and his co-censor Dolabella upheld the will of Caesar among the senate by a number of continuous membership revisions thereof. In this effort, they were aided by Caeso and Fronto, whom each managed networks of informants both within Rome and throughout Latium and Italia. Agrippa had spent the previous year aiding in the preferment of designs of the elder Drusus, with whom he shared a particular kinship. Having achieved many of his political ends, including the trial and banishment of the obstinate praetor Lucius Nonius, the elder censor sought to accrue favors from the aspirant officeholders among the ranks of the youngest senators. This cohort of men, including Gaius Oppius, whom was aedile in the consulship of Saturninus and Postumus, and Memmius Regulus, whom had been praetor in the previous year, would be sponsored in their tracks up the cursus honorum in a manner such that a quid pro quo might be understood to exist between them and the censor. Likewise, the sons of Vibius Marsus, Pullo and Lamia, were elected to the peregrine and urban praetorships respectively, along with numerous of their allies and kinsmen. At this confluence of events, Agrippa recalled numerous of his magisterial allies from their estates in Picenum and Campania. Among these men were Fulcinius Trio and Lucius Cassius, the consuls of seven years hence, and the praetors of two years hence, Acceronius Proculus and Aelius Rufinius. With a great assemblage of allies within Rome, Agrippa became desirous toward the tangible possibility of greater influence within the regime of Caesar. He called upon Caeso to sequester the various correspondences routed through the circuit of roads surrounding Rome. He undertook this at the direction of Agrippa because of their kinship, as Caeso had been manumitted by Agrippa a number of years previously. At the same urgency, Asinius Celer began to quietly raise troops in Italia from among the discharged legions of Gaius Vipsanianus, which had been settled thereby at the conclusion of the Julian Schism.

The princes of the Julian house were not quiescent at the closure of the year either. Marcus Aquileanus acted as a great currier of gifts on behalf of the Vipsanian household while his sister, Postumia, entertained numerous guests in the household of her husband, Gaius Cassius. Marcus Rufus had traveled with Gaius Solus to Arpinium from which they held court with the sons of many freedmen to accrue favors from which they might achieve high office with the broad support of the nobles and people of Rome. The sons of Caesar, however, remained a short distance from Rome at Praeneste. Vopiscus sought that he might return to Rome, even at the refusal of his father. However, the consuls for that year, Cato and Scipio, advised him to the contrary, as they were conscious of an impending conflict of wills among the established senatorial order. The consuls themselves had departed the city before the Kalends of the next Januarius and the censors were left in sole control of the senate.

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Agrippa, Apronius, and Vibius Lamia denounce Fabius Persicus, consul for the year (Apronius is seated between Agrippa and Lamia)

—In the consulship of Germanicus Julius Caesar Invictus for the Fourth Time as Augustus and Paullus Fabius Persicus…
Caesar intended that his grant of consular imperium would not exacerbate the imbalance brought about by his absence from Rome. In this year, Caesar sought that he might exact a swift campaign against Surdinus and return to Rome within a number of months. However, events began to unfold within the city as many of the allies of Caesar had been elected to provincial commands of all stripes or had accompanied him to Illyricum. A void existed among the number of the senate, as Dolabella displayed little interest in his office and Drusus became consumed with the care of his son Tiberius Gemellus, after sickness had claimed the life of his brother, also named Drusus. The censors, being periodically absent from sessions of the senate, deferred their roles to the princeps senatus, an office which had once been one of magnanimous public service but which now possessed only the appearance of dignity. At this time, the princeps senatus was the senior-most consular from among the senate, whom at this time was Lucius Apronius, the consul of twenty-five years hence. In his advanced age, he himself was aided greatly by the urban praetor, Vibius Lamia. At the onset of that year, Caeso began to selectively appropriate numerous reports from the various provincial agents of Caesar and concurrently collaborated with Agrippa in order to fabricate complementary reports. In this way, to the knowledge of the senate and people of Rome, Caesar and Drusus had both fallen to illness, and the elites among the senate had begun to incite panic under duress from these rumors. Under these circumstance, Lamia called the senate to meet on the Ides of Martius, an auspicious date. A number of consulares mounted curia to speak and they bade the following pronouncements:

Gaius Vibius Lamia, son of Marsus, grandson of Postumus, and praetor urbanus:
I have assembled my brothers and fathers herein at the behest of the auspices of Mars, which have been induced to lunacy by the impiety of the expeditious magistrates whim have heretofore abused their imperia to a degree which has discarded wholly the decency of the law in letter as well as in spirit. The perpetrator thereof is none less than the the father of the country, first citizen, tribune, and consul, the Imperator Caesar, son of the Divine Drusus with divine ancestors likewise for three generations. Lengthy consultations with the scholars of the law as well as my magisterial colleagues, Oppius and Rufinius, have yielded charges that are as varied as they are numerous.

These transgressions were perpetrated likewise: In the consulship of Gaius Vipsanianus for the seventh time and Pollio, the accused committed violence against the following magistrates - Vipsanianus and Pollio themselves, Lucius Piso and Aulus Caecina the censors, and Publius Vinicius the consul-elect. In addition to these charges, the noble Caesar has levied unilateral and unlawful judgements thereover and confiscated the inheritances thereof, in addition to those of the equites Lucius Strabo and Aelius Saturninus and the following senators: Gaius Geminus, Statilius Taurus, Vipstanius Gallus, Marcus Cotta, and Lucius Messalla, the latter two of which were men of nobility in their own right as well as kinsmen of the mighty and just Caesar.

But the crimes of Caesar are twofold. They have been perpetrated in both outright and brutal fashions, as well as in subtle and avarous ones. The considerable monetary prowess of the blessed Caesar has found its home in the estates and togas of the numerous men of this chamber. Two successive consulships are the cost of the integrity of this chamber, and the hands of the noble and honest Caesar are the ones which made this transaction. These acts are as noble as they are contingent upon the laws, and their unchallenged usurpations thereof has dealt a grievous blow to the dignity of the Commonwealth and to its traditions, and any inaction on the part of this chamber will confer equal culpability to the hands of each of you. I conclude my charge thusly with a levy to action. My brothers and father, do not let our inheritances and the dignity of our ancestors be trampled at the fickle whims of this noble and petulant Caesar. Support the motion that the present consuls be divested from their offices and that they be brought to answer for these and like charges. Thank you and long live the Republic.

Lucius Apronius Pius, son of Apronius, grandson of Strabo, princeps senatus, pater patriae, and consul twenty-five years hence:
I have been blessed by the fates with a tenure upon the curia greater than numerous others. I was elected to this noble chamber under the proprietorship of the Divine Augustus, and I served as consul in the stewardship of the Divine Drusus thereover. And it is by the grace of the gods that my tenure hereunder has not been snuffed out by any of the avarice and blood feuds which have claimed the lives of my brothers and sons. My own consular colleague, Marcus Servilius, was one such unfortunate, as was Gnaeus Cinna, as was Scribonius Libo, as was Metellus Creticus, and as was Visellius Varro, all of whom were consuls and friends to me as well as the Divine Drusus.

Not hence the consulship of Felix and Rufus has scantly a decade come absent the heinous death of a consulare at the hands of his fellows, and the noble Caesar shares complicity in this equal to that of Marcus Brutus. This transgression is so great that the man whom ought to divulge testimony in my place, the uncle and brother of the noble Caesar, Lucius Caesar Vipsanianus, has scarcely left his home, foisting this awesome responsibility onto my humbled shoulders. I bear this mantle with unspeakable gratitude, but also with grave resignation. For I have claimed the inheritance of such men as Cicero and Catullus and Scaurus, whom themselves mourned the desecration of our Commonwealth in their times. Woe to whomever might wreak upon himself such omens as to recount the chronicle of recent years to these great men. Suffer not yourselves to become the perpetrators in equal measure to Caesar in the slaughter of our Republic. Suffer not, and absolve your complicity, my comrades and sons, and support this motion. Thank you, and long live the Republic
.”

A fierce debate thus ensued on the floor of the senate, such that the consular lictors were called into the curia to dissuade these men from violence toward one another. Persicus, Caesar’s co-consul, sharply denounced Lamia and Apronius, as did Silanus Torquatus, the former consul. Other men as noble defended the dignity of Caesar, like Sulla Felix, the younger brother of the consuls with Vipsanianus, whom had himself been a suffect consul. Valerius Asiaticus, Marcus Vinicius, and Appius Pulcher lauded great praise upon Caesar and his sons, and likewise questioned the veracity of the counsel of Caeso regarding his alleged ill-health. However, several men whom had erstwhile been allies of Caesar bade forth their true intentions at the urging of Apronius and Lamia. Among these men were Valerius Catullus, descendant of the former consul and censor whom had been invoked by Apronius, and Lucius Cassius, whom had been dissatisfied with a brief suffect consulship several years hence. However, the last senator to speak was Agrippa, and he bade the following odious pronouncement:

Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa Postumus, son of Marcus Agrippa, grandson of Lucius, and twice consul of twelve and twenty-two years hence:
Woe is the Commonwealth, for she has fallen into the hands of a self-righteous brigand and his hapless lapdogs! Whereas once the world was governed by men of conspicuous merit and noble ancestry, now the whole circuit of the Earth is held in the hands of the cup bearers of a man whom can scarcely claim any martial honors to his name, or to those of his children but for their premature and fallacious magistracies. Was it not but scantly three years hence that their own brother claimed himself of the fates that they have not bestowed but paltry respects to their fallen kinsman, though he rests with the likes of the Divine Augustus? How have they justified these impieties but by their tribunician powers and nepotistic pontificates?

The tribunate itself, in addition to the priesthood, is reduced in its antiquity to the bludgeon of these princes, whim have claimed this awesome burden by inheritance, rather than any conspicuous merit. How many among our number, dear brothers, have been denied the magistracies in favor of their sons in spite of the nobility of their ancestors or the statesmanship of their patronage to the preferences of Caesar and his sycophants? For despite their lofty rank, they have been drawn from such quarters as Spain, Gaul, and Germany. When our midst has been flooded by these foreign nobles, whom themselves are descended from those whom had raised up arms against the Divine Augustus, and the nobility of Italy is cast out of this chamber in their misfortune, whom will be left to advocate for Rome and her noble antiquity? Whom will advocate for the descendants of her nobility, whom themselves gave freely of their lives and riches such that we might enjoy their spoils? What share of our commonwealth will be left for our children, as they are sure to be discarded in favor of these barbarian grovelers which the patronage of Caesar and his sons will surely cast into our midst?

However, even these gifts do not maintain their antiquity and prestige due to the debasements and indignities forced upon the magistracies by Caesar! For in the last nine years, thirty-four men have been consuls! And of these, Caesar occupied the office thrice fold! Moreover the dignity of such men has degraded considerably. One need look no further than the rebellion of Surdinus to see this. The further gravity of this regime can be seen clearly on the securities of Syria and Cappadocia, which have seen their legions stripped bare to service the imperial ambitions of this once-despised prince. Wherefore once the provinces of the East were prosperous and wanted for nothing, the citizens thereof live in grave peril for fear of the Arsacids and their thralls. Even the former governor thereof, Fulcinius Trio, acknowledges this, and any contrary testimonies are in flagrant denial.

My call is this, dear senators: the vile Caesar has discarded fully the peace and dignity which his grandfather, whom is also my grandfather — the Divine Augustus — labored for so many years to imbue into our lives. The inaction of this chamber, which surely disturbs every ancestral sepulcher near these walls, can no longer be tolerated. As we speak, a great confluence of my kinsmen have gathered an army and are prepared to divest Caesar of his offices, by force if necessary, as well as those who would lend their services to the slavery of his vice. Thank you dear senators, and long live the Republic.

At once, fury erupted at Rome and in the senate. Troops levied by Asinius Celer entered the city through the Flaminian Gate at a signal given by Caeso and slayed before them many allies of Caesar. Among these unfortunates were those whom had bade Caesar fortunes before the senate — Silanus Torquatus, Valerius Asiaticus, and Marcus Vinicius. Furthermore were slain men on the stature of Marcus Lepidus, son of the censor, and Voluseius Proculus, both of whom had been consuls. Also claimed in the bloodshed was Gnaeus Saturninus, the son of the consul, and numerous other innocent men whom claimed the favor of the house of Caesar. Sulla Felix escaped with his life and recounted these indignities to the Julians at Praeneste. In the wake of this violence, Memmius Regulus and Asinius Celer were elected consuls, as neither of the sitting consuls were in Rome. From these offices, they committed a number of crimes including the confiscation of properties of many sitting magistrates and violence against numerous tribunes and officials.

At this juncture, Marcus Rufus sent word to his brother Felix detailing the gravity of the conflict within Rome. he rapidly left the city with the freedmen secretaries — Fronto, Faustus, and Trachalus. Likewise, the elder Tiberius and his son Livius fled to Nola with the sons of Caesar as Agrippa consolidated his hold over Rome. Caeso mobilized his considerable wealth at the direction of Agrippa to levy a sizable militia from among their numerous clients, freedmen, and slaves. These armed bands exacted support from the veterans in Italia, many of whom had migrated to Rome from the vicinities of Pompeii, Tusculum, and Corfinium. As the cohorts gathered at Rome, Vopiscus infiltrated Rome with a retinue of freedmen assistants, and by so doing, distinguished his merit and courage from among the rest of the Julian family. This was the status of Rome whilst Caesar and Drusus were embroiled in combat against the Illyrians.

The Thracians, led by the petulent barbarian nobleman, Cotys II, having been secured as allies of Surdinus, surged their number into Macedonia and ravaged numerous settlements. This diverted the forces of Galerius from their posting in Epirus to intercept the marauders. However, reprieve from these transgressions would be soon at hand. For all their bravado, the Thracians rapidly exposed their flank whilst they besieged Amphipolis and the surrounding towns. Galerius’ lieutenant, Verginius Rufus, took the initiative and engaged the Thracians with his command of the cavalry and cohors equitae, moving at incredible speed after becoming learned of this siege. The barbarians were taken aback by the speed of these reprisals and a number of them fled back to Thrace. The rest of their number, including Cotys, were killed or captured outside the walls of Amphipolis whereupon they were imprisoned or enslaved. For this swift victory, Galerius earned the agnomen Macedonicus.

Meanwhile, further to the North, the legions under Aulus Caecina and Paullus Lepidus advanced southward, disrupting the supply lines of the rebellious legions and destroying the still-assembling cohorts of auxiliaries. Surdinus had divided his forces between the rear guard at Sirmium and his primary force at Salona, and it was this second force that came first under pressure from the legions of Caesar. The general staff of this force, led by Gaius Lucullus and Sempronius Longus had levied a number of auxiliaries for Caesar from Illyricum. Many of these men were the sons and grandsons of the revolutionaries in the Illyrian War, and many of them had accrued honors and titles in a civilized fashion. These men were conscious of the flagrant abuses of the many governors of Illyricum in the earlier years, and they did not desire the senatorial elites in the mold of Surdinus to regain absolute imperium over their provinces whereby they might exact exorbitant taxes from their estates. They were led by Postumius Verres, a man of Dalmatian descent whom was well-respected throughout the numerous cities thereof. This force set about undermining Surdinus’ control over Salona and the nearby settlements, thereby diverting a substantial force of his legions to the policing of order in the streets.

At this confluence, Caesar’s legates, Galba and Flavius Sabinus, encircled Salona, wherein two legions were fortified. After a brief siege, Surdinus and his advisors fled the city under the cover of darkness with their bodyguards. However, as they journeyed northward, they received word that the legions at Sirmium had defected to the auspices of Caesar. Licinius Murena, a man of impeccable aristocratic ancestry, knew that their cause was hopeless and incited the centurions of their bodyguards to massacre Surdinus along with his lieutenants, including Domitius Calvinus. He and these soldiers reached Sirmium and prostrated themselves before Caesar, whereupon many of them were granted clemency, while many others were crucified for their treachery. Upon learning of this, the legions at Salona surrendered and the civil war was at an end. Caesar re-established the Danuvian command apparatus with Norbanus Balbus as its imperator and Galba, Sempronius Longus, and Galerius each occupying offices of considerable influence thereunder.

Meanwhile in Italia, Felix Pius and Rufus had each sold many of their estates and purchased the loyalties of the sons and grandsons of the legionaries of the Divine Augustus. These legions, the I Fidelis and II Restitutoris transited the Alps during the Summer months and presented themselves to Blaesus, whom was stationed at Liminaniensis and whom had heard the troubling reports of Rome’s disorder. However, the bulk of his forces remained garrisoned in Marcomannicum for the year, and their removal may upset the tenuous peace therein. With Caesar’s legions engaged in Illyricum and combating the Thracians, and the Spanish legions accompanying him, Blaesus knew that his legions were the only ones capable of restoring order to the eternal city. Reluctantly, and fearful of the reprisals of Caesar, he instructed Aviola to discharge four of his legions from Marcomannicum and to the command of the Julian army. In order to ensure the loyalty of this force, Aviola selected his most loyal and capable officers, including Macro, Corbulo, and Lucius Marcellus to command these legions, and he carefully selected his most experienced legions such that any discord between these and those of Felix and Rufus might result in their favor.

With this precaution having been taken, Aviola was shocked when Antonius Agrippa, whom was one of his legates, volunteered his services to command the cavalry of this expedition. His father, sister, and elder brother were all present in Rome, and if they did not concede control upon contact, considerable bloodshed would ensue, which would certainly result in their death or exile. Antonius declared his unwavering loyalty of Caesar and denounced his father and brother for taking up arms against the same man with whom they had sided in the civil war scantly ten years previously. Cautious and yet not wishing to discharge only his most experienced officers, he acceded to the young man’s request. This force of six legions crossed the Alps once more just before the winter snows fell and encamped at Luca. Felix and Rufus, whom were delegated with overall joint imperium in Italia, stood on the banks of the Rubicon, in exactly the same spot as had their great-great-grandfather the Divine Julius had, and cast their lot with fate just as he had done in his hour of crisis.


NOTE: Since the legions have been jumbled around a bit, here's a quick refresher if you had trouble keeping track.

3 legions in Northern Germany commanded by Q. Junius Blaesus
3 legions garrisoned in Marcomannicum commanded by G. Calpurnius Aviola
4 legions engaged in Illyricum commanded by Germanicus and Drusus (incl. the praetorian guard and the Spanish legions)
6 legions disarmed in Illyricum and Moesia formerly commanded by L. Naevius Surdinus
6 legions in Northern Italy commanded by Felix Pius and M. Rufus
7 legions total in Syria, Cappadocia, Aegypt, and Africa
Unspecified number of forces under the command of Agrippa in Italy
 
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Since y'all have been waiting so patiently (and I came in a close 3rd for the turtledove somehow!) I decided to treat everyone to the next exciting update. I had most of this written out already, I just had to transfer it to my laptop and edit everything, so here's the plot thickening. Hope everyone enjoys!
 
I'm really enjoying this timeline. For me Roman history, and especially the late republican and early imperial periods, has always been fascinating. It's great to see such an high quality timeline focused on that period. Keep on the good work!
 
I think that perhaps for the middle to long term 'solution' could be to start to colonizing the area first with the Auxiliaa and the with with romanized germans that would be willing to get theirs own land and with not taxes. Founding and garrison some walled settlements all along the Albis' western riverside and/or at very long term even to the Viadrus river. I think that perhaps for the middle to long term 'solution' could be to start ---to stimulate and protecting the colonization of the area first with the Auxiliaa troops and then with romanised/loyal Germans families (freedmen, former slaves) and/or peasants that would be willing to get theirs own land and with no taxes. Founding and garrison some walled settlements all along the Albis' western Riverside and/or at very long term even to the Viadrus river.
 
I'm really enjoying this timeline. For me Roman history, and especially the late republican and early imperial periods, has always been fascinating. It's great to see such an high quality timeline focused on that period. Keep on the good work!

Thanks I really appreciate it! I love this period of Roman history too (like from 150 BCE to 150 CE) and we're very fortunate to have this period so well documented by primary sources. I actually just ordered seven more books on this period and I'm hoping they can really add some more insight to my TL. Thanks again for the compliment, and let me know if there's anything that I can improve on!

I think that perhaps for the middle to long term 'solution' could be to start to colonizing the area first with the Auxiliaa and the with with romanized germans that would be willing to get theirs own land and with not taxes. Founding and garrison some walled settlements all along the Albis' western riverside and/or at very long term even to the Viadrus river. I think that perhaps for the middle to long term 'solution' could be to start ---to stimulate and protecting the colonization of the area first with the Auxiliaa troops and then with romanised/loyal Germans families (freedmen, former slaves) and/or peasants that would be willing to get theirs own land and with no taxes. Founding and garrison some walled settlements all along the Albis' western Riverside and/or at very long term even to the Viadrus river.

One part of Roman history that I've spent a lot of time studying recently is the meat-and-bones of the military disposition and grand strategy of the empire. In particular, I've come to view the policy developed in the period between Domitian and Hadrian whereby the border is fully garrisoned by continuous fortifications to provide comprehensive border defense from low-intensity threats as being financially unsustainable in the long term (because the severity foreign threats will always increase in intensity over time). However, this system came about precisely because of the Romanization of the provinces (which made lower-quality and reactionary border security politically unsuitable). So I've elected to develop a mixed strategy whereby client states are used as a means of both passive and active border security in the short term when possible, and comprehensive fortified security where this situation is not cost-effective. However, the inherent brittleness of this structure will mandate a strategic reserve near enough to the border to counter higher-intensity threats. In order to pre-empt the political problems that such a reserve creates, I've established a more centralized military bureaucracy while simultaneously bifurcating administrative responsibilities between the military itself and a civilian bureaucracy. This system makes maximum economic advantage of the escalating wealth and complexity of bordering populations by co-opting their elites where possible, and complementing this system with a more labor-intensive and rigid fortification system where that is impossible. Hopefully, the net cost of this system will not exceed the financial capacity of the empire, but that's something that only more research and a little suspension of disbelief can answer. Hopefully most of that makes sense, but it will be a long process. I just ordered Pax Romana by Adrian Goldsworthy which goes into more considerable detail about the process of Romanization and its relationship to the overall internal stability of the empire.
 
I actually just ordered seven more books on this period and I'm hoping they can really add some more insight to my TL. Thanks again for the compliment, and let me know if there's anything that I can improve on!

Which books have you ordered? One thing you could do to improve the timeline is to mention the date in AD besides the consular dating. The consular dating does well for immersion, but sometimes it's hard to remember which year the events are taking place. I hope my suggestion is clear, English is not my native language.
 
Which books have you ordered? One thing you could do to improve the timeline is to mention the date in AD besides the consular dating. The consular dating does well for immersion, but sometimes it's hard to remember which year the events are taking place. I hope my suggestion is clear, English is not my native language.

These are what I ordered:
Dynasty by Tom Holland (covering the rise and fall of the Julio-Claudians)
Pax Romana by Adrian Goldsworthy
Tacitus' Histories
A Constitutional History of Ancient Rome From the Earliest Times to the Reign of Domitian
The Roman Empire at War by Don Taylor
The Rise of Rome by Anthony Everett
Biographies of Caligula and Claudius by History Hourly

And regarding the dating, I have the BCE/CE dates listed on the thread marks, but are you saying that mentions of the dates in the in-line entries would help?
 
And regarding the dating, I have the BCE/CE dates listed on the thread marks, but are you saying that mentions of the dates in the in-line entries would help?

Wow now I feel stupid, I honestly did not notice the dates in the thread marks. It's fine the way it is now.

These are what I ordered:
Dynasty by Tom Holland (covering the rise and fall of the Julio-Claudians)

Dynasty is a pretty well written book, like Rubicon by the same author. It gives a decent overview of the reigns of the Julio-Claudians. I also plan on buying Pax Romana by Goldsworthy one of these days. Recently I bought and read his biographies of Caesar and Augustus, and I really recommend them. Of course they are somewhat less relevant to the timeline.
 
Dynasty is a pretty well written book, like Rubicon by the same author. It gives a decent overview of the reigns of the Julio-Claudians. I also plan on buying Pax Romana by Goldsworthy one of these days. Recently I bought and read his biographies of Caesar and Augustus, and I really recommend them. Of course they are somewhat less relevant to the timeline.

Yeah I just got through reading both Rubicon and Goldsworthy's Augustus. My main goal for TTL is to gain a fuller understanding of the institutional framework of the Empire and establish a military disposition that will make them more-or-less invincible in the long-run, so understanding the institutional breakdown of the Republic and establishment of the principate is crucial for my TL.
 
Book 26: 38-39 CE
Book Twenty Six - The Long March

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Felix Pius prepares his men to cross the Rubicon in the dead of Winter to catch the army of Agrippa off guard.

—In the consulship of Tiberius Aelius Rufinius and Gnaeus Acceronius Proculus…

The city of Rome erupted into chaos. Word of the legions marching south reached the city quickly by word of mouth from the numerous poor farmers whose stores had been confiscated by the undersupplied legions. The legions quickly spread their number in order that they might secure a perimeter North of Rome to prevent any rapid or decisive maneuvers by the amassing revolutionaries. The legions divided themselves between task forces assigned to the numerous major cities around the perimeter of Rome. Corbulo garrisoned Ariminum, Otho did the same to Ravenna, Marcellus to Volterra, and Domitius Ahenobarbus to Perusia. The remainder of their forces occupied the Via Flaminia and awaited orders from their headquarters, which at this time had moved to Arretium to order a final, decisive march on Rome. The officer corps, led chiefly by Lollius and Salvius Glabrio, the latter of whom had fled North from his estates on the seizure of Rome by Agrippa, returned in a tenuous venture southward with the remainder of the treasury which had been located in the mint at Mediolanum. This reserve was used to preempt any attempts by Agrippa and Asinius Celer to purchase the loyalty of the landowners at Volsinii or Campania. With this base of support, the legions awaited orders to march. These orders would not come until Caesar arrived at Dyrrhachium, whereupon he was learned of the grave events in Italia.

In the meanwhile, Vopiscus had expended his own personal estates at the armament of a citizen mob within Rome. This mob, which doubled as a bulwark of safety in which such regime stalwarts as Drusus the censor and Fabius Persicus might find refuge, was put towards occupying the Palatine Hill, which was a quarter of the city heretofore untouched by Agrippa, who limited his dominion to the Forum and the Campus Martius. However, the disposable manpower of this impromptu legion was limited to that which the citizens of the Aventine might muster, in addition to numerous slaves of the imperial household whom had been unlawfully manumitted by Vopiscus. Despite the otherwise effective control which Agrippa exerted over the city, this nuisance remained, and a single legion of forces encircled the bulwark of the Julians such that they might starve. However, the generosity of the peoples therein as well as the loyalties of the vigils allowed these persons to survive a number of months.

On the Ides of Aprilis, Caesar ordered the legions to march on Rome, and they were given broad discretion to exact justice upon the debauched persons therein, for neither Caesar nor did the legions know that Vopiscus was in Rome. They duly marched South and at the old site of Veii, the army of Asinius Celer interceded. The mass of six legions and their accompanying cavalry was an overwhelming force with which Felix Pius dispatched the treacherous proconsul with ease. Asinius Celer attempted a flight to Syracuse, where his elder brother Pollio was living in exile, however he was intercepted at Puteoli by bounty hunters who duly brought his head to the victorious legions. The only remaining forces in Rome had mounted the old Servian Walls and blocked all attempts by the army of Felix to enter.

However, once again within the city, chaos reigned. The fickle loyalties of Agrippa’s lieutenants, one of whom was a prefect named Pinarius Natta, had led to conflict among their armed guards on the Via Sacra. The prior consul, Aelius Rufinius, was struck down by a missile in one such altercation, whereafter he was left to his fate by his lictors, whom themselves had their fasces scattered. In a flagrant fraud of an election organized by Agrippa, whom had appointed himself sole censor in the disorder, appointed the politically inert Aulus Gabinus. This gained him the enmity of Vibius Lamia, whom had himself sought the consulship after his loyal services in the previous year.

Meanwhile, in Thrace, as Caesar had departed to Dyrrhachium, Drusus was left in sole command of the force of five reconstituted legions. With the Thracian army routed, his legions were unopposed in their march into that country from the North. His chief lieutenant in this campaign would be Galba, whom by this time had earned the respect of the legions as well as of Caesar, in spite of his young age. Galba’s young son accompanied the legions, and his kinship with Drusus insured a promising future for the boy. On their advance southward, considerable resistance was met by local nobles whom feared the annexation of their country for the impieties of their king. This peaked at the Rhodian Gates wherein a militia raised by Cotys’ brother, Rhescuporis denied the legions passage for two weeks before their nerve shattered and the cavalry, led by Flavius Sabinus, encircled their line and the insubordinate noble committed suicide. The legions marched to Cabyle, wherein the Thracian imperial residence was located, and installed Rhoemetacles III, whom was a nephew of Cotys, as king of the Thracians, although his court would host a number of cohorts commanded by Aulus Plautius for the next number of years.

In the Autumn months, Agrippa mounted numerous sallies of his troops outwards to engage the legions of Felix in order that they might not sever the supply of water by aqueducts to the city whilst he was inside. However, on the third day before the Nones of October, Vopiscus led a procession of armed citizens accompanied by retired praetorian guardsmen as well as the remainder of the consular lictors and the vigiles. This procession was unopposed as they marched to the Forum, as Agrippa was organizing troops in the northerly quarters of the city, where the pressure of the besieging legions was felt most strongly. Vopiscus mounted the Rostra and delivered a call to arms for any senators remaining in the city. To the amazement of many onlookers, out from the Curia strode Aulus Gabinus, the consul, who joined his lictors with those of Vopiscus. Acceronius Proculus, the other consul, was apoplectic at this flagrant betrayal and himself led a band of men armed with daggers and clubs and set upon the crowd. However, his numbers were paltry in comparison to those of the loyalists, and the beguiled consul fled into the arms of his patron, Agrippa. However, as soon as Agrippa became learned of this, Gabinus had done the unthinkable and opened the Tregiminine Gate.

At a signal given by Vopiscus, the procession marched out and occupied either side of the gate. When Agrippa was made aware of these developments, he left a small garrison at the Colline Gate and marched with ten-thousand troops to the Aventine Hill. At this juncture, he unleashed his troops onto the fortified wall of lictors and vigiles, whereupon many of them were killed. This bloodshed ensued for several hours before the army of Agrippa was dissolved at the trumpet calls of the Legio III Gallica. The legions of Felix had reached the breach in the wall, and the open arms of Vopiscus and Gabinus ushered them into the city. Bloodshed ensued which had not been seen at Rome since the proscriptions of Sulla. The legions did not discriminate in their slaughter. As Agrippa mounted a defense of the Palatine Hill, his army of slaves and freedmen abandoned their patron. The legion of Domitius Ahenobarbus marched up to the palace and slaughtered all who did not flee before them. Agrippa and his son were cut down as they attempted to escape, as was Caeso, whom was himself betrayed by one of his slaves. Acceronius Proculus likewise committed suicide over the dishonorable death brought by the onslaught of the legions. However, the deaths of noble men did not end with these. Many of the Julian clan were resident in the palace, and the legions did not discriminate in their butchery. Lucius Caesar, the son of the Divine Augustus, was murdered on being woken from his sleep by a centurion, as was his son Gaius Solus, who pleaded their innocence to no avail. Fires spread throughout the tenement buildings on the Viminal Hill, where the estates of many senators which had been used as refuge were located. Vibius Lamia and his brother Pullo were killed here in a fire, perishing as they ordered the few remaining vigiles to control the conflagration.

In the wake of this chaos, Vopiscus assembled a meeting of the senate, which was one of the few legal actions undertaken in that year, as Vopiscus had been given tribunician power and was entitled to this assembly. However, the decency of the action ended there, as fewer than one-hundred senators were in attendance, which was not sufficient for a quorum to be met. At this meeting, Dolabella, the only legally elected magistrate left in the city, proposed that Vopiscus be made the acting urban prefect, as a reward for his deliverance of the city from Agrippa, which was met with universal acclaim. Likewise, another unambitious man in the mold of Gabinus, one Octavius Laenas, was elected to fulfill Proculus’ now-vacant consulship for the remaining months of the year. Triumphal honors were voted upon Felix as well as the subordinate commanders of the liberation, among whom were three ex-consuls. Antonius Agrippa in particular would be awarded special honors for his filial piety to uphold the state and his patron, even at the expense of his father and brother. However, many senators were said to have commented that the young Agrippa merely wished that he might become the paterfamilias of the Vipsanii from which he might leverage greater political power.

Caesar entered the city in November, and there was considerable mourning on his arrival. The violent deaths of so many noblemen of all ages had depleted many of the priesthoods and lower magistracies. Dolabella himself had grown weary of his austere post and begged Caesar to allow him to retire. Caesar obliged him and arranged for the elections of Calpurnius Aviola and Appius Pulcher to serve as censors. This was a reward for their loyal service to him during both of the civil wars as well as a favor to the remaining wealthy patricians that their kinsmen remained entitled to the highest magistracies.

However, the tenuous balance of power in the city would not satiate the cautious Caesar, and he assembled a conference of his closest advisors. This consilium, including the elder Drusus, the censors, his most capable freedmen, and many prominent legal scholars — among whom were Marcus Cato, Fabius Persicus, and Marcus Lepidus — put forth their considerable knowledge and political power towards divining a solution to the crises that had unfolded over the preceding decade. To this end, they looked towards the works of Titus Livius, whom had chronicled the early histories of Rome. The upheavals of the early Commonwealth had resolved many of their revolutionary desires by a codification of the heretofore unwritten laws of the Republic, especially during the period ruled by the decemvirs. Caesar came to believe that the upheavals of the Civil Wars, which had begun with the War of the Allies and culminated in his own recent triumph, had come as a result of the Divine Augustus’ failure to resolve the tensions thereof by a codification of laws, instead settling for a series of constitutional resolutions and personal relationships maintained with the various institutions of the Republic, including the senate, the legions, the pontificate, the equestrian order, and the magistracies. To this end, Caesar conferred that a new body of lawmakers would be convened in the following years whereby they might resolve these legal insufficiencies. These extraordinary magistrates would not supersede the authority of the consuls and praetors in that year, however, and their legal production might still be subject to a plebiscite among the number of the senate, whom had been deferred such powers by the Divine Drusus. The membership of this body would be hotly contested by the senate, whom themselves reserved the right to the election of such magistrates. However, all nominees for such positions were under the legal purview of the censors in accordance with the Lex Julia de censoribus.

In order that open confrontation among the surviving senators might be avoided, Caesar resolved that the censors might defer the appointment of half of the nominees to the consuls, both of whom were well-liked among the noblemen in Rome. Those appointed by the censors were Marcus Cato — a man of considerable merit and whom enjoyed a positive reputation due to his ancestry, Domitius Afer — whom was an orator and formerly a praetor whom had won great respect among the senators, Poppaeus Sabinus — an elder statesman whom was a respected lawyer among the nobles, Sextus Marius — a young man of wisdom whom had flourished in spite of his inauspicious name, and Paullus Fabius Maximus — whom was the son of a great friend of the Divine Augustus, and whom had accompanied him to Nola when he underwent his apotheosis. Those appointed by the consuls were men of less considerable legal scholarship, but rather men whom commanded a great following and were possessed of charisma and respect due to their oratory. These men were Thrasea Paetus, Aurelius Severus, Tarius Gratianus, Gellius Publicola, and Livius Ocella, none of whom had served in any post greater than the quaestorship. The only man disqualified by the intercession of Caesar was Asinius Saloninus, whom had been nominated by the consuls, but was the younger brother of the revolutionaries Pollio and Celer, and was judged to be a threat to Caesar in this endeavor.

Lastly in that year, an agent of Caesar had reported to him that Gaius Vipsanianus, the former princeps and seven-times consul, had died due to his reported infirmities and disease. This was the tragedy of the house of Agrippa. Within the same year, all three of his sons perished, and the political landscape of the Empire had seen a total upheaval in leadership since the time of his own early death. The only men of established power among the imperial family whom remained were Caesar himself as well as his brother Tiberius and his cousin, Drusus. This cohort of men were tasked with the ultimate aim of all great men — to ensure the preservation of their legacy and the security of their progeny.

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The decemvirs led by Cato discuss the various legal precedents that their work involved.

—In the consulship of Lucius Claudius Marcellus and Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo...
The decemvirs entered upon their offices to great anticipation. The senior-most decemvir, Marcus Cato, appointed a space within the Tabularium wherein they might gather and conduct their work. The Lex Gabina Octavia which chartered the purview of these extraordinary authors defined their jurisdiction as the laws pertaining to the constitution and courts of the Empire with no further stipulations. Cato himself was realized of great ambitions at this opportunity, and sought to leverage the status of his ancestry coupled with his own extraordinary reputation among the legal scholars of the senate. However, he was also a close friend to Vopiscus and a faithful ally of the family of Caesar. He thusly sought to confirm the powers and prestige awarded to him by Caesar by a simultaneous confirmation of the powers inherited by Caesar and a rationalization of his reforms as well as those of his father and grandfather. To this end, he guided the efforts of the decemvirate towards a comprehensive rationalization of the ad hoc powers and delegations which had thus far governed the Empire since the end of the triumvirate. This included a complete set of laws and offices, each with stipulations and powers imbued, as the cursus honorum had in the days of the old commonwealth. The primary partner he would have in these labors would be Sextus Marius, whom would show himself in the forthcoming year to be a man of determined and capable character, much in the mold of his auspicious ancestor. Together, the two men would author nearly half of the laws which would be produced in that year, and would enjoy incredible clout among their peers thereafter.

With the appearance of accordance with the law upheld by the establishment of the decemvirate, Caesar sought about purging the senate of its revolutionary elements. Although many of the accomplices of Agrippa had fled the city or been killed in the previous year, several of them remained at Rome. One in particular was Lucius Apronius, whom despite the pleading of his son, Apronius Caesianus, had refused to flee the city in fear of the wrath of Caesar. Several other men, including Valerius Catullus and Asinius Gallus had remained in their estates at Rome. Caesar would show remarkable clemency towards many of these men, however no such restraint was shown to Apronius, whom Caesar viewed as a traitor to his father’s will. He was hauled before an assembly of senators and equites before which one of the most distinguished orators of that day, Gaius Cassius, heaped abuses upon him for his filial impiety. The charge of majestas was levied against him for his incitement of violence against the magistrates of the state, and his defense was undertaken by his own son, whom was himself a learned man. The charge of majestas carried with it a penalty of death, however, the senate was so moved by the filial piety of Caesianus, that the consuls commuted his sentence to exile at Argos. He departed the city with his head held high, although his estates were confiscated by Caesar into the military treasury.

At that time, the younger Drusus remained at Moesia at the head of a large army, which had been subsequently reconsolidated in their forts nearer to the border. This was to the chagrin of Galerius, whom was himself both the magister restitutor of the Danuvian legions as well as the governor of Macedonia, and so desired the comprehensive security of his own province, in the case that Aulus Plautius and his garrison might be overrun by the Thracians. However, Drusus at this time dismissed the calls of Galerius to circumvent a Thracian resurgence and focused his attentions instead upon the endemic raiding of the Sarmatians and the various horseman of the country of Scythia. However, the protestations of Galerius grew so great that Drusus dismissed him from his command, and appointed in his place the son of a freedman named Sextus Mummius who hailed from Thessalonika and had been a respected administrator therein. With the discord in his staff having been resolved, Galerius returned to Rome, and Drusus set about preparing for a punitive campaign against the Roxolani herdsmen from beyond the lower Danuvius.

This campaign began as a response to a number of border transgressions by the horse-mounted brigands of that country, and Drusus marched with two legions thereafter, including the expert Thessalian cavalry levied by Mummius. The Sarmatians drew up in battle order in the vicinity of the Greek colony of Olbia. In the center of the line were the Gallic cavalry of Julius Aquila, whereas the right wing was commanded by Paullus Lepidus and the left by Drusus. An additional cavalry contingent led by Mummius was assigned to survey a nearby hilltop from which they could view the field of battle. The Sarmatians drew the multitude of their horsemen across the entire width of the field, as their cavalry were more numerous than those of the legions. The eager Sarmatians engaged the Gallic horseman forthwith and without hesitation, whereupon their numbers prevailed and the Gauls withdrew some distance from this sortie. Specially armed legionaries led by Paullus Lepidus were outfitted with sturdy spears and blunted the charge of further cavalrymen while the Illyrian cavalry of Claudius Bato drew a line on their flank. Meanwhile the meager infantry of the barbarians engaged directly with the legion of Drusus, and he valiantly led his infantry from within their lines as long as his attention was not needed elsewhere. It was at the crucial juncture that the Sarmatians had fully engaged their troops that the decisive blow was struck. A signal was sent to Mummius, who led his Thessalians in a sally directly into the flank of the barbarian foot soldiers. Their number were routed and massacred, although a portion of their cavalry managed to escape. After a brief campaign of reprisal and insurance, Drusus returned his troops to Moesia and re-established them in their fortifications from whence they had been idle.

At Rome, a great assemblage of consulares whom had fled the city or else been assigned to provincial postings. Vopiscus, whom had remained the urban prefect, was embraced by these men, among whom were Lentulus Scipio, the former consul and son of the elder consul, Quinctilius Varus, and Camillus Scribonianus, the consuls of six and nine years hence. Vopiscus was awarded the corona civica by the senate for his valor as well as the triumphal regalia. Caesar likewise awarded the legates of the faithful legions by arranging for the elections of Salvius Otho and Ostorius Scapula as suffect consuls for the second half of the year. It was at the direction of these consuls that the works of the decemvirs were presented to the senate.

This program of laws was an effort to reconcile the entire history of laws of the Commonwealth with the recent reforms of the pricipes. Among them were a series of laws confirming the laws already extant — including the many Julian laws of the Divine Julius and Augustus as well as the Clodian Laws of Publius Pulcher the tribune, the Cornelian Laws of Sulla, and the Cassian corruption laws. The lesser of these laws addressed such matters as the investment of certain cities in the provinces with Latin rights, the expansion of the number of minor administrative magistracies in Rome from twenty to fifty, the prohibition on consecutive magistracies, the regulation of adoptions with ulterior political motives, and the eligibility of the sons of freedmen for various magistracies. However, the more consequential of these laws were those authored by Cato, Sextus Marius, Domitius Afer, Thrasea Paetus, Paullus Fabius, and Poppaeus Sabinus. The Poppaean law imbued the censors with the power to elevate persons to the patriciate on their mutual consent, while also limiting the number of persons able to serve as senators thereafter. The Clodian Laws of Thrasea made formal the transfer of all electoral, judicial, and legislative powers to the senate — with the sole exception of the election of the plebeian tribunes, whom would remain the purview of the tribal assembly. The Domitian Laws reconciled the list of public crimes which could be brought before a praetor’s tribunal as well as limiting the power of the princeps with regard to his privilege concerning the Empire’s relationships with the various client kings thereof. Importantly, the Fabian Law imbued the censors with the power to arrange for the election of ten new decemvirs after the passage of a saeculum, such that the forbearance of any new irreconcilable laws might be rectified within that timeframe.

However, as I have previously mentioned, the productions of Cato and Marius were the most consequential of these laws. The Marian Laws were threefold: firstly, the city of Rome might become home to a permanent office of appeals for the provincial populace. These councils, staffed by the wealthy citizens of these provinces, might serve as a conduit through which the grievances of the provinces might be heard quickly by the princeps. This was done at the discretion of Caesar himself, who wished that the revolutionary designs that had recently gained credence in Illyricum might not repeat themselves in other crucial regions. Secondly, Marius restricted the powers of the imperatores regionales, whom at this time commanded the bulk of the legions in Caesar’s provinces. He sought that they might not declare war, nor leave their provinces on penalty of majestas. Thirdly, and most crucially, Marius set into law the bifurcation between provincial governorships and regional imperatorships. Furthermore, in order to avoid the revolutions of recent history, it was judged that all proconsuls and praetorial legates must be confirmed in their commands every year by the word of the princeps and that the governors would likewise be restricted to purely administrative and judicial functions while the financial levies would fall under the purview of procurators.

Cato likewise, produced a fourfold law, the first of which officially delegated the powers of the urban magistracies between one another, as their powers had been left vague by the constitutional settlements of the Divine Augustus. The tribunate in particular had the right of interposition returned to that venerable office, however, it was limited to effectiveness in the case of all ten tribunes consenting. Secondly, Cato set out a set of elected offices which might establish an independent financial apparatus for the provinces, the candidacies for which would be open to both senators and equites. Thirdly, the number of praetorship was set at twelve, in addition to a special praetorship, the praetor patriae, which would oversee all treason trials and would serve for eighteen months rather than the traditional year. This was in accordance with the Domitian Law which regulated the jurisdictions of each of these praetors. Lastly, Cato established a permanent apparatus through which the princeps might introduce any legislation to the senate. This consilium would include the princeps himself, as well as the consuls, censors, and consuls-elect for that year. Additionally, each of the sitting praetors would be constituent, in addition to the two most senior ex-consuls present in Rome, the secretary-general, the urban prefect, and a single tribune, selected by lot among the ten for that year.

This body of laws, known thereafter as the Germanican Lexicon, awed the senate, whom had themselves not expected such a comprehensive corpus of regulations, although they would accede to this proposal. The Lexicon became law with their unanimous approval, as none of the senior senators present were willing to challenge the will and allies of Caesar. Particular interest was drawn to the election of the praetor patriae in that year, as many young ex-quaestors sought the prestigious honor for themselves. The eventual winner was none other than Lucius Julius Caesar Felix Pius, the so-called “imperator of Italy” whom had earned great respect both from the senatorial stalwarts and the allies of Caesar. He would serve this office humbly for the next eighteen months. At this, the younger Drusus returned to Rome wherein he was greeted with likewise triumphal decorations, and set about planning his forthcoming designs upon the command among his favorite legions, those of Germania for whence his father had been named.
 
Great Update. Seems that after the bloody repression and with the new codex would help to stabilize and at middle term to stabilize and prevent that these kind of internal strife and/or challenges to the Cesar authority could happen again. Also, this sector of the low Danubius limes seems that had been secured given the crushing defeat that the Roxolani had suffered seems that, at least two short or middle term, hardly would be a menace again.
 
Great Update. Seems that after the bloody repression and with the new codex would help to stabilize and at middle term to stabilize and prevent that these kind of internal strife and/or challenges to the Cesar authority could happen again. Also, this sector of the low Danubius limes seems that had been secured given the crushing defeat that the Roxolani had suffered seems that, at least two short or middle term, hardly would be a menace again.

Thanks! These last few updates are what I've spent the last four months working on behind the scenes, so I'm glad they came out well!

My main goal with this whole "decemvirate" fiasco is much more subtle than the myriad laws that the decemvirs produced. The primary institutional weakness of the early empire (I have come to believe) is the lack of any legitimizing force separate from the legions, and the constitutional vagaries of this arrangement is what made the succession so unstable during this period. My own research has led me to the conclusion that a violent succession is only a tangential issue regarding imperial security, and the actual threat it posed was indirect. While the reforms of the period from Vespasian-Hadrian are generally regarded as positive and forward-thinking, I will argue that they did more to contribute to the eventual fall of the empire than anything the later emperors did. By establishing a continuous border defense, the army sacrificed any disposable manpower (and consequently any political leverage) and thus bore the full brunt of responsibility for imperial security. However, this was a political necessity as the usurpation of Vespasian proved that independent client kingdoms posed a political risk to any weak emperors in Rome, and thus he annexed them to preclude such possibilities, thus sacrificing military mobility for regime security (which worked by the way). However, this system is too inflexible since military threats will necessarily escalate over time, and so I have elected to preserve the client system in areas where it is viable and to only engage in static forward defenses in areas where no clients are available (like the Sarmatian border). Basically, to do all this, the office of princeps need constitutional legitimacy, and so the Germanican lexicon will offer this on an implicit level. Although the office of princeps remains vague (per the settlements of Augustus), the limitations placed on it by the Porcian and Marian laws will implicitly legitimize it as a formal magistracy. Thus, the roundabout solution I've come about is this:

1. Princeps is limited in its legal prerogatives, therefore
2. Princeps is made an official, legal magistracy
3. The office of princeps cannot be seized by force
4. Usurpers will not be encouraged to seek help from client states
5. Emperors will be able to broadly trust client states
6. Client states will bear the brunt of imperial security
7. The empire will maintain its disposable manpower
8. No crisis of the third century
 
Also now the Empire besides to be more territorially extensive and seems that more populated though have a much more manageable border, that generally it's far from the core regions/provinces, but more important, it's the internal stability and that the Empire can keep to the barbarians beyond the imperial borders.
 
Also now the Empire besides to be more territorially extensive and seems that more populated though have a much more manageable border, that generally it's far from the core regions/provinces, but more important, it's the internal stability and that the Empire can keep to the barbarians beyond the imperial borders.

Interestingly enough, the empire ITTL is actually less internally stable than the empire was IOTL. It is this very instability that will eventually beget more resilient institutions. However, more importantly is this: The fact that almost all of the internal strife is derived from rivalries within the Julian family implicitly legitimizes their rule much further. In this vein, even potential usurpers from outside the family will channel their revolutionary designs through the conduit of any marginalized and ambitious Julians. Thus over time, their personal familial leadership will become entrenched in the laws of the empire.
 
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Also, I just realized that's a wrap for this chapter on the early reign of Germanicus, so check back to the beginning for the summary that I've added if you like! There may be a brief delay before I get started on the next big chapter "The Changing of the Guard", but I've already gotten a ton of work done, so be ready for updates soon!
 
So my bad everyone, I skipped an entry on this last chapter, I'll add it after this and redo the intro to the next chapter.
 
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Book 27: 40-41 CE
Book Twenty Seven - Aftermath of the Civil Wars

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Aviola addresses the consilium principis before the arrival of Germanicus Invictus

—In the consulship of Titus Flavius Sabinus and Publius Salvius Glabrio…

The elder Tiberius, the brother of Caesar and son of the divine Drusus, reneged on his engagements at Rome and retired to the imperial estates at Nola, where he resumed his scholarship away from the dangers of the political environment at Rome. This was because, although his brother was Caesar, he was neither foolhardy nor ambitious, and so sheltered his household within the confines of Campania. At this same juncture, the freedman administrators whom had fled to the Italian countryside returned to Rome, and one among their number, named Quintus Marcianus Rex, had been productive in his absence. He had been the one to orchestrate the entrance of Vopiscus into Rome in the preceding years, and for his services, he was awarded the secretary generalship, which was assigned with the management of the imperial archives and the authorship of imperial instructions to the provinces.

With this having been established, Caesar called for the assemblage within his household the first formal consilium of the princeps in accordance with the Porcian law. He called his sons into this meeting, but insisted that they remain silent, as they did not hold any formal magistracies at this time. Gaius Saturninus was made the urban prefect after Vopiscus’ brief tenure thereupon, and so he was present along with his brother Lucius, who was consul-elect in that year. His colleague was Calpurnius Serranus, and they likewise did not speak. The preeminent magistrates in attendance were of course the censors and consuls — Aviola, Pulcher, Sabinus, and Glabrio — along with five praetors. These were Felix Pius, whom was the first to hold his office and sought precedent congruent with the designs of Caesar, Sextus Marius, Poppaeus Sabinus, and Aurelius Severus — all of whom had been decemvirs previously, as well as a young patrician named Cestius Gallus. The junior member of this consilium was Caecilius Cilo, one of the tribunes for that year, and he was a man distinguished only by his wit, but was unambitious and feared Caesar. The great object of their endeavors was the consular elections of the following years, which the censors agreed would be in the best interests of Caesar to determine in advance. From among the great number of praetors seeking public office, only three would be allowed to run for office in each year, such that the senators would more likely aim their ambitions at one another rather than at Caesar. Among these men would be numerous members of the imperial family, including the sons of Caesar, Messalla Barbatus, and Felix Pius. Other men of notable ancestry, as well as several from humble origins, would stand for election, just as had been done in the times of the old commonwealth.

At this consilium, Aviola spoke privately to Caesar in concern for the instability of the armies in Germania. The legions there had become battle-hardened and conscientious of their essential role within the imperial apparatus. Thus Caesar resolved to send Drusus and his cousin, Marcus Rufus to Germania whereupon they assumed an imperium over all of Gaul and Germania with which they had been imbued by Caesar. With this power, Drusus issued the establishment of new offices and commands among the legati and governors of those provinces. The whole theatre of war would be overseen by a Magister Occidens, whom was required to have been both a consul and a proconsul for a total of five years. Subordinate to this man would serve the imperatores of Spain, Germania, and Pannonia with their respective officers. The man appointed to this powerful office was Camillus Scribonianus, the consul of nine years hence whom had been one of the victorious commanders of the Illyrian Revolt. As he made the journey to assume this command, he was accompanied by Claudius Primus, whom had erstwhile accompanied Vopiscus at Rome for the last year. On his arrival, Drusus called a council of his comrades in the mold of Caesar’s consilium at Rome in the same year. This included all of his senior advisors, men such as Junius Blaesus and Quinctilius Varus, as well as his younger colleages, many of whom were now ex-consuls. In light of this vacuum of advocates at Rome, Drusus sent word for his numerous allies which he had acquired during his numerous years on campaign, among whom were the ex-praetors Sextus Mummius and Cornelius Gallus from Greece, as well as numerous Spaniards and Germans whom would earn esteem in the eyes of Caesar in light of his son’s favor.

Meanwhile at this time, Gnaeus Domitius was exacting a cruel tribute from the peoples on the eastern coasts of Italia in the region of Picenum. These communities had been stalwart allies of Agrippa during the civil war, and many of their cities had not opened their gates to him and his allies as they had marched on Rome on the Flaminian Way. Many local magistrates were lynched by his legionaries and the ramparts of numerous settlements were torn down whereafter their inhabitants were harassed and robbed, in spite of their rights of citizenship. Many fled this terror to Rome whereby they appealed these abuses to Caesar personally, or to the majestic praetor in that year, Aurelius Severus. However, this Severus had been a friend of Domitius in their childhoods, and thus he refused that any charges might be brought against his friend.

While this was going on, the women of the imperial family, having fled the city in the chaos of the civil wars, returned to Rome. This entourage included Agrippina Augusta, the wife of Caesar, and their numerous daughters. They were welcomed at Rome with great fanfare, as many of them were beloved by the urban plebeians and patricians alike for their great virtue and ancestries. Also in this group were the children of Marcus Aquileanus, the deceased son of Agrippa. Being without a father and far too young to assume familial duties of their own, they were graciously accepted into the household of their uncle, Antonius Agrippa. He adopted his two nephews, Marcus and Lucius Agrippa, into his household. This act of generosity and patronage was met with unanimous renown for Antonius’ filial piety and paternal duty and the two of them were celebrated in equal measure to Antonius the younger, whom was himself highly valued as a youth among the city of Rome.

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A bust of Felix Pius, imperator of Italy and the first praetor patriae

—In the consulship of Lucius Sentius Saturninus and Lucius Nonius Asprenas Calpurnius Serranus…
Felix Pius, while serving in his capacity as praetor patriae was arranged to marry Claudia, the sister of Gemellus and the daughter of Drusus the elder. This was a remarkable step towards his integration with the regime of Caesar. Hitherto, he had been a marginal prince, eclipsed by not just Caesar’s sons, but also Aquileanus and Gaius Solus, but their untimely deaths had gifted to Pius the perfect opportunity to cast his lot either with Caesar or with Agrippa. His role in the struggle that ensued forced Caesar to call him to his side or else execute him, for fear that he might repeat Agrippa’s machinations with those old enough to remember the regime of Gaius Vipsanianus. However, his steadfast loyalty and piety ensured his absorption into the mainstream of imperial life, where he was thus forth an equal of many of his illustrious cousins.

Before the consilium of Caesar could be assembled, a former magistrate from Asculum, Egnatius Calvinus, brought charges of majestas against Domitius, whom had returned to Rome in the early days of that year. The praetor thereover, named Gaius Cinna, was the son of the consul whom had been killed in the Julian schism, and had no affinity for Domitius, as his own father had been one of those complicit in the cruel regime of Vipsanianus. He thus brought Domitius to court on these charges, where he would be prosecuted by a young senator whom was a tribune in that year named Junius Aper. However, on the day that the trial was convened, the onlookers were aghast at the man who appeared as the counsel for the defense. This man was Vopiscus himself, whom had been granted the tribunician authority in his consulship nine years hence. He interposed his personage on the proceedings and ordered the trial dispersed. Furious at this, Aper denounced him on that day and continuously thereafter whenever an audience would hear him. Eventually Caesar interceded on behalf of his son and Aper was stripped of his office, whereafter he fled Rome in disgrace, whereafter he was accepted by the Asculans for his attempt to wrest justice from their arraigner, Domitius. In light of this, to placate the citizens of Picenum, Antonius Agrippa was dispatched by Caesar to bestow gifts of coins and grants from the military treasury and the household of the Julii, and thereafter, no efforts were made to prosecute the agents of Caesar whom had acted in bad faith after the insurgency of Agrippa.

However, Felix Pius would be forced to resign his office of praetor patriae after only seventeen months because of news that reached him of the death of Marcus Rufus, his younger brother. The younger Drusus had sent this news with great sorrow, and many at Rome began to immediately suspect the freedman, Claudius Primus, whom had ended his brief residence in Germania after the stripling’s untimely death. After this, Caesar made no visible efforts to punish Primus, in spite of the apparent nature of his crimes, for he apparently valued the cohesiveness of his lieutenants over the integrity of his subordinates. In the wake of this, after Pius had been absolved of grief, he brought Primus before the peregrine praetor, Aelius Marcellinus, who oversaw crimes committed abroad or by foreigners in Rome. By doing so, rather than bringing him before the praetor in charge of assassination cases, he was deliberately implying that Primus was a foreigner to Rome, and thus deserved no place in the regime of Caesar. In his efforts, he was tacitly supported by Gaius Aviola, the censor, whom had grown uncomfortable with the administrative apparatus controlled by the imperial freedmen, and thus desired to check their ambitions through this public trial and exile of Primus. However, on the appointed day of the trial, Vopiscus once again interceded on the proceedings and the trial was cancelled.

This infuriated the secretary of the capital, Drusus Julius Carbo, who took the opportunity to denounce publicly the repeated machinations and usurpations of Primus, whom he viewed as a rival within the secretariat. However, when he became learned of these developments, Caesar immediately reconciled the two and chastised them for disrupting the stability of Rome for their own personal vendettas. In order to placate this dispute, Caesar arranged for the trial and exile of Aurelius Severus, whom had been praetor in the previous year and also a decemvir. This was done such that the malcontents within Caesar’s camp would not view him as having sided with the ambitious jackals at his sides to their detriment. The exile of such an esteemed person whom had been a decemvir, praetor, and consul-elect would placate the party of Pius and those whom had prosecuted Domitius while simultaneously not alienating the growing following that Vopiscus had accrued.

Drusus spent the summer of that year traveling around the German provinces distributing gifts and extending grants of Latin Rights to the peoples of various provincial settlements. A few of these were even given full citizenship, including the border cities of Tiberium, Limitanensis, and Arboretium. He tasked the numerous legions therein, whom had been recalled from their temporary quarters in Marcomannicum in the preceding years, with the construction of causeways and ramparts within the unruly country such that travel might be more expedient through that country. Simultaneously, Junius Blaesus, the imperator thereover, was kept vigilant along the frontiers with his lieutenant, Paullus Scaurus, engaged in periodic clashes with raiders along the border with the Lugii, whom resided just North of the Marcomanni and south of the Sueves and Lombards.

Lastly, as a matter of course in this year, Vopiscus, as the primary patron in Rome after Caesar, saw fit to arrange for the marriages of the deceased Marcus Rufus’ daughters, Julia Livilla and Julia Rufinia. They, although still children, were betrothed to two of the pre-eminent young men in the city. Livilla was betrothed to Cossus Lentulus, son of the propraetor who fought alongside Caesar in the schism, and Rufinia was betrothed to Gaius Lollius, the former legatus in Germania. This was in opposition to the loud protests of Pius, whom had earned the enmity of Vopiscus for his delay in the seizure of Rome from Agrippa which led to the deaths of many of Vopiscus’ friends, including Gaius Solus. Vopiscus lastly saw fit to try Quintus Pedius and Pinarius Scarpus, whom were descendants of Julia Secunda, the younger sister of the Divine Julius for the crime of extortion. Both men had previously been of service to Drusus and Galerius in Macedonia, and Vopiscus, in order to court the favor of Galerius, whom was already discomforted by Caesar’s denial of him to the title of princeps senatus and not chastised Drusus for his foul treatment in Moesia several years prior. Galerius, whom had thusfar been living quietly at his estate in the Suburba, reestablished himself in the political life of Rome as the prosecutor of these men, accompanied by his son Galerius Trachalus. They were both exiled and their inheritances were confiscated by the agents of Caesar.
 
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Volume Seven -- Changing of the Guard
Volume Seven - Changing of the Guard
Translated by Clodius Theodoricus Alexander MDXXXIX ab Urbe Condita for all twelve of the Imperial Universities

Hail the Caesars for his great victories over the easterners at the Battles of the Bosporus! With the present threat passed, I am happy that this, and all earlier translations of the annals will be available for use at all of the imperial universities, especially for Tiberium, and I wish them the best of omens in the reconstruction of their forum after it's recent catastrophe. I apologize for the great length of time between this and the most recent publications; I was called into service for the administrative clerical bureau in Nicaea for the last of the war years and was unable to have my books shipped to me because of poor weather conditions and the banditry in Syria. During my service, our tabularium was graced by the presence of Emperor Paullus Aquila as he made his way to inspect the garrisons in the East, and I received his blessing to return to my scholarship in Alexandria, and I have since been hard at work translating the most recent volume. I also had the privilege of attending a diplomatic summit in Palmyra where the kings of Persia, Armenia, Commagena, and Arabia were attendant, and as a sign of goodwill, the king of kings himself granted immense works of eastern scholarship to my entourage in return for a sum of sestercii. I was also granted great favors by Agrippa XXI of Judea as I passed through his country, and these gifts will hopefully improve the quality of any further publications. May the divine emperors bless all your endeavors.

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The Temple of the Divine Drusus, constructed during the reign of Germanicus and finished by his successors, who would dedicate it to him as well.

Chronicle of Volume Seven (795 - 809 AUC)

Coming once I finish writing it...

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Germanicus Invictus, the Fourth Emperor of Rome, who famously never lost a battle when he commanded legions.
 
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Very interesting update...

Seems that, at least in the new German cities, the Romanization it's making progress in Germany. The new administrative/political subdivision of the Atlantic/Western Provinces besides to the, internal political motivation, seems clear that too, will improve their administration but especially their defense. Also, with the Empire in peace again, with the Caesar's enemies crushed, with the new provinces integration progressing and the strong defense of the new northern borders seems that the external peace has been secured, too.
Given the lack of enemies that could be capable to menace the whole Empire beyond the borders and given the kind of lands beyond the Albis and the Danube and its relative emptiness, seems that at least for the short to middle term, the expansion beyond those limits that would be considered as impractical. But I think that now, perhaps could be time to give more attention to the southern border, for the Cesar but especially, I guess, for the Hispanian Imperator...
 
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