The Annals of Aelius -- A History of Rome Under the Julian Emperors

Which writing style should I stick with from here on out?

  • I love reading your mediocre imitation of Latin prose, keep the historian-style

  • The full text gave me suicidal thoughts, TL;DR, stick to the summaries

  • Both is fine, I'm only skimming anyways


Results are only viewable after voting.
@my dear readers

The end of the first big chapter is coming up, and I'm going to include a big grand old timeline summary, which will include a complete Julian family tree, a comparison between OTL's Roman Empire and this one, a brief summary timeline, a few maps to tie-in the rest of the world for context, and a pie graph of the Empire's budget and GDP (what fun!). So if there are any gaps in y'all's curiosity about my TL that you'd like answered in an objective, out-of-character summary, please let me know! Curious about how the Parthians are doing on the eastern front? Wanna see a detailed map of where the legions are located? Desperate to know what's going on in Britain?? Just message me and I'll see what I can do! :)
 
I thinks that besides of the AH classic discussion about if Roma must or not to conquest Britain...would be interesting to know how different to OTL...,if its , the island affaires are developing and how much its the Roman cultural and political influence its affecting the Island.
Another factor, I think , would be, at least within some of them (Druids, Tribal chiefs) the logical fear towards the neigborough behemoth across the channel.
 
I thinks that besides of the AH classic discussion about if Roma must or not to conquest Britain...would be interesting to know how different to OTL...,if its , the island affaires are developing and how much its the Roman cultural and political influence its affecting the Island.
Another factor, I think , would be, at least within some of them (Druids, Tribal chiefs) the logical fear towards the neigborough behemoth across the channel.

Britain has been my most requested topic, so I'll see if I can't write a short story about some chap on the island and tie it into my story somehow, or else everyone will stop reading out of protest I suppose
 
Britain has been my most requested topic, so I'll see if I can't write a short story about some chap on the island and tie it into my story somehow, or else everyone will stop reading out of protest I suppose

Well, I suggested Britain because besides of it relatively little importance in TTL for Rome I guess that would be interesting to explore TTL Britain.

But if you are looking for suggestions (guess that) not than popular then I would suggest that if you can... would be interesting too, to get some info additional about Roman Palestine, the Red Sea region and/or Armenia and the Caucasus.

Also about the last update itself...seems me that, in this occasion, was near avoided a civil war and/or that happen a fight by the throne...

Finally while by now the situation around the border along the Albis river seems controlled and the newly comers tribes were punished and made acknowledge the Roman authority and respect the border...But the whole situation seems unstable and perhaps the next generation of young (and greedy, too, perhaps) warriors would try to put at test the Roman defences.
Perhaps would will attempt to do...if the empire need withdraw some troops and/or to face one repentant /unexpected crisis anywhere else... Anyway I think that would be many probabilities that the Empire would will to have to do a campaign around and/or beyond the Albis river.
 
Personally I would be interested in what is going on in the east, with a special focus toward the parthians and maybe Armenians.
Anyway good timeline, waiting for more.
P.s. how is going the development for the new timeline?
 
Well, I suggested Britain because besides of it relatively little importance in TTL for Rome I guess that would be interesting to explore TTL Britain.

But if you are looking for suggestions (guess that) not than popular then I would suggest that if you can... would be interesting too, to get some info additional about Roman Palestine, the Red Sea region and/or Armenia and the Caucasus.

Also about the last update itself...seems me that, in this occasion, was near avoided a civil war and/or that happen a fight by the throne...

Finally while by now the situation around the border along the Albis river seems controlled and the newly comers tribes were punished and made acknowledge the Roman authority and respect the border...But the whole situation seems unstable and perhaps the next generation of young (and greedy, too, perhaps) warriors would try to put at test the Roman defences.
Perhaps would will attempt to do...if the empire need withdraw some troops and/or to face one repentant /unexpected crisis anywhere else... Anyway I think that would be many probabilities that the Empire would will to have to do a campaign around and/or beyond the Albis river.

Don't worry, I'll never forgive myself if I don't cover Britain at least once. I think I'll have the Romans invade around the same time as IOTL, but they'll get kicked off the island instead of winning a glorious victory. And don't fear, I already have plans in the works for some machinations along the Elbe border.

Personally I would be interested in what is going on in the east, with a special focus toward the parthians and maybe Armenians.
Anyway good timeline, waiting for more.
P.s. how is going the development for the new timeline?

The consensus seems to be that everyone wants to hear how the East is doing, so that'll be a big feature of the summary, maybe even India, who knows. With regard to my other TL, it's going to be slow progress. I'm currently reading a few relevant books on the late 4th and early 5th centuries, so it will take some time before I'm comfortable enough with the time period to start writing. I have a very rough outline (if you want to see it, message me, I don't want it to be public quite yet), but it's gonna take a bit. It took me 2-ish years of casual reading and research to reach the level of familiarity that I have with the late Republic and early Empire, and I'd like to be at a similar level of comprehension for the late Empire. But don't worry, I'll have the first entry to the Adrianople TL posted to the site by September at the very latest. I'll probably update it much slower than this one though, until I'm finished with it at least
 
Book 20: 23-25 CE
Book Twenty - The Crisis Intensifies

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A coin minted commemorating the accession of Gaius and honoring his brother Lucius

—In the consulship of Gaius Julius Caesar for the Third Time as Augustus and Marcus Aurelius Cotta for the Second Time…
The earliest months of the year saw considerable developments along the eastern border, which had begun in the previous year. Marcus Servilius had corresponded with Germanicus, whom was in Cappadocia in that year, and from their collaborations had surmised that the newly raised Caesar was the perpetrator of their calamities. Servilius himself, given his ties to the son of the divine Drusus, both in friendship as well as in patronage, was fearful for his life should he return to Rome and instead gathered his personal guard and fled Ancyra to join in the order of battle assembling at Caesarea. Their number had grown to twenty-five thousand with these additions, but Piso had encountered further encumbrances among the military order of the East. Gaius Aviola had gathered his entourage and prepared to depart his command in the following year in correspondence with the orders sent from Rome, however his soldiers in the months hence had heard of the death of Caesar and did not recognize the acclaim to which the senate had elevated the new princeps. The Legio VI Ferrate, commanded by another friend of Germanicus, Decimus Asiaticus, and the Legio XXIV Parthica, commanded personally by Aviola both refused Piso entry to their castra, and he was forced to rally the singular compliant legion, the X Fretensis, and head south to Aegypt. He believed that the two legions therein would accept his imperatorship of the East, as he had acted upon orders directly sent from the new princeps.

However, the governor of Aegypt, Gaius Galerius, whom had been consul three years hence with Cotta, had received personal orders in the imperial insignia to refuse entry to Piso, whom was of senatorial rank and could not dwell among the estates of the princeps without expressed allocation thereby. When Piso’s legion was refused, the humbled patrician was realized with the gravity of his predicament. He had been abandoned by his patron, despite that Caesar was his nephew-in-law. However, he would imbue his singular legion with a fervor befitting a man facing his own mortality, and they would march North, uniting with a force of foederati from among the number of the Arabs, commanded by their noblemen from Petra. This assemblage stormed the castrum of Aviola and the loyal cohorts were routed into the desert. Aviola himself fled into the castrum of Asiaticus, where they would be joined in short order by the legions of Germanicus, bringing their total number up to thirty thousand in comparison with Piso’s ten thousand.

When the legion of Piso arrived at Colonia Berytus to engage with Asiaticus, he was disheartened to see the standards of Germanicus joined in their order of battle. The bloodshed between these legions was brief and light. The flanks of Piso had been overwhelmed within a few hours by the superior numbers and their lines broke, with many centurions defecting to the forces of Germanicus and Asiaticus. Those who did not surrender were crucified for their treasons, along with a number of their Arab compatriots which had been captured. Piso had been found to have committed suicide shortly after the battle, and his corpse and property was defaced by the infuriated legionaries of the East, whom had felt betrayed in their castra by the usurper Piso. However, upon their capitulation, a number of general staff and officials whom had served with the rebellion divulged to an inquiring Germanicus that it had been Caesar whom had authored the actions of Piso. In the savvy style of his diplomacy and his fear of the intensification of any tensions, Germanicus had these knowledgable men executed such that they would now sow disquiet among the castra of his own legions, whom Germanicus feared would incur him to march on Rome. The discomforted prince would remain at Berytus for the remainder of the year in secret correspondence with his brother in Rome, and would contemplate his future courses of action when Caesar heard of these recent occurrences, while his deputies would govern Syria and Cappadocia in his stead.

However, as news of the conflagration in the East had spread, numerous legions would grow disquieted in their composure among their auxiliae in their castra along the various rivers which they garrisoned in defense of the Empire. In particular, the legions in several portions of Germania, including those commanded by Marcus Plautius Silvanus, whom had been consul twelve years hence. These were complemented by an accompanying mutiny by the legions of Illyricum, which were governed by Sextus Pompeius, whom had been consul likewise with Silvanus, although Pompeius was not complicit in this mutiny and had in fact been expelled from his province for his compliance with Caesar. The young Caesar was incensed by this flagrant disregard for his supreme imperium in their provinces. He immediately ordered his brother Agrippa to travel personally to the castra at Illyricum from his own at Moesia and quiet these brigands. Toward these ends he was given broad license, including a large treasury and imperium over the secondary province.

These legions, whom had surely selected this occasion for their treason solely due to the death of the elder Caesar, were cowed by the presence of Agrippa, and a multitude of their cowardly membership denounced the revolutionaries among their number. Agrippa would dismiss these sycophants and instead address the multitude of the complicit legionaries at the gate of their castrum. He at once expressed his indignation at their pettiness and impiety. They were in violation of their oaths and had committed a sacrilege, incurring great dishonor upon their standards as well as upon their duties. Agrippa further inquired as to the ends toward which they disregarded their oaths. Did these legionaries believe that by demanding an audience with Caesar and casting out their appointed imperator that they would be lauded with coronae and awarded a sum of sesterces? The centurions were at once shamed into compliance and presented the instigators to Agrippa in chains. They were at once tried and a number of them were executed or made to perform labor in the imperial mines. The legions of Germania were likewise cowed by Dolabella and Marcus Silvanus was recalled to Rome. In his place, Marcus Vipstanius Gallus, whom had been consul four years hence, would be sent to govern Germanic Coloniensis and the legions therein.

Caesar would be relieved at these reports from Agrippa and Dolabella, as well as those of Germanicus, although he would be cautioned by the patronage of Germanicus provided to Asiaticus, Aviola, and Servilius, despite that he welcomed the governors dispatched in the imperial dignity. He resolved to requisition, from his lieutenant Galerius, an additional levy against the landholders holding leases from among the ager publicus in Aegypt. The dividends from this levy would be distributed among the legions of the East which had remained loyal to Germanicus and advertised broadly among the various castra on the limits of the Empire. Germanicus himself publicly praised the generosity of the wise Caesar, although he recognized this donative as an extension of patronage which could potentiate an outcome of undermining the loyalty commanded by his own personage among the eastern legions. He would proceed with caution, deferring to the judgements of his allies both at Rome and in his provinces, and cautioning not to enrage Caesar with blatant disrespect or insubordination.

Caesar and his consular colleague, Cotta, set themselves to work establishing their allies as the dominant party among the senate. In this they would answer the opposition of the previous year, among the number of which sat Cinna Magnus and Gaius Pollio as well as the elder prefect Petronius, although Petronius would be dismissed and replaced by Quintus Naevius Sutorius Macro in that year. Cinna had been at court with Agrippa for numerous months in the consulship of Regulus and Gallus, and Agrippa’s subsequent correspondence with Caesar had informed him of the ambition of Cinna, who shared this with his ancestor. Caesar in his savviness resolved to award Cinna with numerous honors for his service in Moesia and likewise resolved to have his appointment to the proconsulship of Lusitania, over which the senate now held jurisdiction. He had no choice but to accept this honor, for to refuse would be an insult to Caesar, of whom Cinna was fearful, and he took as part of his staff several of his allies including Gnaeus Tremellius and Gaius Varro, whom had been consul ten years hence, and both of whom were wary of Caesar. However, Caesar cautioned against dismissing his most powerful opposition, the senior censor Marcus Lepidus and his brother Lepidus Minor, as doing so would break with the precedent set by the divine Drusus and possibly threaten his earned legitimacy among the number of the senate.

Lucius had overseen the unfolding of events over the two years since his return to Rome and remained in the background for fear of alienation from either of his powerful relatives. He had spent these years entertaining at his household a variety of senatorial guests, including his father-in-law Cotta, as well as a number of allies of his family, such as the family of Appius Claudius, as well as cultivating a close relationship with Drusus. Drusus himself enjoyed excellent relations with a great multitude of the senatorial as well as equestrian orders, although these relationships were not so overt that they appeared to threaten the supremacy of Caesar. Tiberius likewise consulted with the pontiffs and augurs over the course of the year and came to be fearful of the auspices of Mars, which had been uncertain in that year. His brother had neglected to correspond with them, but Tiberius knew of the military acumen of his brother as well as of Aviola and Asiaticus, and feared that they were desirous toward revolution, which could incur bloodshed not seen since the conflagration at Actium in the consulship of Augustus for the fourth time and Crassus. To this end Tiberius resolved to incur some opposition to Caesar from within rather than without.

Through the medium of Lucius, Caesar was convinced to recall his brother Agrippa to Rome for a consulship in the next year. Cotta was in support of this move, as he was desirous of the Moesian proconsulship for himself, and Caesar knew that dispatching his closest lieutenant would encourage the loyalty of the legions along the Danuvius. He would likewise recall Pompeius and assign the proconsulship of Illyricum to Mamercus Aemilius Scaurus, whom had been consul two years hence with Nerva. The year closed with an assemblage of powerful persons at Rome and a diffusion of partisans of the young Caesar into the provinces, although the entourage of Germanicus remained in power in the East and the two factions sought multitudes of clients in opposition to their mutual influence.

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Piso's legionaries looting Syrian towns as the locals try to refuse them supplies

—In the consulship of Gaius Julius Caesar for the Fourth Time as Augustus and Decimus Laelius Balbus for the Second Time…
Caesar became increasingly conscious of the assemblage of opposition to his reign among the ranks of the senate. However, an outright seizure of offices and banishment of any dissidents would likely galvanize the great multitude of the austere council, and thus Caesar resolved to consolidate a greater number of the praetorians at Rome. He installed an ally of the divine Drusus, Lucius Aelius Saturninus, whom was the elder prefect of the praetorian castrum at Mutina, as the superior officer of a group of six cohorts which would station themselves at a castrum just to the North of the Campus Martius, which had previously housed only two cohorts of the praetorians.

Having dispatched his most capable lieutenants to serve as imperators in the provinces, Caesar resolved to consolidate his influence among the resident masses of the senate. With the return of the demagogue, Gaius Cassius Longinus from his proconsulship in Africa, he employed his considerable rhetorical and legal skill to gain support among the senate. Although Cassius himself was not well liked among the elder senators, his considerable temper and passion of speech would appeal to the younger pedarii of senatorial rank whom exercised no authority on the floor of the senate but for their inherited wealth. Cassius would likewise serve as the shepherd of the senate on the behalf of Caesar as he busied himself with other matters.

On the ides of Aprilis, Agrippa would arrive with his entourage at Rome, and would be greeted heartily by the people of Rome as well as by Drusus and Caesar. He was immediately summoned to the household of Tiberius by Lucius where they, along with their cousin Drusus, were enamored with the status of the Empire with which they were confronted. This conference of princes resolved that they whichever course of action they take, it must take the form of a unanimous decision on their part. Any divisions on their part would certainly incur considerable bloodshed both at Rome and among the multitude of their clients as well as the legions. However, there was already considerable division between them with respect to that with which the Empire was already confronted. Drusus and Agrippa were desirous that Germanicus might divulge the insubordinate legates Aviola and Asiaticus, as Caesar had already dispatched Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus Gaetulicus, whom was the son of the former censor Cossus Lentulus Gaetulicus, to assume the proconsulship of Syria along with a number of his own legates. Although their respective legions had not yet sworn oaths of loyalty to Caesar, and all of the legions of the East excepting the III Cyrenaiaca, which Galerius had transferred to the command of Lentulus Gaetulicus, remained at the castrum of Germanicus. This included the X Fretensis, which had taken considerable losses at the Battle of Colonia Berytus and for which Germanicus ordered a levy be taken from throughout Cappadocia.

However, Tiberius opposed this, as he had served alongside these legates in Syria and in Cappadocia and knew that they were both competent in their command and loyal to the imperial insignia. Although Agrippa dismissed this, as loyalty on their part would preclude their refusal of the orders of Caesar, which they had done. This concilia of the Julii resolved to draft a plea which would be designated for Germanicus, although Caesar would not be informed of this contact. This decision was made because Caesar himself had decried to the senate that no contact was to be made with the army of Germanicus, although he was insistent that his nephew was not in revolt nor was he acting on his own will but rather on orders from Caesar.

Germanicus, upon receiving this correspondence, would inform those under his asylum that Agrippa and Lucius would protect them from prosecution should they return to Rome and submit to Caesar. They would dwell on this crossroads for a great number of nights before Servilius resolved to return to Rome, as did numerous of his compatriots which had fled Galatia two years hence. However, Asiaticus and Aviola resolved to remain at Cesarea, where Germanicus would return before the end of the year as a concession, allowing Lentulus Gaetulicus to assume his command at Antioch with two legions, including the Legio III Cyrenaiaca.

Servilius and his entourage arrived at Rome two days before the Ides of September and humbled themselves before Caesar in the forum before the assembled senate. Caesar received them graciously in their submission although he dismissed them from that session and revoked their titles and offices, barring them from provincial service for the duration of his term. However, on the night before the Ides of September, a contubernium of the praetorians invaded the household of Servilius and strangled him in his bed. When the senate became learned of this, a number of them denounced Caesar, whom they all believed had ordered the execution, although there was no evidence of this. Lepidus the censor turned his rhetorical prowess against Caesar and his cronies among the number of the senate and Caesar himself was driven from the Forum in fury, for which Lepidus was lauded at length by his comrades.

However, Caesar would not stand for this affront to his dignity, and at the next session of the senate, a century of the praetorian guard was assembled in the forum. They dragged Lepidus from his rostrum and Caesar stripped him of his censorial rank, banishing him from Rome shortly thereafter. In his place, Caesar elevated Lucius Calpurnius Piso the augur, whom was the younger brother of Gnaeus Piso, the proconsul whom had committed suicide in Syria in the previous year, and whom was the half-brother-in-law of Caesar by his half-sister Vipsania Agrippina. This appointment, of a relative of the man whom had marched at the head of an army against Germanicus, signaled clearly to all observers that the new Caesar would not hesitate in his effort to centralize authority under his own auspices, even against his own family members. Caesar furthermore appointed to a consulship, Faustus Cornelius Sulla Lucullus, whom was the son of the consul Lucius Sulla, and whom was a cousin of Caesar’s stepfather before his adoption by the divine Augustus, Lucius Cornelius Lentulus. Faustus Sulla, as well as his brother Lucius Sulla Magnus, both commanded respect in the senate from the auspices of their ancestries.

However, there was dissent burgeoning from among their number as the senators became increasingly fearful of reprisals from the wrathful Caesar, and several of them, including Lentulus Scipio, whom had long been recalled from his command in Syria, were friends of both Lucius and Tiberius. When Caesar became learned of these dissatisfactions, he was incensed that a multitude of senators had communicated their distaste to other members of his family rather than to himself. Caesar resolved at once to try a number of these men for their treasons against him, including Mamercus Lepidus and Marcus Junius Blaesus, both of whom were respected men of praetorial rank. Their defenses were undertaken by the most distinguished lawyers of the senate including Aulus Licinius Nerva and Marcus Crassus Frugi. Despite the pleadings of several of the jurists, senators, and families of these senators, Caesar cast judgement down upon these men, banishing them from Italy and confiscating their estates into the ager publicus and the considerable largess of the imperial treasury.

Agrippa at this time became nervous and spoke privately with his sister Agrippina, whom was the wife of Germanicus and the mother of their numerous children. He confessed that he feared for her safety as well as the safety of her children and urged her to flee to Syria and take refuge with her husband. His personal guard would escort her to Ostia under cover of darkness where she would board a ship bound for Tarsus, where Marcus Gallus, the consul of five years hence, had been assigned the proconsulship in the previous year. Gallus shared a personal friendship with Agrippa from their time spent serving on the senate, and he would provide shelter and passage for her to Caesarea where she would reunite with Germanicus.

Furthermore, on the Nones of December, the conciliate of princes conferred with one another again in the household of Tiberius. Agrippa, whom had staunchly defended the actions of Caesar in their previous meetings, wavered in his conviction. Lucius feared that Caesar, in his gradual replacement of the provincial commands within the hands of his clients and allies, was desirous that he might march against Germanicus in Cappadocia, whereafter he might turn his considerable acumen and clientele upon themselves, for fear of usurpation. Caesar himself had not spoken to Lucius in several months, instead spending his days enamored with conferences among his political allies both in the senate and in the provinces, constantly fearing the downfall of his regime. The concilium was dismissed by Tiberius whom had grown exhausted in his time at Rome, wishing instead to return to his studies but fearful that his absence from Rome might thrust the city into the waiting arms of the cunning Caesar. He advised that Agrippa assume his joint consulship with Caesar in the following year and based on his judgements they would proceed with a course of action.

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Agrippina arrives in Cilicia with her children

—In the consulship of Gaius Julius Caesar for the Fifth Time as Augustus and Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa Postumus for the Second Time…
Caesar was made aware that his sister, Agrippina, had departed Rome for Caesarea with her children. He at once suspected Germanicus to have engineered this traffic, as preparations to eventually march on Rome to depose him, although Agrippa worked to quiet these apprehensions, assuring Caesar that Agrippina had moved of her own will, desiring that her children might not be absent their father for too long a time. Caesar was calmed by his co-consul’s assurances, and his consolidation of control over the legions enabled Caesar, in his foresight, to reinforce the borders of the Empire against the numerous pressures emerging from the barbaricum.

Germanicus, upon the arrival of his wife and children, had heard the fate of Servilius as well as the other numerous senators and their affiliates at the hands of wrathful Caesar, and he at once warned Asiaticus and Aviola, as well as their numerous associated personages of the threat to their lives. The Julian prince at once determined that Caesar would be wise to dispatch assassins, and Germanicus at once delegated a number of cohorts from among his clients which would monitor the portae at his castrum. These cohorts would only admit persons individually approved for such audiences by Germanicus and would likewise defend the household of his family as well as those households of Germanicus’ trusted allies. Exiled from their homes, and fearful that mighty Caesar possessed designs on their lives, the court of Germanicus became determined to make for themselves a contingency should Caesar make use of the direct and overwhelming force of the legions. Commanding the loyalty of numerous legions and auxiliae totaling more than thirty-thousand, Germanicus and his court would recruit additional auxiliae from among a multitude of Armenians, Parthians, Pontics, Scythians, as well as from a number of the inhabitants of the Empire whom themselves were not foreigners. To this end, Germanicus began to seize the portion of the portoriae which crossed the border of Cappadocia which was shared with Pontus, Commagena, and Armenia, as well as Cilicia and Syria.

On the other quarters of the Empire, the numerous multitude of Sueves, whom had settled on the further banks of the Albis had frequently been found to have trafficked a number of their personages onto the hither banks, such that they might enjoy the fruits of the Empire’s wealth. However, Vipstanius Gallus had been given broad license by Caesar to combat these measures to the fullest extent of his discretion, and he sought to prosecute these brigands with the fullest might of his legions. He at once engaged their number near the site of the Battle of Lake Virunium, where they were routed in short order and their villages were burned. The kings of the Sueves and the Langobards pleaded with Gallus for peace, which he at once entertained in their lamentations. Gallus imposed a levy on these polities, whereafter the remainder of their multitude would be settled far from the frontier in Belgica, such that they would no longer disquiet the legionary castra on the Albis.

Caesar himself was busied with numerous designs for campaigns on the various quarters of the Empire. Having spent his younger years possessed with commands in Germania, Illyricum, and Syria, he was imbued with numerous ambitions for further glories abroad, however, his position in Rome must be secured lest he leave the city vulnerable to usurpation in his absence. To this end, he continued the system of trials which allowed him to remove obstinate persons from the senate. Caesar used the wealth confiscated during these trials to renovate the entrance to his imperial residence, which clarified to the obstructionists in Rome that this new Caesar was just as powerful and auspicious as the divine Augustus, from whom he had directly descended, and despite the best efforts of the first princeps, the rule of law was dead within the city of Rome.
 
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Absolutely fantastic update, I can't wait to see where you go from here. I have given my opinion in the poll thread on what I think might be interested in seeing happen. I know the hard work involved, but keep it - it is consistently great and I look forward to each update :)
 
Well, I've caught up, and I really love this! The building tension between Gaius and Germanius, threating to plunge Rome into civil war... It's completely captivating! Hopefully, you'll find a way to write yourself out of that writer's block.
 
Book 21: 26-27 CE
Book Twenty One - The Julian Schism

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Germanic tribes ambush the legions of Gallus near the Mare Suebicum

—In the consulship of Gaius Julius Caesar for the Sixth Time as Augustus and Faustus Cornelius Sulla Lucullus…

Vipstanius Gallus marched his legions across the Albis to exact justice upon the barbarians thereupon. Their seizures and transgressions perpetrated against the numerous merchants and traders in amber had precluded major wealth from its entry into the Empire, and thus Caesar had ordered that measures be taken such that no further such preponderances be allowed. He engaged a number of Lugii and Saxones in their villages, although very few of them would meet his march with any more than feeble resistance. This pleased Caesar, for he had designs upon the course of his armies in that country and greater resistance might preclude such ventures. Caesar likewise turned his attentions northward, ordering that a number of legions from Illyricum might march to Germania Cisalbis in anticipation of further campaigns. Two legions, the V Macedonica and the VII Tiberia, would march under their commander Lucius Valerius Messalla, the consul of sixteen years hence, combined with a number of Norican auxiliaries to the Colonia Augusta Germania Tiberium and join with the forces of Gallus, whom by then would number five legions and their auxiliaries.

However, while these legions were en route, a catastrophe befell the erstwhile embarked forces of Gallus. His three legions suffered an ambush on the Northern coast of the Mare Suebicum where they were ambushed by a multitude of the Anglii and Saxones, whom had invoked the strategy of Fabius in the time of the Punic Wars, having avoided a direct engagement with the superior legions on unfavorable ground. In their moment of confidence, whilst they had encamped for inclement weather, the Germans set upon them, forcing a number of them to flee, although more than twenty thousand of the legionaries would be lost. Gallus himself, as well as numerous of his officers, would survive this dreadful trap, and with their dignity and honor left behind, they fled to the hither side of the Albis.

The powerful men at Rome were at once incensed at this affront, as well as that the offending commander, Gallus, was not punished by Caesar upon this news. He remained at Tiberium, awaiting the reinforcements to which he was due, and drawing heavily upon the auxiliae in his province to replenish his lost strength. Germanicus, upon hearing this, saw an opportunity to escape his exile and wrote to Rome, under the cover of night, delivering a message to one of his allies in the senate, Servius Sulpicius Galba, whom he had trained with in Spain during their childhoods. This message was read aloud to the senate, and contained the following:

Mighty Caesar, my humble court has become learned of the Gallian disaster which has befallen the brave men of Rome, and that the man responsible hath not but once been chastised by your imperial grace. Surely the women and children of Rome, whose fathers and sons hath been cut down by these barbarians and their cudgels, do not ask clemency on this offense? Surely they might want that those responsible, be he of noble or barbarian birth, at least seek justice for this affront? Surely the compatriots of those fallen brave must want for blood at the memory of their brothers in arms? And surely, mighty Caesar, you must be learned that Gallus himself is not fit for this task? Might your humble servant, and the son of your brother the divine Drusus, be made to answer these calls?

Caesar was at once enraged by this message. He had Galba arrested without trial and dismissed the assembled senate. Was Germanicus so insolent that he might refuse the orders of Caesar on one hand and then beg for a powerful command with the other? Caesar would dispatch a number of assassins within that year, and he ordered that Lentulus Gaetulicus might levy additional troops in anticipation of a new war in the East. Caesar would likewise order that the Praetorian cohorts might drill themselves for the defense of Rome, should it come to that unfortunate confluence of fates.

Germanicus, upon the discovery and torture of these attempted assassins, at once made plans for decisive action. He employed several private messengers from among his clients to correspond with his allies around the Empire. Arminius, the now-retired leader of the German auxiliae, would be called into service from among his Germanic brethren in their home country. This coupled itself with the legions of Gaius Claudius Marcellus, whom had been an ally of Livia and Drusus while he was Augustus. This force of four legions and their auxiliae numbered nearly forty-thousand, and presented itself to the Illyrian reinforcements near the town of Colonia Limitanensis on the border between Germania Cisalbis and the domain of the Marcomanni. The Legio V Macedonica was routed south towards Italy, but the VII Tiberium would join the ranks of this revolution, and they jointly declared that Germanicus ought be the new Caesar.

As the news of this victory spread, numerous others joined in the rallying cry of Germanicus. The memory of Drusus was a powerful one, as many of the powerful governors and consuls of the Empire owed their careers to his patronage, and his son would surely continue that sponsorship. The most crippling blow came in the Autumn of that year, when Galerius declared that his Aegyptian legions would fight with Germanicus. With their forces now numbering more than fifty-thousand, the sole loyal legion in the East, that of Lentulus Gaetulicus, declared that their commander either would fight with Germanicus or otherwise be struck down. Caesar was furious at this development, and his response was as swift as it was harsh. He published a list of proscribed names, many of whom were allies of Germanicus, and saw that the Praetorians would act as a mob for his own influence within Rome. Many senators fled, as did Tiberius, the brother of Germanicus, and his entire family along with Drusus Nero, whom was the cousin of Germanicus. Agrippa, whom had been the co-consul of Caesar previously, urged him to allow his return to Moesia, where he might restore some semblance of order, as one of the Danuvian legions had likewise revolted. He would oblige his youngest brother, whom would also travel there with Lucius, and the battle lines began to be drawn.

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Germanicus' troops assemble on the European banks of the Hellespont

—In the consulship of Gaius Julius Caesar for the Seventh Time as Augustus and Gaius Asinius Pollio…
Germanicus crossed the Hellespont with forty-thousand of his men, leaving a meager ten-thousand to guard the border with Parthia. He was accompanied by Aviola and Lentulus Gaetulicus, whom each commanded their own cohorts, while Asiaticus remained in Syria with a single legions. There, as the legions of Illyricum, which themselves numbered nearly fifty-thousand, were encamped and drilling for the coming battle, Agrippa and Lucius arrived in the castrum at Moesia. As the sole imperators in the province, because Cotta was preparing his own forces at Sirmium, the two brothers were unopposed when they resolved to join their arms with Germanicus, and incurred their legions to do the same, denouncing Caesar as a threat to the Republic, and swearing their troops to loyalty to Germanicus.

At this critical juncture, Caesar became realized with the full gravity of the situation. He quickly rallied the legio V Macedonica and the Praetorian cohorts in a defensive framework based at Mutina, and sent orders for the three Spanish legions to march at once to Italy and reinforce Rome. They marched at once as Caesar simultaneously ordered his other two lieutenants, Gallus in Germania and Cotta in Illyricum, to dispatch the revolutionaries in separate, decisive engagements, rather than regroup and give them time to entrench their forces. Gallus marched quickly to Colonia Lupia, besieging the city before looting and pillaging its wealth. When Arminius and Dolabella heard this, they were wise to rally at once the various militias of the provinces from the retired number of the legions. This increased their force to some sixty-thousand, an overwhelming numerical advantage over their foes. However, Gallus was not a fool in such things, despite the various slanders levied against him likewise, and he resolved to stay mobile, replenishing his forces by exacting tribute from the locals and recruiting loyal legionaries all the time.

The army massing in Moesia now numbered on the order of fifty-thousand, outnumbering the legions of Cotta by more than five-thousand, which was not a decisive advantage in the eyes of either commander, thus Cotta was encouraged to engage the revolutionaries. He withdrew North onto more favorable terrain, as there were numerous mountain passes in Illyricum through which he might draw the forces of Agrippa and Germanicus to join battle, as he might have an advantage in supply from a defensive post in the central quarters of Illyricum. When the army of Germanicus encamped opposite that of Cotta, he resolved to break Cotta’s hold on the critical passes, although he dared not engage such a numerous force in frontal assault on unfavorable terrain, thus he consulted with his officers and began to draw up plans. Agrippa, whom had worked with Cotta during their time at Moesia together in the consulship of Caesar for the second time and Lucius for the second time, knew of his character and knew that he was an unscrupulous and harsh disciplinarian. Because of this, it was informed by the centurions of Agrippa’s legions that numerous of the officers from Sirmium did not respect Cotta as their legatus.

Under the cover of darkness two nights before the Nones of Maius, four of Agrippa’s centurions, among whom was Titus Vorenus, the primus pilus of the Legio VII Macedonica, whom himself was respected among the officers of the multitude of the Danuvian legions, bribed the guards at the gate of Cotta’s castrum and infiltrated the tent of Mamercus Aemilius Scaurus, whom was Cotta’s primary lieutenant and his primus pilus, a man named Servius Rufus Pius. As the multitude of the legionaries were in their slumber, Scaurus and Rufus Pius were convinced to flee the castrum, taking with them a portion of the night guards. Upon this realization by Cotta’s centurions, as well as that the legions of Germanicus had drawn battle lines at the break of dawn, a number of cohorts, under the guidance of their frightened centurions, fled the castrum of Cotta to the North, possibly aiming to regroup with the assembling army of Caesar at Mutina. The army of Germanicus, which now outnumbered Cotta by more than thirty-thousand, stormed the walls of his castrum and overwhelmed their forces. Cotta himself was taken into custody by the court of Germanicus, along with a number of his officers, and they would be kept in chains for the remainder of the civil war and mocked by their former comrades in their captivity.

Caesar by this time, had assembled five full legions at Mutina, along with the praetorian cohorts, and the remains of Cotta’s forces, for an army numbering nearly thirty-five thousand. He ordered his co-consul, Gaius Pollio, to take command of two legions which had been in the command of Gallus and had marched south to Aquilea. However, in this moment of weakness, the legions of Marcellus and the auxiliaries of Arminius struck the castrum of Gallus in their unpreparedness. The Gallic cavalry employed thereby served a decisive blow against the more numerous force of Gallus, whom himself was forced to flee to Aquile with his remaining ten-thousand legionaries. The remainder of his men were either struck down in battle or defected their loyalties to Marcellus, bringing his numbers to fifty-thousand. Marcellus immediately wrote a plea to Germanicus seeking to coalesce their forces into a single overwhelming offensive.

Germanicus himself, whom was encamped at Virunum, resolved that he might march on Aquilea with all speed in an effort to overwhelm the two legions of Pollio, after which he sought to rendezvous with Marcellus and engage Caesar at Mutina. As he prepared this march, Agrippa sought to establish a forward castrum just East of Aquilea, and gave his eldest son Marcus, whom had been at his entourage during this time, command of a number of cohorts, despite that he was only in his seventeenth year. A strongly reinforced detachment of the legions of Pollio would ambush the advance guard of Agrippa at the foot of the hills just North of Aquilea, but Marcus would ride into the fray and rally the front line of the foremost legion and discipline the line. This infusion of discipline broke the charging detachment of Pollio, and when their number whom had been routed reached Aquilea, they warned of the overwhelming force of Agrippa’s legions, and Pollio resolved to abandon the city.

Agrippa, whom likewise sent word to Germanicus and Marcellus, marched at once toward Mutina, hoping to strike the assembling army of Caesar while they were in disarray. Marcellus would meet with the legions of Agrippa and resolve that they might march on Rome to draw the forces of Caesar out of their castrum. Likewise, the numerous forces of Germanicus advanced just North of Mutina and turned South as soon as Caesar’s legions left and resolved to engulf their number and achieve total victory.

Caesar was confronted with his most disgraceful terminus. He could not allow Agrippa to take Rome, as this would cripple his legitimacy and the senate would cast him aside. However, upon leaving his fortified position, he would be vulnerable to the numerical advantage of his foes. However, Caesar knew that his skill in battle would be superior to that of either Agrippa or Marcellus, therefore he resolved to engage their forces decisively and swiftly before the bulky column of Germanicus might intercept him. When he was learned of this, Agrippa resolved to fortify Bononia, and await the pursuit of Caesar that he might delay in time for Germanicus to arrive. However, Caesar was armed with a number of siege engines which had been constructed in the previous year, and he quickly reduced the defense on the Western wall of the city to rubble and engaged the legions of Agrippa on the streets of Bononia. The strenuous combat exacted tolls on all parties involved, and greater than ten-thousand legionaries died in these days. However, the great difficulty and length of these engagements gave the legions of Germanicus sufficient time to reach the walls of the city whereafter the army of Caesar became surrounded.

At this time, the tension among the legions was insurmountable. Orders were issued that might cease the bloodshed, but the renegades among them sought no such peace. Caesar and Agrippa resolved in person that they might meet and cast forth a plan for the lot with which fate forced them deal. Agrippa spoke first, “You would be wise, dear brother and Caesar, that you might temper your furies, if for no other purpose, than might your soldiers return home. For not with you do I nor Lucius nor Marcellus toil, but rather your sycophants in the mold of Cotta and Gallus and Cassius whom themselves regard little for the prerogatives of the senate nor for the dignity of their offices. You cast forth not but ambitious jackals into the midst of your legions, yet whereupon they have cast them back you have shamed them in their patriotism! Suffer yourself not to grind against the whims of fate, nor suffer likewise to exhaust the dearth of Rome’s armies and her treasuries toward these fruitless ends. Here ends your chapter in this chronicle, once mighty Gaius, for I come not as your reckoning, nor does your nephew, but as your caretaker.”

Caesar was silent before returning, “Nor will I, I believe, suffer upon myself the fate of Antonius in his vain toils much the same, for my sake and for that of all future despoiled Caesars.”

Germanicus was a prudent man, and he himself was neither avaricious nor vengeful, although he knew that Caesar, should he survive his captivity, would pose a great threat to any regime over which Germanicus might exercise authority. He thusly halted his advance and sought for terms that Caesar might meet with him, however his attempt was rebuffed, and Germanicus would later discover that Agrippa had made arrangements for Caesar to flee Bononia under the cover of darkness and take up asylum on the island of Sardinia, whereupon he might not engage the politics of Rome ever again. He was forty-six years old, and had ruled the Empire for five years. Thus was the tragedy of the House of Agrippa.

The legionaries of Gaius would be discharged from their services, although no imposition was placed upon their re-enlistment other than that their mandatory period of service might be incomplete and any service prior to the civil war might not contribute to the mandatory period. Once this was complete, the legions of Germanicus and Agrippa marched South and entered the gates of Rome on the Ides of September, with their opponents in chains, and for their fates to be decided by the senate. On the steps of the Forum, the senate declared that Germanicus ought be Caesar, and lauded upon him a multitude of honors and offices - censor in perpetuity, consul at-large, and tribune in perpetuity, although he already possessed a number of these titles. The last matter for that year would be the prosecution of his various captives. To this end, numerous among the senate launched themselves into the effort that their enthusiasm and acumen might determinate some favors by the new Caesar. Most notable among these was Gaius Cassius, whom lauded upon Caesar a number of banquets. The fates of Gallus, Cotta, Messalla, and Gaius Geminus were as swift as they were harsh. Their assets were stripped from their personages, their wives and sons disavowed from their inheritances, and their caravans banished to Rhodes and Cyprus. The regime of the new Caesar appeared bright and stable, although the shadows cast by the methods used in their ascent ran as deep as they were dark.
 
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That's a wrap for book 4 everyone! More updates are on the way, hopefully much faster than they have been. I've got the following short projects in the works before I move on to book 5 (and they will probably come out in this order):

1. A Julian family tree (it will probably only include branches for males, and females will only be mentioned in marriage, rather than included as progeny)
2. A map of the provinces and distribution of the legions
3. A map of trade within the empire (too much work, I'll make this later)
4. A breakdown of the empire's finances
5. A map of Parthia ITTL (and maybe India)
6. A brief TL summary of the important military and institutional changes from IOTL (same here, it hasn't been long enough for the changes to be too significant)

So stay tuned, and thanks for helping me decide on how to end Gaius' story arc!
 
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Fantastic update, everything you could ask for in a first skirmish for power.

I found the mention of Marcus Agrippa fascinating, can’t wait to hear more of the young man - though I kinda find the idea of the House of Agrippa being destined for great but tragic events fascinating.

Just one minor note, I wonder if Sardinia isn’t too large of a location to exile Gaius to, I would have imagined Elba, Capri or the like where he could be kept close enough to control and far enough away from any power center to have been the best possible alternative for Germanicus.

All hail Germanicus!
 
Fantastic update, everything you could ask for in a first skirmish for power.

I found the mention of Marcus Agrippa fascinating, can’t wait to hear more of the young man - though I kinda find the idea of the House of Agrippa being destined for great but tragic events fascinating.

Just one minor note, I wonder if Sardinia isn’t too large of a location to exile Gaius to, I would have imagined Elba, Capri or the like where he could be kept close enough to control and far enough away from any power center to have been the best possible alternative for Germanicus.

All hail Germanicus!

What kind of life is Tiberius-otl Claudius-going to have? Will he be able to complete his dream project, an autobiography of his father, and also further his studies on the Etruscan language, and history?
 
Just one minor note, I wonder if Sardinia isn’t too large of a location to exile Gaius to, I would have imagined Elba, Capri or the like where he could be kept close enough to control and far enough away from any power center to have been the best possible alternative for Germanicus.

That would make sense, however, Germanicus isn't the one who exiled Gaius (and he probably would have had him executed). It was Agrippa who smuggled Gaius to Sardinia, precisely to prevent Germanicus from exacting bloody vengeance against his family members. Sardinia is rural enough that Gaius can hide far from the reach of Germanicus in a way that exile on Capri or Rhodes or Sicily simply couldn't allow. Agrippa was taking pity on Gaius, so he used his influence to smuggle him out of Italy.

EDIT: And yes, the next generation of Julian princes will be approaching very soon, and you'll get a good look at them in the upcoming family tree

What kind of life is Tiberius-otl Claudius-going to have? Will he be able to complete his dream project, an autobiography of his father, and also further his studies on the Etruscan language, and history?

I'll get to that in the next part, don't worry ;)
 
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@people who want me to hurry the heck up

Does anyone know of a free online resource I can use to make a good-looking family tree? I'm away from my usual editing software, and I've finished my paper sketch of the Julian family tree (with like 60 people in it covering 4 generations, it almost killed me). But I don't wanna ruin my laptop with some sketchy photo editing software, so if anyone knows of a website I can use, that'd be great. Google isn't really helping me out very much. Thanks again y'all
 
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