The Alliance Wins in 1983

[drcynic]

"The Alliance Wins in 1983"

​

This is the story of what would've happened had there been no Falklands War and the polls had held up as they were. In 1983, the SDP - Liberal Alliance holds up and emerges victorious in the General election. With the Conservatives much reduced and Labour barely holding on to survival, the British political landscape looks to be much different. However, all is not rosy... The Alliance has got a leadership conundrum. Roy Jenkins, the leader of the Social Democrats and David Steel, the leader of the Liberals both believe they are entitled to be Prime Minister....

This is the story of what happens...​

 

[RogueBeaver]

"The Alliance Wins in 1983"​

This is the story of what would've happened had there been no Falklands War and the polls had held up as they were. In 1983, the SDP - Liberal Alliance holds up and emerges victorious in the General election. With the Conservatives much reduced and Labour barely holding on to survival, the British political landscape looks to be much different. However, all is not rosy... The Alliance has got a leadership conundrum. Roy Jenkins, the leader of the Social Democrats and David Steel, the leader of the Liberals both believe they are entitled to be Prime Minister....​

This is the story of what happens...​

Subscribed, but wasn't Jenkins named "Prime Minister-designate" (though the term does not exist in the UK) during the campaign? He's too old and stodgy, the oldest first-term PM since Churchill. Steel is a better bet IMO.

 

[drcynic]

Subscribed, but wasn't Jenkins named "Prime Minister-designate" (though the term does not exist in the UK) during the campaign? He's too old and stodgy, the oldest first-term PM since Churchill. Steel is a better bet IMO.

I believe he was, but you'll see the results would give Steel a legitimate gripe as soon as I get a map finished.

 

[Derek Jackson]

I agree that the absence of a Falkands war would be need for this to happen.

I have another thought. There might be a suggestion of electing a 'leader of the Alliance'

I can see a lot of pressure being put on Shirley Williams (Jenkins having had his charisma removed as a kid)

 

[drcynic]

ALLIANCE WINS THE 1983 ELECTION!​

Jenkins and Steel look to form partnership as result becomes appearant​

​

Constituency results as follows:​

ALLIANCE - 329​

CONSERVATIVE - 194​

LABOUR - 118​

OTHERS - 9​

With the Alliance's victory in the polls, Jenkins and Steel appeared on BBC that night to lay out plans for a Social Democratic and Liberal foreign and domestic policy. Margaret Thatcher's unpopular economic policies and Labour's "Longest Suicide Note in History" had pushed the public into supporting the moderate Alliance. The SDP, positioned highest among the public polls had naturally assumed leadership of the team, although Liberal policies also tinted the platform. Roy Jenkins, the most experience Parliamentarian in the Alliance was deemed PM-designate. However, unexpectedly, the Liberals actually held 17 more seats than the SDP and Liberal partisans began pushing Steel to challenge to become PM.​

On the morning after the victory, Steel telephoned Jenkins and made his plans clear according to Jenkins Diary, the conversation followed:​

DS: Hello, Roy. I thought to call you to make it clear that I think we Liberals should have some say now that the results are clear. 17 more Liberals than SDP MPs.​

RJ: David, that was not part of the agreement. It would be unfair for you to break it. You're in line to be Deputy PM.​

DS: Look, whomever had the most MPs, by rights should be leader. I mean no disrespect, but I intend to challenge you.​

Jenkins really made it plain that he did not have the stomach to fight Steel after an arduous general election. The younger, more virile partner looked to usurp and Jenkins would have let him without a fight if it had not been to become Prime Minister. In the end though, Jenkins' soft-hearted demeanor could not win any Liberals to his side and it ennervated his more aggressive deputy, Dr. David Owen. Although standpatters like Owen and Shirley Williams urged Jenkins to force a leadership election before sitting, Roy could not bring himself to do it. He felt it would be unwinnable. He reluctantly agreed to allow Steel to occupy Number 10. He stepped down from SDP leadership as well and turned the keys over to Williams in a potshotted gesture at Owen. For his part, the doctor had wanted Williams to lead the party all along and he checked his ambition at the door.​

The Steel Ministry​

(Color key Liberals in orange SDP purple)​

Prime Minister: David Steel
Deputy PM: Shirley Williams
Chief Whip: Alan Beith
Chancellor of the Exchequer: Roy Jenkins
Home Secretary: Richard Wainwright
Foreign Secretary: David Owen
Secretary For Defence: David Penhaligon
Secretary For Education & Science: Clement Freud
Secretary For Employment: Ian Wrigglesworth
Secretary For Energy: Cyril Smith
Secretary For Enviroment: Bill Rodgers
Secretary For Social Services: William Pitt
Secretary For Health: Mike Thomas
Secretary For Trade & Industry: John Horam
Secretary For Transport: Bob Mitchell
Secretary For Scotland: Russell Johnston
Secretary For Wales: Geraint Howells
Secretary For N.Ireland: Neville Sandelson
Minister For Agriculture, Fisheries & Food: Stephen Ross​

Prime Minister David Steel's Official Painting (1983)​

The ministrial portfolios were divided up as equally as possible on Steel's instructions. The growing pains that came from what was essentially a coalition government nearly caused Steel's ministry to shipwreck from the start. Ministers could not get along in some cases and in others there was little communication between ministers. David Penhaligon and David Owen worked together somewhat effectively, however, Bill Pitt found it almost impossible to get along with Mike Thomas, for example. Richard Wainwright, a senior Liberal was very effective in the Home Office as was Jenkins in his former home of Chancellor.​

Within the Conservative Party, Thatcher's defeat had shaken her leadership to it's core. There was serious talk within the party of a newer leader. William Whitelaw had lost his seat and so had Geoffrey Howe. James Prior was regarded as a potential new leader as was the young Michael Heseltine who harbored more ambition than votes.​

James Prior on the Left with Former PM Thatcher​

In Labour, the result was what members had feared. They kept over 100 seats thanks only to the FPTP system. Their distant third place finish injured the party deeply. Michael Foot would have to go. Roy Hattersley was the right's lead candidate. Having been nearly tempted by the SDP, Hattersley could not break himself away from his old party and now stood as the leader of Labour's right. Neil Kinnock, a centrist also held support. On the left, Tony Benn held dreams of leadership, even though Michael Foot urged him not to attempt the race. Benn ignored them and was the first to announce his candidacy. Kinnock withdrew in an attempt to shift his supporters to Hattersley. Something he would later state deeply regretting.​

Roy Hattersley​

Tony Benn​

In his autobiography, Steel commented that he hoped Thatcher would hold onto her leadership, as he felt her credibility was greatly damaged and also that Tony Benn would win for Labour, effectively killing them if he were to call an election. Steel felt secure for the first time in weeks...​

 

[drcynic]

I agree that the absence of a Falkands war would be need for this to happen.

I have another thought. There might be a suggestion of electing a 'leader of the Alliance'

I can see a lot of pressure being put on Shirley Williams (Jenkins having had his charisma removed as a kid)

Yep. There's no way the Alliance wins with the Falklands not happening. I don't seen any other way. The focus will soon grow to unemployment in the story.

I didn't see your post before I wrote the first part, but Jenkins, who was generally deferral to the Liberals makes, what I believe, would've been a realistic choice for him. Williams might provoke Steel in the future as I'm leaning towards keeping her SDP leader rather than handing them over to Owen.

 

[drcynic]

CONSERVATIVE PARTY

LEADERSHIP ELECTION

Round 1
​

Margaret Thatcher - 74 votes - 38%

James Prior - 96 votes - 49%

Michael Heseltine - 24 votes - 12%

*Heseltine withdraws*

Michael Heseltine


​

CONSERVATIVE PARTY

LEADERSHIP ELECTION

Round 2
​

James Prior - 70 votes - 36%

Margaret Thatcher - 124 votes - 64%


​

Thatcher Holds On To Leadership

​

Former PM Thatcher narrowly held onto party leadership in the election. David Waddington narrowly defeated Winston Churchill for the Deputy Leadership that same day.
​

David Waddington


PRIME MINISTER'S QUESTION TIME
​

Mr Teddy Taylor asked the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 26th of August.

The Prime Minister (Mr David Steel) This morning I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House I shall be having further meetings, including one with Afghans who are resisting the Soviet occupation. Later today I shall be leaving for an official visit to Yorkshire.
​

Mr Michael Foot Between those important meetings, will the Prime Minister consider the implications of strikes on essential services, such as the Health Service and the water, gas and electricity industries, where disruption can cause serious health hazards and possible danger to life?

The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman knows that there is a threat to strike. I understand that I join hin in hoping that the discussions going through will be successful.

Mr Roy Hattersley Has the Prime Minister seen the report of the Central Statistical Office, published yesterday, which showed that manufacturing output in November was the lowest since the mid-1960s? Is that not a remarkable achievement?

The Prime Minister The right hon. Gentleman is correct in what he says about manufacturing production. However, I wish to refer the the hon. Member from Sparkbrook to the economic package laid out this past Wednesday by the Hon. Member from Richmond (Yorks) (Mr John Horam).


The economic package laid out by the government was a dramatic one, but really not at all radical. Unions would keep the right to call strikes, however, a government mediator would be brought in to resolve a settlement if none had come within one month. New trade deals with European partners, specifically Sweden and France were included as well as the opening of more Scottish factories. The income tax would be lowered for the middle class by seven pounds and a moderate increase in the income tax of the wealthiest of British citizens by ten pounds six pence. Other minor changes and tweaks were outlined, but the government stopped just short of publicly purchasing industries that had been privitized by Thatcher.
​

Prime Minister Steel with Opposition Leaders Michael Foot and Margaret Thatcher​

 

[drcynic]

"Michael Foot must go," Neil Kinnock told Denis Healey in a private conversation. "He is respected and indeed venerable, but as a leader, he's leading us to ruination."

"Never tell Michael that to his face though. You're bound to get a four hour lecture on why we must continue to fight for the trade unions and why the electoral college is the voice of the people. Utter nonsense though it is."

Kinnock was strongly opposed to Foot continuing as Labour leader.
​

Labour, being greatly weakened did not immidiately call the leadership election that was expected. What remained was what Foot planned to do. Indeed, the summer delay that Labour made was nearly deadly. They let Steel entrench himself early in his position, for he was comfortable debating Foot and they let the Tories steal the headlines with Thatcher's bare re-election. Finally in mid-September, Foot decided to stand down voluntarily. Roy Hattersley emerged as the early frontrunner, but with Benn quickly shoring up a base of support, the delay may have been disasterous for Hattersley. Benn used the time wisely, making no deeply left utterances and working to isolate no one, though his firery personality found it difficult, Benn played smart politics. Hattersley grew complacent, feeling assured, along with several of Labour's right that he would be victorious.

​

LABOUR PARTY
LEADERSHIP ELECTION

ROUND 1
​

Tony Benn - 62% of the votes

Roy Hattersley - 38% of the votes

​

The Guardian​

​

BENN VICTORIOUS!

Trade Union vote helps put Benn over Hattersley for Leadership!

​

David Steel looked at the news headline most satisfactorily. Of course The Guardian ran a very positive news article regarding Benn's victory. The Prime Minister on the other hand preferred Private Eye's assesment of Benn's victory.

​

​

The Conservatives savaged Labour for the pick. Winston Churchill called Benn a communist and a fraud. David Waddington offered a cooler assesment from the Tories that Benn's election was just another tragic flaw that Labour showed. Thatcher remained conspicuously quiet, but it's likely that both Churchill and Waddington's statements came from her. Thatcher wanted to unleash the dogs, then pull them back. Though she figured Benn would self-destruct on his own, it couldn't hurt to help him along.

In the meanwhile, the Labour party's choice pf Benn for leadership and Kinnock for deputy over John Smith, held a disasterous effect for both Smith and Hattersley's morale for Labour. Both began thoughts on crossing the floor. The public rumors leaking were that they'd cross over to the SDP. The long delayed reaction, into February of 1984 had allowed the rumors to die down. Finally on 11th February 1984, Hattersley and Smith both crossed the asile and joined the SDP, thanks in part to Shirley Williams brilliant charming act. Williams was a brilliant leader for the SDP. Smart, witty, savvy. She charmed where Thatcher bludgeoned, Benn shrieked and working with Steel, who was charismatic in his own right, they proved the Alliance a respectable partnership as the two sides began to settle in to working with one another.

​

John Smith (Taken before joining the SDP)

​

Unlike a majority of the SDP MP's when they had crossed the floor (Excepting Bruce Douglas-Mann), Smith and Hattersley resigned their seats to compete in subsequent by-elections.

​

The SDP's original Gang Of Four (Owen, Rodgers, Williams and Jenkins)​

 

[The Red]

Great work, although I'd still argue that the Conservatives would be the third party and not Labour.

 

[drcynic]

Great work, although I'd still argue that the Conservatives would be the third party and not Labour.

I figured at the time that with Labour so unpopular and with center-left voters having put the Alliance in, that it would make Labour a third (Rather fourth if you want to be technical) party.

I thought now with the defections of Hattersley and Smith, you might see some more with a total Labour collapse, or they might hold it together. I'm toying with both ideas at the moment.

 

[Constantinople]

Great work, although I'd still argue that the Conservatives would be the third party and not Labour.

That's what you want, not what would happen.

 

[Constantinople]

Will they push voting reform?

 

[drcynic]

Birmingham Sparkbrook
1984 By-Election Result​

Rt. Hon. Roy Hattersley (Social Democratic) - 22,317 votes 42%​

Phillip Douglas-Osborne (Labour)- 16. 379 votes 31% ​

Reginald D. Godsiff (Conservative) - 14,916 votes 28%​

TOTAL VOTES: 53,612​

Monklands East
1984 By-Election Result​

Rt. Hon. John Smith (Social Democratic) - 14.708 votes 38%​

Alfred Edwards (Labour) - 11,497 votes 30%​

Rodney Clifford - (Scottish National) - 7,254 votes 19% ​

John Love (Conservative) - 5,168 votes 13%​

TOTAL VOTES: 38, 627​

The victories of both Smith and Hattersley in their subsequent by-elections bore out a great deal. First, it took Labour's seatage down to 116 and left them without two of their more respected members. Labour did take solace in their solid Scottish performance of second place, especially given how personally popular Smith was and how commanding his 1983 victory had been under their banner. They did feel encouraged. The Conservatives regarded the by-elections privately as a disaster. Coming in behind the SNP in Monklands and a distant third in Sparkbrook (Which they had no illusions of winning either race). The results smacked them hard and Thatcher regarded both of the losses with agitation at the poor performances.​

The Alliance was strengthened by the victories. The SDP, now only 15 members short of the Liberals were jubilant. Foreign Secretary Owen especially now as his former Labour foreign policy allies were rejoining him. All three were among the most pro-European in Westminster. Although they were senior MPs, the Prime Minister consigned the two new members to the backbench, at least for now, even though they could've been well used in the cabinet. Reason being, he'd established a balanced cabinet with 10 Liberals and 9 SDP members and he thought it unwise to change for the moment. Steel would make them pay a penance of sorts for being "Johnny-come-lately", something which both good-natured men took in stride, but it greatly agitated some Cabinet and Backbench MPs. Owen, Mike Thomas, James Dunn and James Wellbeloved among them.​

Prime Minister Steel sought to take a greater hand in European affairs now that his American counterpart, President Ronald Reagan had backed off a bit on the previously warm relationship. Reagan had been extremely close with Thatcher and he wasn't especially happy at the British rejection of Maggie. He put the blame on Steel and the "special relationship" chilled a bit.​

President Reagan toasting the Queen during an official visit (1984)​

In October of 1984, economic indicators in Britain finally ticked upward. It had been a very long recession, but finally, jobs created outweighed jobs lost and before Christmas, the British economy was in growth. The Prime Minister and Chancellor Jenkins were hailed for the economic recovery plan that had brought Britain back. New trade deals as well as benefitting from a global economic boom, the pressure on Steel was finally off on the homefront although the deficit still was a regular Tory denouncement and Tony Benn continued his crusade for more government action.​

In early 1985, Steel would be confronted by "The Troubles" of Northern Ireland which had lay dormant for sometime. A noted Irish Republican and former MP, Owen Carron was assasinated on his way to a market in Roscommon. The IRA brutally retaliated killing a British policeman and bombing an Ulster Unionist meeting with three reported casualties. The violence hit Britain hard and Irish Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald begged Steel and Foreign Secretary Owen to meet with him. They did two days after the public funeral of policeman George Coltrane, which they had both attended and Private Eye savagely mocked.​

Prime Minister Steel on the far right, Secretary Owen on the far left​

Prime Minister Steel announced with FitzGerald the Anglo-Irish Agreement which would devolve powers of Britain in Northern Ireland to allow further self-government, but would continue to keep it under the British crown. Unionist MPs each resigned in disgust before a vote was taken which easily passed 384-127 (With Labour officially opposed, although there were some who defied the whip to vote with the plan). ​

The James Molyneux lead UUP and Ian Paisley's more right-wing DUP each chose to contest in by-elections at the earliest possible date. Although both conservative party's together resigned, they found it difficult to work with each other. Enoch Powell wrote in his journal his disgust with Paisley in particular, "He is coarse and vulgar. He is only a unionist so long as the union is an anti-Catholic, anti-liquor one. He is obnoxious and irritable. I could find it much easier to work with John Hume than Ian Paisley".​

Paisley campaigning​

SPITTING IMAGE​

Production Notes Script for Scene 5​

PAISLEY: WE MUST DESTROY THIS EVIL AGREEMENT! NO DEVOLUTION! MORE INTEGRATION!​

STEEL (tiny as ever): Urrm... Pardon me, Reverend, but the government belives that this agreement shall actually serve to reduce the violence....​

PAISLEY: I SAY PRIME MINISTER HAVE YOU BEEN TIPPLING?!​

(Paisley's booming voice sends Steel flying offscreen and into David Owen's arms)​

STEEL: Oh, thank you, David!​

OWEN: No problem, David... Now, about cabinet representation....​

​

 

[drcynic]

Will they push voting reform?

Before the next general election. I'm not decided on how it will go, yet.

 

[Lord Brisbane]

Once again, Ulster enters the fray of the political landscape..

 

[drcynic]

Once again, Ulster enters the fray of the political landscape..

What would an 80s British timeline be without a little bit of Ulster interjection?

 

[The Red]

That's what you want, not what would happen.

Look at the facts, as I said in the other thread, the Alliance's main aims was always to primarily take Conservative seats, it was where they had the most strength.

 

[drcynic]

Hansard​

Mr Neville Sandelson (Hayes & Harlington) ...The hon. Gentleman cannot have listened to what I said this evening. I made it clear for the umpteenth time that our discussions with the Irish Government are held within the framework of the Chequers communiqué and what my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister said afterwards. ​

Rev Ian Paisley (Antrim North) I know what the people of Northern Ireland think, and how the statements from the two Front Benches will be interpreted by them. From listening to the hon. Member for Foyle (Mr. Hume) one would think that the SDLP is characterised by a sweet reasonableness. It is strange that in his city his party excluded every Democratic Unionist member from every committee when it first took office in the Londonderry city council. [Interruption.] I am talking not about the present position, but about the position when Democratic Unionists were first elected to that city council. They were excluded by the SDLP from every office in their first term.
It was a careful bit of scheming. He talked about the elections to come, but it has nothing to do with that. Let me put the record straight. For nine months the Democratic Unionists asked the SDLP to talk. The Official Unionists and the Alliance party asked the SDLP to talk. What happened? We were put off and told that the matter would have to be decided at an executive meeting. We were told this, that and the other. Then, strangely, on a radio interview the hon. Gentleman said that he would like to speak to the IRA army council. He knew perfectly well that if he spoke to it, the people whom I and the Official Unionists represent would not expect us to speak to him.​

I told the hon. Gentleman face to face on Ulster television that if he spoke to the IRA army council, he would close the door to the Unionists. Yet the hon. Gentleman was happy about that. He was glad to close the door, slot the bolt, put on the chains and padlock them because he did not want to talk to the Unionists. Now the hon. Gentleman says that we should all be talking and that we should re-assess the position. He read a homily to me that I should reassess my position.

Mr Sandelson Is it utterly clear that Ministers will have no dealings with Sinn Fein unless and until it renounces violence. The present balance is obviously kept under review; it is a matter which could change as circumstances change. Certainly it is rock firm that so long as Sinn Fein advocates violence Ministers will have no dealings with it.


That particular debate went poorly for the government as Rev. Paisley managed to pigeonhole Sandelson into a postion of non-negotiation, something that Steel disapproved. Why not negotiate with Sinn Fein if it could mean an end to hostilities? Steel preferred negotiation to such an iron-clad stance. He told Sandelson privately never again to make such guarantees to dangerous foes like Paisley. Steel wanted this Irish tension to finish. Finally, with the agreement, he hoped the IRA and Sinn Fein would back off. Gerry Adams, himself having come close to his own mortality was ready to back off.

"If David Steel means peace, we will negotiate in good faith, but we will not rest until Ireland is united!"

Adams, sling-armed, speaks with supporters​

The Unionists were up in arms over the back-tracking. They had taken Sandelson at face value, rather foolishly. The peaceful negotiations were praised by John Hume of the SDLP and the Alliance Party's John Alderdice (Even though they had no parliamentary representation). ​

"The Prime Minister has now decided to lay with the whores and he shall meet the same end," crowed Paisley. "No longer can Unionists speak with the government in good faith!"​

Privately, James Molyneaux felt similar, but never closed the door shut quite like Paisley. "We hope Prime Minister Steel will soon see the light and stop the nonsensical devolution. One strong British crown. One strong nation, not weak, little ones".​

The government, especially Shirley Williams, felt Steel was ahead of the curve. In her diary she recorded, "Steel was smart to do this. Scotland and Wales will want further devolution. The Prime Minister has shown he will negotiate in good faith. This could prove good votes when the time comes."​

The Deputy PM proved crucial in assisting Steel through the minefield of Northern Irish politics. The Scottish Steel knew the audience already though. Devolution would be good medicine for bad health and it proved successful in the long run. Northern Ireland's dangerous moment quietly slipped away.​

Steel's 1984-1985 issues were two pronged. Again, while the government's popularity had fluctuated with the Ulster problems, the opinion polls remained high and the Alliance was looking peachy for another term. But, would that force their original domestic pet project of election reform mute? Steel met with the full cabinet of ministers and asked their opinions. It was almost unanimous. Carry on with reform. Home Secretary Wainwright, now in his mid=60s and suffering from a bout of ill-health resigned to the backbenches, making way for the promotion of Roy Hattersley to the cabinet. Hattersley took over the Home Office. With Wainwright resigning, a cabinet reshuffle felt in order. Steel took the oppertunity to remove the ineffective Sandelson from Northern Ireland and replaced him with David Alton. Ian Wrigglesworth was also removed and replaced by John Smith.​

The Tories took some initiative in calling Steel an oppertunist. With Wainwright removed, Steel had taken the time to purge Sandelson, who the Tories and Unionists liked for his tough stand against the IRA as well as Wrigglesworth so that they may have gotten their two newest prizes into the cabinet. The Tories would find that Alton was also a tough on IRA member, but it mattered little at the moment. In April of 1985, Roy Hattersley moved for a debate on electoral reform.​

FROM HANSARD​

Mrs Margaret Thatcher (Finchley)I am opposed to the Bill and I shall vote against its Second Reading, because I fundamentally disagree with the principle on which the Bill is based. In addition, I shall vote against it because I have the deepest forebodings about the consequences of applying that principle. The principle at stake is of a constituency to elect the Member of Parliament of its choosing. Indeed, the Home Secretary was fair enough to describe the principle as the freedom of citizens to choose their representative in Parliament. The Bill considerably diminishes that right. I am unimpressed by the argument. The Bill's provisions simply add to a list of deficencies that already exist. Would the Home Secretary not confirm that the truly most democratic way to elect MPs would be to have a true up and down vote? No! He denies it as do all the other members of the SDP and Liberal parties!​

The Home Secretary (Mr Roy Hattersley) Would the Rt. Hon. Lady feel this way should her party find themselves deprived of parlimentary representation? This system will allow for no party monopolies and more balanced representation across the board. Minor parties shall see more representation and will have a right to contribute to the future of British policy.​

Mr Michael Foot (Ebbw Vale) Ah, so the Home Secretary has now changed his position to be smacked by the Alliance whip?!​

Mr Hattersley My feelings have not changed for the Labour Party never did take into account my personal feelings when laying down its whip...​

The terse exchange only deepened the rivalry between the Alliance and Labour. Steel's problem was that he did not have the votes to successfully pass the bill. Labour and Tory whips were laying hard to vote against. Even still, Steel hoped to count on the other minor parties and independents to back him. Everyone together would have the votes of a majority. He didn't get the full tilt, but managed to pass the bill by six votes, marking the Alliance's crowning promise. They had proportional representation. Though, this could certainly come back to bite them before the general election... Steel didn't think he'd cut off his nose to spite his face. He saw it as a great victory. As most of them did.​

​

 

[drcynic]

Look at the facts, as I said in the other thread, the Alliance's main aims was always to primarily take Conservative seats, it was where they had the most strength.

That's not what I've heard, but hey, an Alliance victory with taking seats from both parties but the Tories as the opposition seemed to make the most sense to me at the time.

 

[The Red]

That's not what I've heard, but hey, an Alliance victory with taking seats from both parties but the Tories as the opposition seemed to make the most sense to me at the time.

Hey it's your TL, and maybe I'm going by the current layout of seats, which works against the Conservative Party. I guess I just presumed that the people who want a more comfortable Thatcherism would have largely been the people that voted Tory in OTL's 1983. The people that voted for a radical such as Foot were surely in large rejected free market liberalism altogether?

Still, ignore me, please keep updating.