1980s (Part 1)
The 1980s were one of the most prosperous times in modern history, taking over from the relative malaise of the 1970s, as well as dramatically improving the wealth an economic standings of many of the world's newly industrialized nations, from Korea and Taiwan to Brazil and Chile, as well as many of the nations of the African Federation. The 1980 election of Ronald Reagan saw the beginning of the massive arms race between the NATO nations and those of the Warsaw Pact, a situation that ultimately would lead to the end of the Soviet Union. By the end of the 1980s, the Iron Curtain was disintegrating, and much was to change in the world in the years to come.
One of the first major events of the 80s in a geopolitical sense was the Iran Hostage Crisis. The taking of some 52 hostages at the American Embassy in Tehran in November 1979 had been a major mess, and the American attempt to rescue them, Operation Eagle Claw, had ended in disaster. President Carter was wicked criticized by his Republican rival, Ronald Reagan, for being weak and micromanaging the situation. Carter in February 1980 through back channels asked for the help of the South African Commands and East Africa's famed Maccabees, but the Africans insisted on the situation being negotiated out, despite their well-known dislike of Khomeini. The failure of Eagle Claw ultimately doomed Carter's re-election bid, as Reagan's messages caught hold.
Reagan did not have an easy time as US president, and the main reason was of his own making. A strike by air traffic controllers in August 1981 saw Reagan fire over 11,000 of these controllers - but in the process, other labor unions went ballistic, and America's first general strike since the Great Depression was the result as nearly a million workers walked off the job in sympathy for the fired controllers. Reagan refused to back down, but many of the involved employers took matters into their own hands and negotiated away their strikes, as well as many of them (and even some federal agency leaders hit by the strikes) openly ripping President Reagan for his actions. On August 28, Reagan finally backed down and the controllers were re-hired. This action gave the US trade union movement, which had suffered major problems from job losses in the 1970s, a major boost in both strength and public appeal. But perhaps more importantly, the negotiations undertaken by many companies showed surprises, too. In June 1982 the head of the AFL-CIO spoke alongside General Motors President Roger Smith, with both them agreeing that modern business in America should keep in mind everyone's concerns, and not just pay lip-service to it. AFL-CIO officials made the case that unions should hold their employer's feet to the fire, but consider the realities of the company and the country in good faith.
This idea of companies looking at their workers as assets was a new idea to many labor unions, who had fought bitterly with many American industrialists, and to many of the management, which always strived for lower labor costs. Indeed, it would see major changes in the way America operated, and ones that would change much of the world in general.
Reagan began a major rebuilding of the American Armed forces, with the goal of forcing the Soviet Union to accept its superiority or go broke trying to keep up, which the Soviets did. With the major building program in place in Africa, Reagan did not miss the chances to have several countries closely allied with the West arm up substantially, and as a result through the 1980s American defense contractors fought hard for many of the African contracts, particularly for the East African and South African navies which were by then in the middle of their major upgrade plans. Reagan's loss to Democrats Edward Kennedy and Henry M. Jackson in 1984 did not stop the buildup, to many people's surprise - but considering America's fantastic 1980s growth in both GDP and industrial output, they could afford to keep the plans going.
Part of this was the need for new vessels. South Africa's aging Essex-class aircraft carriers, while well taken care of and having their engines replaced in the early 1970s, were by now needing replacement. Britain had decommissioned the last of its straight-deck carriers in 1978, and Reagan was quite adamant that they did not want to carry the burden of carrier aviation by themselves. Argentina's invasion of the Falkland Islands in April 1982 caught the British unawares, but Thatcher nonetheless ordered the British Army, Royal Navy and Royal Marines to take them back. Wanting to make the point about being good friends with Britain, the South Africans offered to help, which was accepted - giving a last combat tour for HMSAS President Pretorius, which was nearing the end of its career. Pretorius' F-4 Phantom and A-7 Corsair II jets proved to be invaluable help, shooting down fifteen Argentine aircraft and escorting in Britain's Black Buck bombing raids, first on the Falklands and then, in an act meant to show the Argentines they meant business, on the Presidential palace in Buenos Aires. The latter mission so rattled the Argentine leadership and people that they were forced to make peace, which they did on July 2, three months after the war began. President Pretorius returned home from the mission in triumph, and the British had learned well that to enforce their foreign policies, they needed a straight-deck carrier, and by July they were talking with the East Africans and South Africans about collaborating, and by the end of August Canada and Australia had also expressed interest in the new vessel design.
These new vessels would be named Nairobi and Kampala in East Africa and Table Mountain and Witwatersrand in South Africa. Britain bought three examples, which were named Queen Elizabeth, Prince of Wales and Victorious. Australia bought one, named HMAS Australia, and Canada committed to two, named Magnificent and Bonaventure after two of Canada's previous carriers. The design efforts were completed and shown off in October 1984, to the happiness of Reagan and the rest of NATO. The design was a 44,000-ton vessel, using gas turbine engines for power with electricity generated by them and by using exhaust heat to boil water, generating extra power. The 915-foot long, 122-foot wide vessel could carry up to 55 aircraft, depending on their size. The vessels were fully capable vessels with three elevators, all-steel construction, a large and tall island positioned towards the front of the vessel and ample room on the flight deck, able to operate just about anything in the arsenals of any of the participating navies. Following British experience in the Falklands, the vessels were equipped with CIWS systems and medium-range air defense systems. All the nations involved were quite happy with the designs, especially as each nation could build their own with their existing infrastructure, and true to form, all of the ten ordered vessels were commissioned between April 1988 and June 1990, and no less than five of them were present at the RIMPAC in 1990.
Reagan's buildup also saw older vessels returned to service in several cases, and seeing the use in some of the older vessels, three Cape Town class vessels were called back to the colors in December 1981, as HMSAS Cape Town, HMSAS Johannesburg and HMEAS Mwazumzenti were pulled out of storage and sent for major refits, as was East Africa's SWAS Kalahari, a WWII-era heavy cruiser designed by the East Africans which had only barely made it to service before the war ended. These four vessels would all play roles in 1980s and 1990s conflicts.
But the 1980s weren't all about America and its Cold War conflicts, the years were very good to Africa, and indeed many of Africa's allies. After the 1982 defeat of Argentina's military junta in the Falklands War, they cracked down hard on opposition to them, causing themselves more pain than the war had already done. This hamfisted attempt to hand on failed, however, with the junta finally falling in March 1983. Junta military forces fought a bitter civil fight through 1983 and 1984, a campaign which caused chaos in Argentina. Finally defeated, Leopoldo Galtieri took his own life in September 1984 in Salta in the country's northwest, and what was left of the Junta's military forces surrended. While Argentina would economically recover in the 1980s, its brief civil war handed the leadership of Latin America to the Brazilians, a fact that came to be resented by the Argentines in the future. It also resulted in nearly 750,000 refugees, and while most never left Argentina, some 30,000 of them did, a third of those landing in South Africa and 4,500 more in East Africa.
The war between Iran and Iraq in the Middle East by early 1982 had turned into a bloody, nasty stalemate. Iraq's greater support was hampered by Iran's numerical superiority and, in many cases, their suicidal tactics. By April 1982, information was reaching the world that Iraq's research nuclear reactor, Osirak, was not just being used for research but also being used to generate plutonium for nuclear bombs. Knowing this, the African powers, who didn't like either the thuggish Hussein or the fanatical Khomeini, decided that this couldn't stand. On August 10, 1982, the reactor was raided by F-111H Aardvark strike bombers of the East African Air Force, escorted by their own F-14B Tomcat interceptors. Two Iraqi Mirage F1s were shot down by the F-14s trying to scramble, giving the honor of the first kill for the Tomcat not to the US Navy but to the East African Air Force. The bombers were not allowed to fly over Saudi Arabia, but the Jordanians, confirming again why they were liked by the Africans, allowed them to use Jordanian Air Space - Saddam's thuggish behavior had such worried the Jordanians that they had discussed using Jordanian Mirage F1s to cover the East African force. Saddam was infuriated, but the moment he made a threat towards Jordan he was warned by the East Africans that their spy agency, the famed Mossad, would track down and kill him if he even attempted it. Saddam, knowing the war with Iran was still on, took the warning seriously.
Indeed, the Middle East was becoming a pain for everybody. The Soviets had invaded Afghanistan and conquered it easily enough, but found themselves on the receiving end of a nasty insurgency. Not known for finesse, the Soviets fought fire with fire, with Afghanistan rapidly becoming to the Red Army what Vietnam had been to the Americans, a very nasty conflict with an enemy that avoided direct fights but instead continued to make life hell for the powerful countries. The Iran-Iraq war only got nastier as the war went on. The Lebanese Civil War, which had prompted an international force to try and keep the peace, had seen the international force hit by a massive terrorist truck attack on October 23, 1983, killing 241 American servicemen, and a second bomb a few hours later killed 58 French and 27 South Africans also involved in the force. While the forces had stayed out of the war, the attack put them right in the middle of it, and an infuriated Reagan sent battleship New Jersey and carrier Saratoga to make a point, with the big-gunned battleship shelling Syrian, Druze and Shiite Muslim positions around Beirut. The Marines undertook air strikes and helicopter-borne assaults on several positions. By mid 1984, however, the situation had deteriorated to the point that the MNF withdrew offshore, while continuing to hammer away at enemy positions well into the fall of 1984.
The wars didn't get any better. In March 1988 Saddam dropped chemical weapons on his own people in the city of Halabja, killing an estimated 6,000, in an attempt to put down rebellions. Iran had started attacking shipping and the Iraqis were doing the same, leading to the "Tanker War" where ships of the Allied and Warsaw Pact navies started escorting reflagged Kuwaiti tankers out of the Persian Gulf. On December 21, 1986, an Iranian F-4 Phantom II fired two Silkworm missiles at HMSAS Spoieonkop, one hitting and causing serious damage to the then brand-new destroyer as well as killing 44 of its crew. Five months later, on May 17, 1987, a pair of Iraqi Exocets, launched from a Mirage F1, struck American frigate Stark, killing 37 of its crew and nearly sinking the frigate. A month after that, Soviet destroyer Taskhent was nearly sunk by a trio of Iranian Silkworm missiles. The Americans responded by destroying Iranian positions in the Gulf, and SAAF Victor bombers bombed Iran's primary Navy base at Bandar Abbas in June and July 1987. Iran finally agreed to a ceasefire in August 1988, but the debts held by both sides were awesomely huge, and Iran and Iraq between them had lost nearly a million lives between them, and caused a rift that would last for decades.
In South Africa, the early 1980s were also a time of debate. Helen Suzman had been re-elected in February 1981 with the promise of a new constitution for the country, with the goal of establishing forever the equality of all people in the country. While this was opposed by the most diehard of right-wingers, such as the Afrikaner Weerstandbegwing (Afrikaner Resistance Movement) and its reactionary leader Eugene Terreblanche, all four of South Africa's major parties supported the idea of a new constitution which would enshrine rights and set up universal suffrage. The Canadian Constitution, which was being hammered out at the same time as the South Africans were beginning their debate, was clearly the template. All nine provinces had to agree on the idea, and after intense negotiations, all nine eventually did agree on the new constitution, which included a substantial bill of rights which mandated free speech, freedom of association, racial equality and many other freedoms. At the suggestion of Verwoerd, who was fearing South Africa's black population would swamp the other races, an upper house was created giving all nine states each eight Senators, and that these Senators had to pass any legislation that the House did as well. While Suzman didn't care for that idea, Mandela and United Party leader Rian Malan supported it, and Suzman went along with it. One controversial plan which was enacted was making voting compulsory, but it made up for it by each election running over the course of a weekend, making it easier to vote. The South African Senate would be elected by voters in much the same was as the house, with each state broken up into eight sections, which were decided by an independent electoral commission. The House would go on as before.
The constitution was agreed by all the provinces by May 1982, and the final constitution was signed into law in Pretoria by Queen Elizabeth II on November 25, 1982. Suzman took the opportunity to call for South Africa's first universal-suffrage elections for all 375 seats in the South African Parliament and 72 Senate Seats for July 10, 1983.
Suzman and the South African Party won the lower house, but the ANC won the Senate seats, and it was laid out that the Prime Minister could be either from the Assembly or the Senate. Suzman easily held her Houghton seat, while NNP leader Kobie Coetzee was also easily re-elected. Mandela and Malan ran for the Senate from the Eastern and Western Cape respectively, and both easily won. Voter turnout was an amazing 97.6%, though no penalties for not voting were enforced for this election, and the proposed penalty, R25, was small.
July 1983 South African Election Results:
House of Commons (375 seats)
137 South African Party, 106 United Party, 76 African National Congress, 54 New National Party, 2 Independents
Senate (72 seats)
27 African National Congress, 19 South African Party, 16 United Party, 10 New National Party
Prime Minister: MP Helen Suzman (Houghton)
Leader of Opposition: Senator Rian Malan (Western Cape 3rd)
ANC Leader: Senator Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela (Eastern Cape 1st)
NNP Leader: MP Hendrik Jacobus (Kobie) Coetsee (Bloemfontein-Park West)