Tarentum Triumphant

THE HISTORY OF TARENTUM
Theophilus of Euhesperides

The causes behind the immigration of the Senonian Celts into Greater Greece are only known to us from the historian whose History of the Latins was long thought to have been written by Clearchus of Heraclea, but which is now known to be the work of an imposter, so that we call the unknown author False Clearchus. In his History, False Clearchus reports that the Senonians, led by their famed king Brennus, were besieging a Tuscan city by the name of Clusium. The city had refused them lands to dwell in, despite its extent in territory, much of which was left fallow or as wilderness, and when the Senonians encamped before it so as to seize it, the Clusines called to their allies in Rome, at that point the leading city of Latium, to deliver them from the trouble which they had brought upon themselves.

The Romans, the historian says, sent three brothers as messengers to negotiate terms with the Celtic besiegers on behalf of the besieged. He goes on to say that the three brothers were of a divided opinion as to what to say to the Senonians. Two are said to have favored war with the Celts, while the third did not. All three met with Brennus, and when he pointed out that it was better for the Romans if they remain content that it was not their lands that he was ravaging, the elder two took themselves into the city by night and, breaking all the customs of nations, proceeded to aid the Clusines in the defense of their city in battle the next day. Brennus was furious at this betrayal, and told the youngest brother who had remained in the Senonian camp that he would lift the siege of Clusium and make straightaway for Rome so as to remove such an odious and lawbreaking people from the face of the earth. Hearing this, the young Roman, who feared for his city’s survival against the vast Celtic army, intimated to the king that Latium was an exceedingly poor province in comparison with the vast wealth and riches of Greater Greece to the far south, and that he would be willing to guide the Senonians there in order to spare his country from the king’s wrath at the foolish actions of a few men. False Clearchus says that Brennus laughed and mocked the Latin for his cowardice, but agreed to lift the siege of Clusium and forgive Rome if the envoy would lead him to these lands of wealth. The Senonians immediately departed with all of their armaments and belongings and proceeded south towards Greater Greece. [1]

It would be helpful to relate the state of Greater Greece at this time. Dionysius of Syracuse, who brought in mercenaries from Greece in order to set himself up as tyrant in his city, had a few years before concluded a peace treaty with the Carthaginians, with whom he had been engaged in a great conflict for five years. Now he turned his attentions to the cities of Greater Greece which were opposed to his interests. Rhegion, a colony said by some to have been settled by immigrants from Chalcis and Messenia, and by others only the latter, was a wealthy and significant city located on the Strait of Messene opposite Messene itself. During Dionysius’ war with Carthage, the Punic ruler Himilco had taken Messene in a great battle, and razed it to the ground, installing a colony of Sicels opposed to Dionysius at Tauromenion a small distance away. With the conclusion of the war, Rhegion, which was opposed to Syracuse, was now was the principal city controlling the trade through the Strait. To restore his power over the Strait, Dionysius was now warring against the city in alliance with Locri, from whence one of his wives came; the cities which came to the aid of the Rhegines were those of the Italiote League, though several, such as Tarentum and its colony Heraclea, did not, owing to their friendship with Dionysius.

When news came of the Celts’ approach, a delegation of the Greeks led by a certain Lysander of Heraclea begged him to leave off from invading their lands. It is reported by False Clearchus and Leon that he mutilated the ambassadors, though most hold to the opinion of Xenocrates the Sicyonian, who states that he refused to see them, whereupon the delegation, returning home, were set upon by Lucanians and slaughtered. [2] Yet when all are threatened by a common danger, it is often the case that parties which would otherwise find fault in one another unite against a foe which threatens their continued survival. All of the members of the Italiote League, excepting the Locrians, who were in direct alliance to Dionysius (who was at this point besieging Tauromenion, which the Carthaginians had abandoned to its fate) and refused to countenance any cooperation with Thurii and Rhegion in particular, assembled their armies at Heraclea in order to meet this new, most imminent threat. This army was the greatest yet put into the field in Greater Greece, consisting of 40,000 infantry and 3,000 horse. The Greeks voted as their commander Heloris, a distinguished Syracusan who had been exiled from his city by Dionysius.

The Italiots met the Senonians at Genusia. The Senonians are stated by False Clearchus to have numbered 80,000, by Leon to have numbered 50,000, and by Xenocrates to have numbered 40,000. The Tarentines held the right wing, the Thurians the left, with the other cities’ contingents in the center. The battle began at high noon, and although the Celts rushed forward with their barbarian fury, pressing hard against the Greek left and center so that the battle seemed to be in their favor, the bravery of the famed Tarentine captain Archytas resulted in the destruction of the Senonian left, and a great slaughter quickly ensued. The fleeing Senonians were driven to the edge of the Bradanus River, where Brennus sought terms so that his entire people would not be slaughtered. Heloris initially desired to utterly destroy the Celts, but at the urging of Archytas he allowed the survivors to leave in peace for the lands of the Lucanians, the enemies of the Greeks, so that they might exterminate them and remove a threat to the Italiots. [3]

[1] The story may be true, it may not be; what False Clearchus does not mention is that Dionysius, the tyrant of Syracuse at that time, delivered funds to Brennus to attack Rome, which was hindering the trade of Syracuse in Central Italy. The subtle reader will note that Brennus ceased his attack on Clusium, an ally of Rome, and marched into Magna Graecia, the location of wealthy cities both aligned with and against the tyrant. Was he undertaking a secondary operation on behalf of Dionysius, or betraying his benefactor? History does not give us his true motivation.

[2] The treatment of Brennus after the battle would indicate that Xenocrates’ opinion is the correct one.

[3] This they accomplished to a great degree; though some of the Lucanians intermarried with the Senonians, no one speaks their language today, and their few cities were all renamed by the Celts.
 
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maverick

Banned
It's taken me a while to google my way to understand this. So what we have here is a story based on Tarentum and their reputedly invincible Strategos Archytas, and as a set-up for the rise of Tarentum (although the story might not be about the rise of an empire, it might be a Troy style tragedy for all I know) the dastardly Latin Ambassadors convince Brennus to skip Rome, and by extension the Battle of Allia, and instead invade Magna Grecia, where Archytas is waiting to beat the crap out of them, and in all of this play the political machinations of Dyonisius and the Romans.

Should this be a "alternate Italian city takes Rome's place" or simply an alternate history of a Greek State that could end with moderate success like Pyrrus of Epirus or with a tragic downfall ala Troy, can't be said now, although I'd lean for the first option.
 

MrP

Banned
Nicely styled, old boy. I was almost overcome with delight at the style, in fact!

The Italiots met the Senonians at Genusia. The Senonians are stated by False Clearchus to have numbered 80,000, by Leon to have numbered 50,000, and by Xenocrates to have numbered 40,000.

Very well done. Erm, and atop that I am intrigued by the direction. Interesting implication in note 3 that these Celts will dominate at least a portion of the lower Italian peninsular, as it's hard to see the Romans doing without it in their rise.
 
It's taken me a while to google my way to understand this. So what we have here is a story based on Tarentum and their reputedly invincible Strategos Archytas, and as a set-up for the rise of Tarentum (although the story might not be about the rise of an empire, it might be a Troy style tragedy for all I know) the dastardly Latin Ambassadors convince Brennus to skip Rome, and by extension the Battle of Allia, and instead invade Magna Grecia, where Archytas is waiting to beat the crap out of them, and in all of this play the political machinations of Dyonisius and the Romans.

Should this be a "alternate Italian city takes Rome's place" or simply an alternate history of a Greek State that could end with moderate success like Pyrrus of Epirus or with a tragic downfall ala Troy, can't be said now, although I'd lean for the first option.

Well-summarized. I'm sorry for not actually posting the accompanying map which would make everything make at least a little more sense:

italy_ancient_south.jpg


Nicely styled, old boy. I was almost overcome with delight at the style, in fact!

Thanks, I'm a fan of the style as well.

Very well done.

It wouldn't be Plutarchan if I didn't do that once or twice.

Erm, and atop that I am intrigued by the direction. Interesting implication in note 3 that these Celts will dominate at least a portion of the lower Italian peninsular, as it's hard to see the Romans doing without it in their rise.

Shhhh....;)
 
The following year, Dionysius of Syracuse made his expected descent upon the Rhegines. Not only had they given him offense by building a fort on the Sicilian side of the Strait of Messene, but it is related to us by Xenocrates that he had asked for the hand of a Rhegine in marriage, so as to strengthen his political position in Greater Greece, and been rebuffed by the citizens of that place, who jibed that he could marry the daughter of Rhegion’s executioner if he wanted to. He had turned to Locri for a wife, which as we related before was the cause of that city’s alliance with him and the source of its hostility to the other Italiots, even when engaged in an enterprise for the common safety of all Greater Greece. He set forth from Syracuse at the head of any army of 20,000 foot and 1,000 horse and a fleet of 120 ships. Disembarking his soldiery at Locri, he marched upon Rhegion from the north, plundering on his way, while his fleet doubled the Cape of Heracles and sailed up to the city itself. In this manner Rhegion was assailed from both land and sea by the armaments of Dionysius.

The Italiot cities excepting Locri convened for the second consecutive year in Heraclea. Before the invasion of the Senonians, there had been dissension as to whether or not Dionysius should be opposed; now, with the closer bonds forged by their joint conflict against the barbarians, they were united in their opposition to the Syracusan tyrant. All of the cities voted to rescue Rhegion and punish the stubborn Locrians for their refusal to partake in the common defense the previous year. According, an army almost equal to that which was arrayed at Genusia gathered at Croton, accompanied this time by 100 ships; again the exile Heloris was voted as commander-in-chief. The triremes sailed immediately to the rescue of the Rhegines, while the army laid waste to the territories of Locri.

The Italiot ships were entering the strait when they were set upon by an equal number of ships commanded by Dionysius himself. Though several of the commanders feared to engage so many of the Syracusan ships, and fled for the shore, the Tarentine vessels and the majority of the confederate ships pressed the attack. They held on long enough for the ships of the Rhegines to aid. [1] Xenocrates does not tell us how many ships they brought, but he tells us it was their entire fleet of triremes. The Syracusans appeared to hold the upper hand when a tremendous storm struck, scattering all of the engaged ships. The Italiots, whose ships were closer to the land, suffered the loss of ten ships, but the Syracusans suffered even more greatly: tossed about by the winds and the waves, even the massive Fives [2] had water wash over their decks, and thirty of them, including Dionysius’ flagship, sunk beneath the waves. Though most of their crews drowned in the fury of the storm, Dionysius himself struggled to shore with a few of his men; all were cut to pieces by the Rhegines who awaited them there.

Upon the death of the tyrant, the Syracusan invasion of Greater Greece came to an end. The Syracusan soldiers at Rhegion returned to their city, proclaiming Dionysius’ brother Leptines as tyrant. Yet Leptines was a kinder and gentler man than his brother, and so as soon as he had secured himself in the island citadel of the city, ensuring the safety of his young nephew and his brothers’ widows, he immediately gave up the odious power of tyranny which his brother had taken and delivered the government over into the hands of the people, who reestablished their democracy after nearly twenty years of cruel misrule. Leptines himself retired from politics and took up farming in a country estate (though Leon says he was killed by angry mercenaries who he had deceived into believing that he planned to continue the tyranny), while the younger Dionysius and his mother were bundled into exile at Corinth. [3]

The new, democratic leaders of Syracuse disavowed the adventures of Dionysius, and intimated to the Locrians that no aid would be forthcoming to them. The city, now abandoned by its ally and protector, submitted to the Italiots and paid a heavy tribute. Heloris left the Italiot army and returned to his homeland where he was soon elected to a position of power and trust on account of his resistance to tyranny and his victory at Genusia.

[1] If the Tarentines had not been engaged in the fight, a great disaster might easily have overtaken the Italiots, and Dionysius might have left the open water as the victor.

[2] It is reported that Dionysius was the first to construct penteres for his fleet.

[3] Dionysius the Younger was simply destined for Corinth.
 
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maverick

Banned
Following year? So Dionysius of Syracuse dies the year following the IOTL battle of Allia, or is my timing off? So ten years earlier, and I assume Dionysius the Younger is exiled, dead or far away from any position of power.
 

MrP

Banned
Oho, so to be secure in themselves, the Greater Greeks will secure the Locrians and create a powerful fleet of Penteres, eh? I can all but taste the coming blood!

Ooh, that sounded disturbing.

Dionysius the Younger was simply destined for Corinth.

If he meets up with Plato ITTL, too, and becomes a wise and not violent nutter, I shall be delighted. Or if he sets himself up in opposition to Aristotle, somehow founding a contrary philosophical tradition. :D
 
I like this timeline, good work, and I'm subscribed. :)

Thank you!

Following year? So Dionysius of Syracuse dies the year following the IOTL battle of Allia, or is my timing off? So ten years earlier, and I assume Dionysius the Younger is exiled, dead or far away from any position of power.

You're correct. The first post was set in 391/390 BC, the latter in 390/389 BC. Dionysius the Younger has been packed off to Corinth...whether we shall hear from him again is up in the air.

Oho, so to be secure in themselves, the Greater Greeks will secure the Locrians and create a powerful fleet of Penteres, eh? I can all but taste the coming blood!

Ooh, that sounded disturbing.

Quite possibly, yes. :p

If he meets up with Plato ITTL, too, and becomes a wise and not violent nutter, I shall be delighted. Or if he sets himself up in opposition to Aristotle, somehow founding a contrary philosophical tradition. :D

We shall have to see. I have things in mind for Plato...
 

maverick

Banned
Will this timeline focus solely on Italy, or will also mention Greece?*



*which is at this point under the Spartan Hegemony
 
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