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[Daeres]

Extract from "Ancient North Africa: Numidia"

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"The longstanding Carthaginian dominance over the Numidians and Mauretanians was thus broken. The Second Punic War had resolved quite favourably for the federations and states which had allied themselves with the ascendant Rome. Rome consolidated the Numidians bordering Africa into ‘Eastern Numidia’, but became distracted by civil affairs before completing the task. This neglect of North Africa would not go unpunished. The Galid dynasty coalesced the remaining Numidian tribes and states into a powerful entity in 198 BC, and began to expand westwards into Mauretania. The Roman authorities in Africa, unlike the Senate, were not blind to this issue and this expansion did not go without comment. At first, the Romans attempted to remind their prior allies of their independence being owed to Rome. After this reminder was ignored the Africans then began to raid Western Numidian territory. Border skirmishes between West and East Numidia had become common, but Roman arms began to appear in the tense border zone. This was followed up more directly by Rome’s African fleet raiding coastal settlements in Western Numidia, causing widespread destruction. A fleet had been under construction there and was being built by Punic shipwrights. The Roman fleet destroyed the ships which had been completed and the ships that were under construction. Many inhabitants were enslaved, and thus the great city of Thugga was greatly damaged. This succeeded in setting back the expansion of Western Numidia for a time, but this was as much as the Romans could do for now via direct action.

Soft power was also used; the Romans maintained a ‘treaty of friendship’ with the Republic of Gadir, which controlled the Pillars of Herakles. They were of a threatening enough character to Western Numidia to prevent further expansion to the West, at least while they were kept on side. This defence began to break down upon the emergence of the Barcid Empire in Iberia. The Republic of Gadir was able to enter into an alliance with the Barcids and thus exit the orbit of Rome. Rome itself was still recovering from the trauma caused by the Social War, and its immediate aftermath. In addition, the Roman Republic was soon to be no more and the Italian Federation emerging as its eventual replacement. Thus distracted, the Romans in Africa could expect no help from mainland Italy. It is in this period, beginning in around 182 BC, that the Western Numidians then resumed their expansion with the implicit backing of both Gadir and the Barcid Empire. They soon presented a formidable opponent to Roman interests in North Africa.

The Western Numidians now themselves began to consolidate. The King of West Numidia had essentially functioned as the leader of several tribal confederations, but now attempts were made to create an official administration and make the King a formal monarch. The former petty kings under him were now to act as direct vassals, providing their King with cavalry forces and supplies when war was declared. The Western Numidians still lacked a fleet of their own, and it was their dependence on the Barcids for naval support that kept them strongly tethered to the Iberian leash. But on land, the Western Numidians had the manpower to potentially engage the Romans directly. It was clear that the Galids harboured ambitions to control all of Africa from Mauretania to Leptis Magna. They would become the fourth great Empire of the western Mediterranean, in an explicit imitation of the Barcids, Romans/Italians and the Arverni. Western Europe was now dominated by Imperial powers, and seeking Imperial status was thus now a guarantee of power and influence within the new order of things.

However, the Galids were not fools. The Romans were still capable of easily destroying the Numidians in the field should they attack alone, and they would not attack Rome without the guarantee that their Barcid allies would do the same. The Barcid Empire was still consolidating its rule in Iberia, and so the Galids waited. Their chance would arise in 161 BC, when Barcid armies swept across the frontiers of Roman Iberia. Their specific objective in the Third Punic War was the absorption of Eastern Numidia, and then the conquest of Roman Africa itself.

As for Eastern Numidia, similarly drastic changes were afoot. Though latecomers to the party, the Eastern Numidians became part of Rome’s Wake; like the Ligurians, Averni, and eventually other Gauls, they began to adopt a more Roman-style form of direct administration and style of warfare. However, rather than adopting heavy infantry they instead rigorously disciplined their light infantry and transformed their already impressive cavalry into perhaps the finest cavalry in the entire Western Mediterranean. The Numidian cavalry was extensively drilled to perform exceptionally complex manoeuvres, and also to retain morale and not disperse into raiding or pursuit of routing foes unless ordered to do so. Different branches of Numidian cavalry became heavily specialised; the majority wielded javelins, short swords and short shields but others adopted linothorax armour similar to that of Hellenic phalangites and cavalry, and began wielding longer spears similar to the Argead kontos. Roman commentators described the Eastern Numidian army as being “like an assault from the sea itself. Smaller waves of javelins would constantly crash against their opponents, and a teasing element of the lighter cavalry constantly probed for weaknesses in flanks and formations, and this would constantly ebb and flow so that pursuit was impossible. Then when a weakness had been found, the heavy Libyan cavalry would smash into the vulnerable spot like a sudden enormous breaker. As soon as the enemy would wheel to deal with this thread, the heavy cavalry would be withdrawn and the disorganised enemy would once again be hounded by javelin and short sword.”

The newly organised Eastern Numidians achieved their height under the great King known only as THDN, whose Romanised name has unfortunately been lost to posterity thus far. His bodyguards came from Garamantia, giving his reign that slight air of the exotic. Knowing that the Western Numidians sought to expand eastwards, THDN and his subjects were constantly drilling and training. In this they were capably assisted by the Romans in Africa, who conducted themselves in a pragmatic and canny manner. The pleas for greater attention from Rome’s greater pool of resources came at the worst possible time; the Roman Republic was now no more, and the Italian Federation had emerged in its place. The ongoing political pains from this final birth of Italy had made acquiring resources from central authorities all but impossible. However, help was eventually found; the famed and stern (but now aged) Aculeo personally paid a contingent of Noricene mercenaries and shipped them over to Africa. His presence greatly boosted of the Italian, nee Roman, forces at a time in which an invasion was almost constantly expected. The Barcid fleet made raids impossible, however, and the only hope for proactive action was if the new Italian Senate declared war on the Barcid Empire. Before this action could be taken, the Barcids acted first and began their war in Iberia. Great Barcid and Gadirine fleets began to conduct raids all over the North African coast within a matter of days, and the Western Numidians began their invasion of East Numidia."

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The Alleged Pythian Prophecy concerning Rome, Iberia and the Arverni

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Destined three of mighty strength does Zeus espy,
Death and torch and forlorn wail does follow,
Three to two, triplets to twins, before all
Pluton shall be judge, and cast into dust
And the deep of Tartarus in shadow
A crown wrought by men shall be, rent in ash
Riven by tears, mutilated by axe.
False kings, dread dreams, red skies, bent spears, foul cries.

 

[Bavarian Raven]

another wonderful update - keep them coming please

 

[Errnge]

Nice update about Numidia... and an eerie prophecy about the state of affairs in the West.

I predict that we will have something like Modern Europe with three powerful nations keeping each other in check by shifting alliances, all the while keeping lesser powers in check at the same time... that is, until a monkey wrench is thrown into the system. And considering this is not too far away from the age of migrations, that might make it all a little more interesting.

Excellent work as always

 

[Grouchio]

Hey Daeres,

Would you like to commission historical portraits of the 3rd century rulers for my services? I'm very intrigued by this ATL and I'd like to illustrate the faces of this Hellene-wank! Who should I start with first? PM me with facial details and the like, ok?

 

[Daeres]

Alexander and Eusebios; the First Indo-Greeks or the Last Mauryans?

The first trial of Alexander Indikos’ reign over India came when his client kingdom of Kalinga began to collapse in 209 BC. Multiple kingdoms, principalities and republics declared independence from the Kalinga state. Given the unwieldy territory that had been granted to the Kalingas, this collapse had been near inevitable and Alexander seized the opportunity with gusto. Kalinga was declared by Alexander to be unfit to uphold law and order. In the name of preserving the peace, Alexander would thus have to intervene. His first act was his declaration of an immediate amnesty for any state rebelling against Kalinga if they acknowledged ‘Mauryan’ authority. Many of the rebels took up this offer, and now Alexander had expanded his control into Central India. Not all of the states in question took up the amnesty, however, and continued to fight against Kalinga. This caused Alexander’s ally, the Cholas in the south, to cherry-pick a few of the rebel states near to their established border. Alexander did not press the issue, but this had given him a casus belli should his arrangement with the Cholas ever turn sour.

By 206 BC, the Kalinga Rebellions were over. Kalinga had been reduced to her traditional borders, albeit with some generous allowances. The majority of Central India was now either directly under Alexander’s control or were small client kingdoms. This had also been possible with the use of minimum force; as a Buddhist, Alexander did not wish to be seen to be using unnecessary force when he claimed to be an arbiter of peace. However, whilst India was beginning to bend to his will other parts of Alexander’s Empire were becoming harder to control. Bactria and Sogdiana formed the Empire’s border with the Scythians, who were becoming increasingly restless. Pragmatically speaking, their treaties of friendship and alliance had been with the Argead Empire. Now that the Empire no longer controlled Bactria, they no longer saw themselves as subject to the treaties. Scythian raids became near constant in Sogdiana, and in 204 BC the northern border of the Empire was withdrawn south to Bactria.

In addition, the Hellenistic satrapies of the Empire were proving restless. The majority of the population of these satrapies had preferred to remain with the Argeads, and the blatant cronyism of their governors proved deeply unpopular. Alexander was able to ameliorate this by assigning several of the unpopular governors to India, but it was clear that the Greek satrapies were very much a secondary priority to India itself. Alexander had overextended himself, and simply maintaining order in India was attracting almost all of his attention. The bubble finally burst in 203 BC, when Margiana and Arachosia both declared independence from the Indo-Greek Empire. Given how serious a rejection of his authority these rebellions were, Alexander had no choice but to launch an expedition to recover the territories. But he was now on a ticking clock; it’s possible that intelligence had already reached him of the gathering Argead forces intending to march against him. If not that, then he must have expected that the Argeads would eventually seek to reclaim their easternmost territories.
Just as the royal army had been fully readied in 202 BC, the Argeads crossed into Margiana and Arachosia. Rather than putting down rebellious subjects, Alexander was now faced with the world’s mightiest military power. Rather than weakening his power by fighting both Rebels and Argeads, Alexander elected to remain behind the Indus as a defensive line. Alexandria on the Indus was hotly besieged by the Argeads, and he was able to divert forces and supplies to prevent its capture for some years. But by 198 BC, Margiana and Arachosia had fallen and the Argead Emperor then crossed the Indus. Alexander Indikos was forced to concentrate his forces against the foe’s main army, cutting off Alexandria on the Indus from its lifeline. The inevitable occurred and the city was then finally lost. Alexander also found himself unable to match the Argeads in the field; he himself was a capable commander of great acumen, but the Argead military was just as skilled and the Argead Emperor (his near relative) was more skilled a general. Only the monsoon rescued the campaign from disaster by halting the Argeads, and possibly the Scythians as well. In the carnage of the war, the Scythians had taken the opportunity to overrun Bactria. Now Alexander was cut off from all of his sources of new Greek colonists, and Bactria’s rich gold deposits.

Fortunately, peace was now established. Needing to recover his prestige, Alexander began an enormous wave of temple building and repair work. This period also saw the construction of a fortified network on the Indus’ eastern bank, a deterrent both to the Argeads and also the Scythians. Despite the loss of the Greek provinces, Alexander was able to maintain his authority. His Greeks continued to control the major urban environments of his Indian territory, and despite his war with the Argeads his reputation as a maintainer of peace was beginning to grow. What was Arachosia and Bactria to most Indians, compared to the relative security of India itself? Indeed, had the war with the Argeads not been defensive, and had Alexander not sought diplomacy rather than prolong the conflict? The strength of Alexander’s reign was derived from the combination of Buddhist support, his Greek colonists and colonies, and his visible commitment to India above Greek lands. The peace with the Argeads was durable enough to last the rest of Alexander’s reign in India. The remainder of his years were spent further increasing the administrative capacity of his Empire, keeping his allies and client states in check, and in increasing the power of Buddhists within India.

170 BC Alexander Indikos’ second son, Eusebios, came to the throne of the Indo-Greek Empire. Like his father, he was a Buddhist. He was, by all accounts, more ruthless. He stayed just within the acceptable territories of Buddhist morality whilst still being stern, iron-willed and at times cruel. He saw his father’s peace as a mistake; the Argeads were now freely able to discriminate against the Buddhists in their realm due to not fearing the Indo-Greeks. In addition, he greatly resented the idea of Buddhists being left to rot in the occupied territories. He came to the throne in a time in which the Argeads were besieged from all quarters, and given how resilient the Argead Empire had proven in the past this might have been the only time to reconquer territory. He crossed the Indus in 168 BC, and swiftly occupied the Argead territories in the Indus. However, he had underestimated the Argead Emperor. Archelaus III was not the paper tiger that Eusebios had assumed. Argead military potency remained strong, and by 166 BC Eusebios had been forced back across the Indus, even losing territory such as Taxila.

At the very moment that Eusebios launched a fresh assault in 164 BC, the situation grew worse. His client-kingdom to the far east, the Indo-Epirote territories, broke out into civil war. The old Epirote king, of the Pyrrhic dynasty, had died, and now two heirs were in open conflict over who would succeed him. The unwanted distraction meant that Eusebios was unable to commit all the forces he wanted to the reconquest in the Indus, and the sieges were thus excruciatingly lengthy. Rumours began to reach him of plots in Pataliputra and insurrection in other important locations in the Empire. Having reached a statemate with the Argeads, Eusebios had no appetite for further conflict and drew up a white peace. The consolidation work of his father had started to come undone with the visible lack of success of Indo-Greek arms, along with a general sense of insecurity. Eusebios' decreasing prestige decreased his legitimacy in a time in which the prior dynasty was still within living memory. The only option was to resolve the Indo-Epirote civil war, and prove the Emperor's fitness to preserve the peace.

Eusebios changed tactics. Despite all of his problems, he possessed immense resources beyond force of arms. He had treasure, a civil service, the authority of his position and many supporters remaining. His youthful aggression had cooled into a more machiavellian outlook; whilst he would always consider force of arms an option, persuasion was not the weaker option of the two. He charged both Epirote heirs with breaking the King’s peace, and announced that any continued strife simply increased the charges against them. He then demanded that they allowed an ‘adult’ to intervene, stating that neither candidate was behaving as a King at present. His force of influence was enough to force a ceasefire. Into this ceasefire he descended in the cloak of a diplomat. However, by a fortuitous (for Eusebios) concidence, the elder brother murdered his younger brother by assassination during the negotiations. Eusebios then declared that the surviving Pyrrhic heir was a fratricide and had demonstrated himself unfit to be King. Taking the elder brother as a hostage, Eusebios then appointed a different Indo-Epirote family of proven stability as the hereditary kings of the Eastern Territories. The Pyrrhic dynasty, which had ruled over the Eastern Territories since the days of Chandragupta Maurya, was now out of power. They were quietly given control over a minor city in the far North (though their scion remained a hostage in Pataliputra with the Emperor), and thus Eusebios had dealt with the problem. He had proven that he was capable of the same diplomatic feats of his father, though his methodology was rather more severe. The rumblings of rebellion began to quiet down, and those plots that had not ended were laid into the open. In a series of trials, Eusebios directly spoke to many of the conspirators in front of a public audience. In one infamous incident, he is alleged to have made forty conspirators from Taxila weep uncontrollably and beg forgiveness, which he then granted in a calculated demonstration of mercy.

The next major incident of his reign was the Ten Year war between the Scythians and the Argeads. Migrations deeper in Central Asia were causing a great displacement of individuals, and a new batch of Scythian cultures had displaced the older ones that had existed on the frontier. The Scytho-Greek dynasty of Bactria was replaced with an entirely new Scythian dynasty, and soon Margiana, Arachosia, Parthia and almost the entire Iranian plateau was in the hands of various Scythian groups. For the first time in 190 years, India was now no longer in direct contact with the Greek world outside its borders, aside from the continued trade with Argead Arabia and Ptolemaic Egypt. The Greeks in India essentially stood alone. More pressingly, perhaps, the situation in the Empire’s North West was now immensely complicated. Beforehand, Eusebios was able to simply negotiate with one Emperor commanding all of the border satrapies. Now there were perhaps dozens of squabbling, petty kingdoms who were nonetheless a significant military power. All of these chiefs and kings had different ambitions, alliances, cultures and personalities. Eusebios decided to patronise one regional monarchy in particular; Bactria. Despite the new wave of Scythian overlords, Greco-Bactrian culture in Bactria remained strong, and had many ties to the Indo-Greeks. Like the prior dynasty, the new Scythian overlords had adopted the Buddhist religion and the cultural heritage of the Kingdom's military elite meant that Eusebios was able to gain significant influence over the actions of the Kingdom of Bactria. He established a marriage alliance with the new Scythian dynasty, thus once again making it a Scytho-Greek dynasty, and patronised it heavily. It was a wise choice; Bactria had become one of the most powerful of the Scythian kingdoms, and was able to act as a bulwark for the Indo-Greeks against the other Scythian states. It was with this relative peace that Eusebios died in 148 BC.

 

[Daeres]

Hellenistic Bactria: Land of a Thousand Cities and Land of a Thousand Tongues
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The Oxus River

Bactria, throughout history, has been the meeting ground of cultures and nations. In the most ancient historical period we can reconstruct, it was connected to Mesopotamia, India and the growing Indo-European cultures. Despite becoming part of the Iranian-speaking world these early influences continued to make Bactria a distinct environment and it never lost its connections to many far off lands. When it was incorporated into the Achaemenid Persian Empire what was new was its direct incorporation into an imperial bureaucracy. The one element missing from pre-Achaemenid Bactria was a writing system, and into this gap Aramaic flowed. Aramaic script was used in communication between the satrap of Bactria and his governors, to record loans, in the ledgers of religious sanctuaries. Bactria was now the meeting ground between the world’s mightiest Empire, the rest of Central Asia, and India.

The relationship between Bactria and Greeks began in the 320s BC. Bactria was the last region that gave Alexander III significant trouble, and arguably his most difficult conquest. After the initial conquest of Bactria, the entire satrapy rose in revolt as soon as he left, and yet more time had to be spent dealing with this rebellion. The entire process took two years. Alexander’s first wife, Roxanne, was Bactrian. But aside from this gesture, Alexander was unable to give the satrapy much attention. The first of Alexander’s satraps proved to be feckless, and it became up to his generals to restore order to the region. We find no evidence of Hellenistic city-building in this period, though it seems possible that construction at some sites may have been started during Alexander’s reign. Instead, major cities had Macedonian garrisons or possibly small fortresses.

The real Greek engagement with Bactria began with the reign of Alexander IV. It is almost certainly in this period that the oldest Hellenistic fortifications of Marakanda, Baktra and Alexandropolis are constructed. Greek colonists were introduced into Bactria and Sogdiana frequently and would continue to be settled in the area for the next century. We can also observe Hellenistic layers in several major religious sanctuaries, likely representing re-foundations of existing temples under Argead royal patronage. The irrigation canals of Bactria, a system already developed by the Bronze Age in the region, were improved and raised to their apogee. Military settlement across the satrapy was also common. Bactria and Sogdiana formed the major frontier of the Argeads with the Scythian world, a world which was at times the most consistently hostile opponent the Argeads faced.

Militarily, therefore, Bactria and Sogdiana were vital to the Argeads. Come the reign of Alexander V, Bactria was now officially a border march satrapy- its territory was larger than that of most other satrapies in order to afford its governors better resources to defend it. The situation in Argead Bactria was one of extremes; long periods of plenty would be ended by Scythian raids that forced the entire satrapy into sudden alert. This pattern would repeat itself several times over the course of Argead control, with some of the peaceful times lasting longer than others and some of the raids being more vicious than others. The longest period of peace was between the reigns of Alexander V and Phillip IV, in which no raids are known to have occured. The major raids that shattered this peace in 230 BC were so serious that raiding parties got as far as Elam, and defeating the raiders led to the death of Phillip. Holding on to Bactria was considered to be a priority of the Argeads, but it was not always easy.

A religious figurine found at a temple dedicated to the river god Oxus/Vakshu

The cultural landscape of Bactria was already diverse by the time that the Greeks gained control over the area. Elements of nomadic peoples interacted with settled agriculturalists, and both existed alongside camel caravans that crossed the unwatered deserts that lay between fertile oases and river valleys. Mesopotamian gods and goddesses existed alongside the Iranian pantheon. Into this mixture then came the Greek approach to settled life, Greek style citadels and cities, and the Greek pantheon. Over time, it becomes clear that elements of all of these religious ideas combined, and this intertwining becomes our first major indication that cultural fusion had begun to occur. However, an entirely new phase in Hellenistic Bactria’s life began when Buddhism spread to the satrapy from the Mauryan Empire.

Very quickly, the new religion began to accelerate the fusion between Greek and Bactrian. Aramaic liturgy and administration had been preserved by the Argead administration of the satrapy alongside Greek language and script. Now this equality was giving way to the supremacy of Greek language and script as the language by which Buddhist practice was conducted in the satrapy. It was not considered unusual to be a Buddhist and to also still worship the traditional syncretic gods, like Bel-Zeus-Ahura Mazda or Artemis-Anahita, however. The two traditions both existed separately within the satrapy and continued to heavily influence one another. The Buddhist practice that evolved in the satrapy was one that was designed to function under an Empire, to fit Argead culture. This gives rise to what has been known as Imperial Buddhism.

This picture would shift once more after the Argead upheavals of the 220s BC. Bactria became the nucleus of a new Greek project in Asia, headed by Alexander Indikos and his allies. The relationship between Bactria and the new Indo-Greek Empire was more than a little parasitic however; Bactria was the war-chest that funded Indikos’ new Empire, and very little seemed to make its way back. Without the resources of the Argead King, and without receiving enough attention, the satrapy began to weaken. The vultures began to circle, and the cultural evolution of Bactria was once again about to violently shift.

After a taxing war between the Argeads, Indo-Greeks, and several rebellious satrapies, several Scythian tribes capitalised on the ill-attention of the Indo-Greeks and they overran Bactria at last. Bactria was densely populated, urbanised, and rich. Not surprisingly, many of the new Scythian arrivals began to settle once their new conquest was secured. Buddhism, which had briefly been a religion of high prestige, was now of somewhat lesser status as it had not taken hold among the Scythians. By this point, a truly Greco-Bactrian culture had become dominant throughout much of the satrapy, a full combination of both identities. But those elite groups that the new Scythian kings patronised tended to move towards their new masters’ ways of doing things, and this gives rise to a ‘Scytho-Greek’ culture that is distinguished from the Graeco-Bactrians. However, Greek culture quickly had an enormous influence on the new Scythians in the region. Greek was the only option available for an administrative script, as Aramaic had now died out in the region. It was also the lingua franca being used to communicate within Bactria’s complex melting pot. Greek religious imagery continues to be found in the material culture of Bactria uninterrupted.

After the initial chaos of the invasion had settled down, the First Scytho-Bactrian Kingdom entered a period of quiet opulence. In some cases, such as Alexandropolis, grand urban planning was displayed that actually surpassed the grandest of the Hellenistic layers. Many of the settled Scythians began to assimilate into the Greco-Bactrian populace, though they retained the use of their language. The ruling dynasty of the Kingdom was now also two generations married into Greek families, and this had begun to manifest in much more openly Hellenistic symbolism on the part of the royal families and their dependents. Coinage production begins again in earnest with Protothyes I, the second king of Scytho-Bactria. The four decade lifespan of this particular kingdom mostly sees a recovery of the region’s prosperity, and indeed we find evidence of renewed and profitable trade between Bactria and the rest of the Greek world. It is also in this period that the impressive but minor library of Alexandropolis became expanded and gained an international reputation.

The ruins of Alexandropolis.

However, another change was afoot in Bactria. Migrations elsewhere now pushed entirely new Scythian cultures into Bactria. Now the Scytho-Bactrians were the recipient of massed nomadic invasions. The previous dynasty was eliminated, and a new Scythian wave of settlers and elites descended upon Bactria. This was to be the last new wave of settlers in Bactria for some time. Once again, Bactria quickly recovered, partially paid for with the coin of the Indo-Greeks. The ‘Scytho-Greeks’ continued to act as the middlemen between their Scythian masters and the Graeco-Bactrian populace, but several of their number were actually Scythians of the previous Kingdom who had found more in common with their middlemen than the new Scythians. And, predictably, the new Scythian settlers began to assimilate into the Graeco-Bactrians as well. To foster relations with the Mauryans, and also to reflect popular custom, Buddhism once again became an openly prestigious religion in the 140s BC. The Scytho-Greeks quickly began to disappear, and Graeco-Bactrians increased in power. Bactria, in the confusing wake of the Scythian migrations into the Iranian plateau, was an unusual beacon of stability in a region dominated by factionalism and internecine warfare. This can be attributed to a combination of the Kingdom’s superior resources, better-preserved infrastructure, and also Indo-Greek investment. The Second Scytho-Bactrian Kingdom may have begun as a patsy of the Indo-Greeks, but it was also within its own limits an impressive state, and more was to come.

 

[willbell]

I like it. Can't wait for the next update.

 

[Grouchio]

Hey Daeres,

Would you like to commission historical portraits of the 3rd century rulers for my services? I'm very intrigued by this ATL and I'd like to illustrate the faces of this Hellene-wank! Who should I start with first? PM me with facial details and the like, ok?

 

[Errnge]

Hm. Would these Scythians be migrants feeling pressure from the Xiongnu?

Nice updates

 

[Daeres]

The Anabasis of the Germanoi, by Alarik of Dodona

"Now I speak of Pritannike, the great islands to the North-West of Europe. The largest of the three was known to my ancient kin as Alblandom. It was known as a land of Celts, and the most fearsome kind. It was known that their hair was bleach blonde, their skin was pale, and that they were all over six foot tall. Perhaps of all the Celtic peoples of Europe, the Albiones were the most savage. Among my people they were quite comparable to the legends of Indians that to this day continue to be told to misbehaving Hellene children. Standing at the edge of the great Ocean, the island was almost at the very end of the world, and was known to be the domain of Pluton. They were also known as blood enemies of my tribe, the Soebos, for their ancient ancestor Ler had dared to pillage our lands. He was laid low by our ancient ancestor Sigifrid as one of his hundred trials.

Albion (as it is known to the Greeks) was a land of myth and feared stories, savage warriors, high mountains, and dread spirits. But at the time in which the Arvernoi created their enormous empire, Albion copper, tin and gold began to spread across the Northern coast of Europe. Like the Arvernoi, they traded with coinage, though their imagery was more variable as the island was not united. It was well known that the Albion Kingdoms were the possessions of the Arvernoi great kings, and our contempt only grew. The contempt then grew to fear when their ships began to strike our coastlines. Their avarice for riches and pleasures of the flesh was insatiable. It was this which caused most of our tribe to begin migrating to the south, and away from the coastline, and it is here in which our historical narrative begins; Soeboi flight at the hands of the Albiones. Our king at this time was Rodwulvaz, who …"

The March of Civilization in Northern Europe

"Throughout much of Europe’s early history, the British Isles were a mysterious place that excited fevered legends but that few had dared to visit. To those in Northern Europe, the islands were the edge of the world, a focal point for primitive superstition. Events taking place on the island had been of little consequence until the Classical Gaul period, its society and technology rather backward by most accounts. It had first attracted notice from the civilized world when the Phoenicians found that the islands were rich in minerals. Always keen to exploit a financial advantage, it is at this point that British products began to be distributed in earnest across Europe thanks to Phoenician avarice. Further exploration was undertaken by Greeks, with the most well detailed expedition being that of Pytheas, though this contact with a more cultured people failed to result in notable advancement on the islands. The isolation of the islands came to end at the hands of the Gallic Empire, created by the Arverni Priest Kings. Refugees from the Empire’s spread migrated across the sea to Albion, and founded a Kingdom that slowly became one of the most important in the island. At the same time, the Gauls began to expand their influence outside their own borders, and the British isles became a satellite for Gaulish interests. The Gauls were insufficiently prepared for the task of actually policing the islands, however; the growth in more civilized communities in Britain was balanced by the emergence of piracy as a serious threat to trade in the northern waters of Europe. Dragged kicking and screaming, the British were now relevant to international affairs and they had finally become part of civilized Europe."

Piracy through the Ages

"The many tribes and kingdoms of Britain’s mainland were now beginning to consolidate, and reduce in number as those with less cunning were incorporated or enslaved into the growing big Kingdoms and tribal confederations of the island. But the consequence of this was that a great number of warriors in these subjugated peoples sought new opportunities and took to a trade new to the British isles; piracy. With the new peace that the Arverni had created in Gaul, their influence now extended to the British isles and in particular to Albion. Trade between the continent and the south of the island in particular was bustling, and so too was trade along Europe’s northern coastlines. However, this now was to be the feeding grounds for British pirates. Some operated out of Mano 1, but these pirates were eventually driven out by an organised Arverni naval expedition. The majority of pirates ended up basing themselves out of the Rhine delta and nearby areas. A particular favourite became the island of the Batavi, which had found itself completely overrun by British marauders. The British pirates not only raided trade ships, they also raided coastal towns and villages. This latter practice became more common as Arverni naval strength grew. In particular, the pirates would target areas associated with the amber trade. British pirates proved to be an unholy terror to many tribes in Germania, and year upon year the Britons’ presence in the Rhine delta grew. Some pirates had now settled on the Herulian islands, next to Herulandom 2itself."

A History of the British Isles Volume 3: The Iron Age

"After the end of the Middle British Iron Age c.150 BC, we find that trade with continental Europe begins again and this time in earnest. There was an explosion in trade following the mid 2nd century BC, and this can only be attributed to the emergence of the Averni as an Imperial power in Gaul. What did the Britons possess that Europe wanted? At first, it was the island’s metals; gold, silver, tin. But a boom in agricultural production in the South soon led to wheat becoming a key export. Prestige artifacts from Greece found their way into the major kingdoms of the South, and Greek was adopted as a diplomatic language. Arguably, however, these two developments were unconnected; Greek artifacts were considered elite, exotic and desirable, but the Greek language was the diplomatic option because it was the more neutral choice over utilising a particular Celtic language or dialect. To much of the rest of the Greek world, this correspondence would have sounded extremely old fashioned; due to Massalia being the primary Gaulish contact with the Greek world, the Aeolic dialect of Greek was the one used by the Averni Empire and its dependents including the British kingdoms.

So what were these Late Iron Age British kingdoms like? They were deeply aggressive towards one another; the desire for control and consolidation led to an era characterised by wars of conquest and growing centralised authority. However, the influence of the Averni was a key factor in the prominence of several of the Kingdoms, and they seem to have acted as arbiters. Whilst many smaller tribes and kingdoms became swallowed up, the importance of open trade routes with continental Gaul was nonetheless paramount. The Averni Kings would often guarantee the safety of trade routes with military force, and this has been theorised to have acted as a check on excessively brutal conquests. What has been keenly debated, for over a century now, is whether or not the Averni ever actually militarily intervened in the British Isles. We have references to a naval expedition against the isle of Mano, and later histories of the Averni claimed that there had been a punitive expedition against the Cantiacii. This may very well be an etiological tale, to explain the rise of the Kingdom of Gwent.

The British Isles were not culturally homogenous. Ireland enjoyed its own distinctive Iron Age culture, but even the main island of Great Britain (known as Albion to most of the Mediterranean) was quite varied. The Picts of the far north were cut from a very different cloth to the majority of the Britons. The Britons themselves, though possessing a similar material culture, were hardly homogenous themselves. Indeed, the Averni caused more than just an increase in trade, warfare and piracy. The position of druids in the Averni state was almost totally different to that of many Celtic speaking cultures, especially in Britain. Many fanciful, romantic poems have been written about the slow decay of the powerful British druids in the face of the subservient and wicked continental druids who had been ‘tamed’ by vicious Priest-Kings. The reality is that though conflicts between the two interpretations are likely to have occurred we possess no evidence for it. However, we do know that the administrative structure of several southern British kingdoms were significantly different to those further north in this period. In addition, the Averni caused an increase in the slave trade, particularly in Scots. The Silurii were the main slavers, having access to all of the Irish coastline.

There was one more implication for British cultures, of a very direct kind. The Bellovaci had fled to Britain from Gaul in the wake of Averni expansion, settling on the southern coast. They had been driven from this initial land, but then found succour in the southeast, and also successfully gained control of the isle of Gweit 3. They soon became a major trading power on the island, with the advantage of many continental connections. Their trade was slower than that of the Dumnonii, the famous trading kingdom of the island, and this was because their boats were larger and crewed with more warriors. This additional defence allowed them to travel in areas considered too pirate-infested for many of the other Britons, and only the Venetii could outcompete the Bellovaci along the coast of Northern Europe. The Bellovaci, Gaulish interlopers on the island, were initially met with hostility and they had been driven at spear-point away from their initial settlements. But now that they had settled, and the rest of Britain acclimatised to their presence, they began to grow in power. The keystone to their military success was a military alliance with the Casse and the Cantiaci. By the 130s BC, however, this military alliance was becoming more like a state in its own right, and in the 120s we witness the ethnogenesis of ‘Gwent’. Constructed from elements of Gaulish and British culture, the Gwent quickly expanded to occupy all territory between the Tamesas river 4, the Dhes-Abona 5 river, and the sea. It is not long afterwards that we then move into the Six Kingdoms era of British history, and end the Late Iron Age in Britain."

1- Mano= The Isle of Man
2- Herulandom= Denmark in this period
3- Gweit= The Isle of Wight
4- Tamesas= The River Thames
5- Dhes-Abona= The River Avon (Shakespeare's Avon in this case)

 

[Errnge]

Why can't I be this good. WHY?

Daeres, I hate you, you are too damn good. This update was fantastic and I despise the fact that I can never achieve what you have in this TL

(By the way, you're awesome )

 

[TaylorS]

This is some awesome stuff!!!

 

[Berserker]

Impresive!

 

[Daeres]

“Let me not then die ingloriously and without a struggle, but let me first do some great thing that shall be told among men hereafter.”

The Third War Punic, Fought between Italy and her old Foe the Dynasty Barcid

"The Third war between the Punic race and the land of Italy differed exceedingly from the two directly preceding. Through exile, long hardship and burning hearts the followers of the Barcids had forged themselves anew in the mountains of Iberia. Of old Carthage their love was for gold and their mettle was not strong, but in the family of Barcids there was yet the gleam of steel. Through their war-forged Empire, the gleam turned to mastery, and the Barcids of this age were of the very sternest mettle. They had been cast in the mould of the Romans who had indeed cast them down twice before, and in their imitation perhaps now surpassed the hardness of their character. But the Rome that had laid Carthage low twice before was now the mistress of a new state. A union of the Italians, a compact against all foes, a confederation of Greeks, Latins, Samnites, Umbrians, Etrurians, Gauls and Heneti1. This war that then followed was not, like its sires, a tale of two cities. Nay, it was the search for vengeance. Rancor, and ruination, dogged the steps of this quest."

The Speech of Publius Cornelius Scipio at the outbreak of the Third Punic War

The Senatorial session had begun, with grim tone. Only hours before, they had sat and listened to the declaration of war from the Barcid Empire. Only moments before the session had begun, it had been confirmed that the Republic of Gadir too had declared war and had formally broken their treaty of friendship with Rome. The senior consul, Camillus the younger, had opened the session but had not managed to break the sombre mood of the assembled Senate of Rome. It was not just fear that permeated the room, but guilt; the fact that the Barcids had been allowed to gather their strength had been primarily due to Rome’s neglect of the Iberian peninsula, and their own navel gazing. The Roman Senate was no longer the sovereign body of state that it had once been, now it had a superior in the form of the Anti-Senate: the Senate of Italy. But nonetheless, Rome still led Italy, and what was decided in this Senate meeting would partially dictate the actions of the Anti-Senate.

A figure stirred, and all eyes in the room turned to him. The figure that rose was the aged Scipio, claiming his right to speak first in the Senate’s debates. He glanced across the room with piercing eyes, and his slightly crooked posture. He then straightened himself, and began to speak.

“I begin with hard truths. The present dilemma we face is of our own making. We allowed Mago Barca to escape his brother’s destruction, we allowed that tiny kernel to grow into an Empire that can now dare to challenge Rome, we squabbled and fought whilst dark plans were hatched to bring our Republic to our knees and Italy along with her. We sought to make Gadir bend to our will and we failed to enforce it. Carthage, it seems, was the easy conquest. Without her Barcids she proved no challenge, and her Barcids elsewhere are now our test. The Barcid Empire is indeed mighty, with armies long in the teeth and fleets of swift ships. They are no empty saddle. They mean to tear Rome to the ground brick by brick, they want to crucify all of us. But most of all, they want vengeance for their city which is now under our protection.”

Scipio looked across the room once more. There was complete silence, and an atmosphere of apprehension. Suddenly Scipio began again with a yell.

“Rome does not fear kings!”

He let the echoes die away.

“They shall not satiate their vengeance, they shall not destroy us! Our country has been born anew, our backs are weary, our swords are notched and our shields are bent. But we will rouse ourselves, arm ourselves and fight the Barcids with everything at our disposal! From us they will gain no victory, and why is that? Because we are Romans! We march under the eagle,the raven and the bull. No foe has halted us, no mountain has stopped us, no challenge has exceeded our determination! Do not let the strength of the enemy dishearten you, do not let them drive that courage which Jupiter and Mars gave our race from you! We have fought in more desperate times, against more savage foes, and with far less resources at our disposal. Perhaps we lay asleep for a time, but awaken! By Jupiter, by Roma, and by the horns of Italia I swear that I shall not allow a single Barcid mercenary to set foot in the city of Rome or a single Barcid trireme to beach at the port of Ostia. And neither shall any of you allow these actions to pass! For you are Romans! We will arm our legions, unify with our Italian brothers, and the Barcids will rue the day that they dared to threaten the city of Rome and the country of Italy. Are not our legions now in their full strength once more? Are not our walls proud and thick? Are not our allies ready to stand at our side? We must send a message post-haste to the Consul serving in the Anti-Senate, and we must tell him this; Rome is ready! Rome does not fear kings!”

The Third Punic War-161 BC
​

The Barcid strategy that opened the war was relatively simple. A strong naval force would depart from the eastern ports and sail for the western coast of Italy. They would make landings in Liguria, and by securing staging points so close to Rome itself they would divert the attention of Italy’s armies. A Barcid army led by the King himself, Hamilcar II, would attack the Roman territories in eastern Iberia, whilst an army under his son Carthalho would attack the north-eastern tribes who were friendly to Rome. Another Barcid navy, accompanied by the ships of Gadir, would prevent Roman naval operations off the coast of Africa and around Sicily. The kingdom of Western Numidia would invade Roman Africa and Eastern Numidia over land. Smaller operations were also to be conducted by squadrons of ships specifically tasked to harry Roman shipping and coastal settlements.

The Italian strategy was to safeguard the coast of Italy, to safeguard the coast of Sicily, and to attempt to land serious reinforcements on the coast of Africa. The governor of Africa’s forces had been reinforced by the aged Aculeo and a regiment of mercenaries but this would not be enough to deal with the storm that was likely to come. A Roman consular legion and an Italiote legion led by Arkedamos of Taras were to be dispatched to Africa with the interest of uniting with the Eastern Numidians and the Africa garrison. Italiote naval squadrons were to be mobilised to operate in Africa and Sicily, the Veneti in the Adriatic were to send their fleet to protect the heel of Italy, and the Roman fleet would be set against any Barcid attempt to land in western Italy. Treaties to the Hellenic League did not result in any assistance, for they were concentrating on their own affairs. However, Epirus once again committed themselves to the Roman cause and provided a welcome boost to the Roman presence in the Mediterranean.

The opening moves began.

In the African theatre, the Western Numidians assaulted swiftly and furiously. The Eastern Numidians were unable to contain their frontier, and their armies were forced to retreat. However, they were met by the Africa garrison and Aculeo coming to their assistance, and the combined forces now began to offer serious resistance. The Romans were ably supported by their Numidian allies, and the Western Numidians suffered a major defeat at Galama2. However, despite this victory large tracts of Eastern Numidia remained occupied by the enemy. The numbers involved were simply too great for the Romans to deal with at this stage, and by the end of the campaign season no reinforcements had yet arrived.

The reason that this was an issue was due to a lack of progress in the naval warfare surrounding Sicily. The Italiote fleet was unable to bring their enemy into a fixed battle, and the Barcid and Gadirine fleet was able to keep outmaneuvering their opponents whilst also preventing the transport of Italian reinforcements to Africa. They also managed to sack some minor towns and villages along Sicily’s western coast, and also gained an advantage with the occupation of Malta. Despite their lack of any direct naval victories the Barcids here were succeeding brilliantly in their objectives and causing the Romans real problems.

In Iberia, the Barcid overrun of Rome’s territories was conducted with great skill. The Romans were not as talented as the native Iberians at defending their territories, and the Barcids had become experts at conducting sieges in the peninsula. Due to the pressing needs elsewhere, the Romans in Iberia were unable to receive reinforcements or naval support beyond what they already possessed. An evacuation of significant Roman material to the Balearic islands proved possible, but in many locations the Romans were completely surrounded and opted to surrender on favourable terms rather than prolong their trouble. Morale in the Iberian garrisons was extremely low given the lack of proper support from Italy itself, and by the end of the year only Barkeno and a small hinterland remained in the hands of Roman forces. Hamilcar II had almost completed his stranglehold over the entire Iberian peninsula.

This was aided by the success of his son Carthalho. His first target had been the Aquitani. After a number of minor skirmishes, the Aquitani simply threw in the towel and retreated to deep mountain fastnesses. Rather than root out all of these strongholds, Carthalho opted to move onto the other significant confederation remaining in north-eastern Iberia the Volcae. The Volcae proved a more difficult prospect, and Carthalho’s progress over the campaign season was not ideal. Nonetheless, a large part of his task had also been completed, and the picture in Iberia generally was one of extremely quick success for the Barcids.

Whilst the southern coasts of Italy were successfully protected against pirate raids, merchant shipping was not so lucky. Any merchant bearing the Italian or Roman sigils was hunted down and looted, and occasionally sunk. The Barcid privateers extended their activity quite far into the East of the Mediterranean, and in fact caused significant problems for the Hellenic League. Despite their lack of involvement in the war, the League continued to trade heavily with the Italians and now the lucrative trade routes were being made untenable. Some squadron commanders among the Barcids were in fact simply becoming pirates of completely indiscriminate behaviour, preying on the southernmost trade routes passing across the Adriatic. Whilst the Barcids antagonised neighbouring powers considerably, Italian merchants began to refuse to take to the seas without an escort.

In most theatres, the war was either in semi stalemate or the Italians were suffering clear defeats. The Barcids were quite dominant in their naval attacks in the first year, and despite the gusto with which the Italians fought it was perhaps not a good start to the war. The one area of good news came from the southern coast of Gaul. The important free polis of Massalia was dependent on Rome for her protection, but the Barcid fleet looking for anchorage on the Italian coast had decided that it was a good time to assault the city; the Massaliotes were not ineffectual, and if left unchecked might provide the Italians with significant advantages. Rather than allow this, the Barcid forces attacked. However, a Roman fleet was able to then bring this fleet to open battle near to Massalia and was able to score a decisive victory. A large portion of the Barcid fleet was able to rally and return to the Iberian coast, but it meant that Italy itself was not subject to any raids or invasions and this was a tremendous morale boost to the Italians in a year in which things were not going terribly well.

161 thus ended with no truly disastrous defeats for the Italians, but their efforts to take the war to the Barcids were thwarted at almost every turn. The Italians resolved that they would attempt to reach Iberia over land, and negotiate with the Arverni Empire. The Barcids, for their part, were preparing to commit more forces to Africa for next year. Their prized objective was the recapture of that region in particular, with their ancient homeland of Carthage and the other Phoenician colonies of the coast.

1-The author's rendition of the people more commonly known as Veneti, or Adriatic Veneti.
2-OTL Calama, modern Guelma.

 

[Daeres]

I haven't previously ventured into direct narrative in this timeline, I've been instead concentrating on the faux-historical presentation of events. But with this last update I experimented by adding the section with Scipio's speech. I was wondering whether or not people enjoyed it and would like it to continue, or whether or not people preferred that I stick to the 'historical' presentation of the timeline.

In addition, I realise that I may not have been clear earlier on but this Publius Cornelius Scipio is not the OTL Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus. He's obviously of the same family, but his birth was at least two generations after the ripples of the timeline started affecting Italy/Rome. He is a famed tactician, but not as talented as his OTL equivalent.

 

[Daeres]

Carthalho, prince of the Barcid Empire, was sitting with his circle of advisors and generals when a messenger entered the royal tent.
“My prince and lords, we have news from Othoka; the town has surrendered to General Maharbaal without a battle, and he is now occupying it.”
Carthalho’s heart leapt, though the only outward sign was a sudden flash in his eyes.
“Excellent, wait outside whilst further orders are formulated.”
He slowly scratched the hair beside his left ear, as the messenger bowed and left the tent.
“My lords, in accordance with our earlier discussion my intention is now to proceed from here to Caralis along the river. Are there any objections to this?”
“ I only have one concern my Prince,” began the seated Caciro, a venerable Celtiberian with greying hair and a broken nose, “and that is we did not concur on action regarding Rome’s response. This Pompo Statiis is not known to our agents beyond the most basic of information, and it is likely his expedition will depart Italy soon.”
“Your point is noted, general. Having given the matter consideration, we should utilise the advantages that we have been given. The ‘Sardi Pelliti’ have no love for Rome, and though they cannot be relied upon they will nonetheless act in our favour. If there is one thing we Barcids know, a hatred for Romans can overcome many obstacles.”
Another general began to speak, the fresh faced Acoholim.
“I do not dispute my Prince’s judgement, but I do distrust the Sards. They were no great friends of our fathers in Carthage either, and without supervision I mistrust their backbone. At your command, I would take a detachment of Numantian mountaineers and make sure they acted according to our designs.”
Carthalho pondered for a moment. Acoholim was ambitious, and desperate to prove himself. He wanted to win glory, always an undesirable quality. But he had proven himself a capable commander, and his concerns were legitimate.
Carthalho clapped his hands together.
“It is decided. Acoholim will depart with the troops that he requests, and will govern the Sards. Meanwhile, we shall proceed as planned. Summon the messenger back. Maharbaal is to establish a garrison, pay his respects to the temple at Othoka, and then regroup with the main army. We march in two days.”

Two weeks later, near Olbia

Pompo Statiis slumped in his seat, running his right hand through his hair.
“I swear by Carneis and all her bacon that if I have to hear about another mule caravan getting lost I’m going to lose my temper.”
“You Oscans and your strange goddesses...” said Ategnatius, pouring himself a horn of wine. He sat down next to Pompo.
“More seriously, I definitely agree with you now that the Sards are not working by themselves. They’ve always been cunning warriors, but there’s a precision in their actions that has that certain... Barcid feel to it.”
“So now that you agree, what do we do about it?” asked Pompo.
“There are still Sards who have kept their oaths, we should send the Alpines up with them and fight fire with fire.”
Pompo grimaced.
“Alpines. That chieftain has the most disgusting moustache I have ever seen.”
“Well, speaking for the barbarous moustache wearers of Italy... you aren’t wrong. But they’re still the best mountaineers I’ve ever seen.”
“You’re right. We’ll need to have a formal meeting a little later to confirm with the commanders.”
“Ah, an opportunity for me to tell my Gauls that I’ve gained the Oscan’s confidence and I’m only days away from assassinating him!” said Ategnatius, dramatically brandishing an imaginary dagger.
“Ah yes, the legendary backstabbing Gauls. I suppose by many standards, we really should hate one another.”
“Don’t take me for a soft fool, Statii, but I’m glad that we don’t. Maybe one day I’ll even find out how to pronounce your patronym, but I’d have to be even drunker than usual.”
“If you got that drunk, I’d be ready to declare you high priest of Bacchus on the spot.” said Statii with a slight grin. “I need to conference with my commanders now, so I bid you farewell for now Ategnatius of Verona.”
“Farewell to you, Pompo Statiis of Umbria.”
The two men rose, nodded their heads respectfully, and both departed the tent.

The Third Punic War-160 BC
​

​

The year began with a need for both sides to regain the initiative after the stalemate of the previous year. The Barcid Empire, having failed to gain ground on Italy itself in an alpha strike, decided to switch the focus of the war. Carthalho, the crown prince of the Empire, was reassigned from mop-up operations against the Volcae and was appointed the head of an ambitious expedition to one of Rome’s major granaries which could also function as a bridgehead against the Romans; Sardinia. Fortunately for the Italians, the surprise of the attack was counterbalanced by the amount of resources they had kept spare. Within days of the attack news had reached the mainland. The Umbrian legion was mobilised, and accompanied by several Gaulish regiments from the Po valley. The expedition was led by the ruling magistrate of the entire Umbrian pagus, Pompo Statiis, and his force departed for the island whilst Roman naval operations secured his passage.

The hardy Sards were used as irregular forces by both the Barcids and Italians to raid, harass, and deny territory. Due to the frequency of the raids and the mountainous terrain of the island it was several weeks before elements of the two main armies began to encounter one another. Statiis was an orthodox commander, but he was dependable and defensive. His legion was nearly outmanoeuvred in several different engagements, but broke out of every encirclement attempt and refused to rout. Carthalho, on the other hand, was a lightning fast thinker and continuously attempted to find vulnerable flanks, or catch the Italians on the march, or cut them off from their supply lines. The dance continued throughout the year, and by the end of the campaign season neither had gained a decisive advantage. The Barcids maintained a slight advantage by their partial occupation, and also disrupted the ability of the island to supply Italy with grain.

In Africa, the situation had improved for the Italians. The Romans and Italiotes were able to land their legions at Carthage at last, and immediately marched towards the front lines. The task of Aculeo and East Numidia became holding out until the reinforcements could arrive. West Numidia did all in their power to make this as difficult as possible, swamping the current frontier with attacks. For all that these raids sapped the resources of their enemy, it represented an inability of the West Numidians to punch through a stalemate against a sufficiently determined opponent in a defensive position. Once the reinforcements finally arrived it was now the West Numidians who were driven back at great speed. The victory was not as great for the Italians as it might have seemed however; too many of the West Numidian hosts had returned to their lands intact, too few contingents had actually been confronted and destroyed. Barcid reinforcements or indeed fresh forces from Gadir could easily turn the situation around. The Italian objective then became the complete occupation of West Numidia before that could happen, and the year ended with the Italian capture of large portions of the Kingdom’s coastal ports.

In Iberia, however, the Barcids reigned supreme. The last pockets of Roman resistance were captured, capitulated or completely isolated. The tribes of the north-East had also been vanquished. The Barcid Empire now ruled more than two thirds of the peninsula, and with the completion of its operations there was free to commit more resources towards the rest of the war. But where to strike? The Italian fleets had been able to protect the coast of the peninsula itself, operations were already underway in Sardinia, Corsica seemed too well guarded, and Africa was on high alert. It was decided that the best option was to continue to cut Italy’s arteries, and so an even more ambitious campaign than Sardinia was plotted; the invasion of Sicily. Sicily had been an arena of Phoenician defeat in both prior Punic Wars, but the general mood was that the reconquest of the island was achievable. The concern was that no amount of Barcid and Gadirine ships would be able to prevent Italian reinforcements from crossing the sea. Nonetheless, the prospect of cutting Italy off from taxes, grain and manpower was highly attractive, as was settling old scores. Accordingly, a full Barcid army was to be sent to Sicily, not simply an expeditionary force. The acquisition of resources took long enough that the year ended before the expedition could be launched, but there was every intention of the expedition being launched at the beginning of the next campaign season. Italy was about to deal with a new and severe front in the escalating war.

Ongoing Fronts in the War in 160 BC

Barcid Control- Green
Pro-Barcid Sards- Grey
Roman Control- Red

Red- Roman Control
Pale Red- East Numidia
Green- Barcid Control
Pale Green- West Numidia
​

The Structure of the Italian Federation

The Italians are now chiefly governed by two bodies. The first is the Anti-Senate, or Italian Senate. This arose out of the Senate in opposition created during the Social War, and is intended to be an institution purely for the governing of the Federation. The Senate’s numbers are drawn from the chief magistrates of the Federation’s recognised communia. Rome continues to have an extremely large influence in this body, helped due to Roman colonies planted across Italy having representation there. The Italian Senate is empowered to make decisions regarding foreign policy of the Federation, though in practice this foreign policy is often still decided in Rome. Speaking of Rome, the current practice is for the senior Consul each year to function as a direct conduit between the Senate and the Italian Senate. This system will alter over time

The second body is the Italian Assembly. The members of this particular institution are chosen from each constituent pagus by lot on a yearly basis. They are empowered to judge cases of treason against Italy, arbitrate legal disputes between pagi, and institute taxes for the upkeep of shared institutions. It is specifically designed to counterbalance the Italian Senate, and to act as the glue that binds Italy together rather than act as the unified intelligence of the country.

A pagus is one of the constituent states of the Italian Federation. As of the beginning of the Third Punic War the Roman Republic, Umbria, Campania, the Italiote League, Venetia and Gallia are all recognised pagi of the Federation. Each of these pagi possesses at least one legion, equipped in the Corvid manner by the state and functioning as professional troops rather than levies. Africa and Etruria are both in the stages of petitioning to become pagi in the Federation.

A commune is a similar concept to that of the Greek polis- it refers to a self governing community. However, it does not have the same connotations of possessing a hinterland and there is also a size qualifier as well. The size of many Roman colonies makes them communia, and it is primarily through this method that Rome continues to be the most major partner in the Federation. The communia are one of the two pillars of the Federation, along with the pagi.

Each pagi has its own term for the magistrate/s that govern them. Rome continues to maintain the consuls, along with all of the other magistracies of the Republic. The chief magistrate of Umbria is known as the supremeddiss, whereas the head of the Italiote League is the hegemon. Campania maintains a pair of magistrates like Rome, one to represent the mountain folk and the other for those of the fertile plains. The two Campanian magistrates rotate their membership in the Italian Senate yearly, to prevent one of the two communities from monopolising control over foreign policy. The Gauls are ruled by a magistrate that raised a few hackles elsewhere in the peninsula; the vercingetorex. The royal title is a fiction, however; like the other pagan magistrates the ‘over-king’ is rotated.

 

[Daeres]

The Third Punic War- 159 BC

The Senate of Rome sat in complete silence, as the parchment was handed to Titus Herminius Aquilinus Macer. He was gangly, awkward and foppish. However, he was also the best Greek speaker in the entire Senate, and so had been chosen to make sure that the received message would be understood completely. Macer turned and looked at the assembled Senators of Rome, and then completely unrolled the parchment.
“Friends, Romans, countrymen, I have in my hand here the message sent from the King of the Averni, in reply to our embassies with him. I shall now read its contents.”
Macer cleared his throat, opened his mouth to speak, and stopped.

His expression switched from his impression of serene oratorical majesty into complete bewilderment. He scanned the document at speed, as though desperately searching for something. Another moment passed, and then Macer flipped the document upside down. Not finding what he was looking for, he returned the letter to its original orientation. For another few moments there was silence. Macer looked lost for words.
“I can’t read this.” he finally sputtered.

The silence in the room somehow became even deeper.

“Might I ask why you, honoured colleague, the most skilled of all of us at the Greek tongue, cannot read the document?” came the venerable voice of Scipio with a rather icy bite.
“Well you see honoured Scipio, the thing is that, well, there’s a problem with the letter and it isn’t my fault...”
“Spit it out!” came a catcall.
“Basically, the thing is, that... this letter isn’t written in common Greek or even Attic Greek. It’s written in Aeolic Greek... I can’t read Aeolic Greek.”

The assembled Senators of Rome, ex-magistrates and current magistrates and the pedigree of what continued to be one of the mightiest cities on the face of the earth, groaned and held their head in their hands.
“Does anyone here speak Aeolic Greek?” asked Scipio loudly.
There was silence once again.
“Does anyone here know anyone who speaks Aeolic Greek?”
The birds could be heard chirping outside.
Scipio took charge of the situation.
“Iulus, you go with four others and check the markets! You, you, and you (yes you Lurco!), you’re coming with me, and we’re going to the other temples to check all of the servi publici; we’ll see if any of them are Aeolic speakers. The rest of you honoured colleagues stay here.”

To the Senate and People of Rome, the word that follows is that of Esunertos, King of the Gauls.

With this letter I send prayers of good health and good fortune for your city and all of your citizens. May Jupiter protect your fair city from harm, and may Mars grant your armies victory in war.

I received your pleasant embassies with delight, and your diplomats conducted themselves with honour and distinction. I am disposed to accept your first request; specifically, that a Roman army, with suitable allies, be allowed to cross our territory safely. However, there are some points in which I desire clarification, and your diplomats were unable to do so. Will this army be led by a Consul of Rome, or will both Consuls be occupied and the army be led by a Praetor? Or will the general be Italian? The Umbrian and Italiote legions are both deployed, so if an Italian is being sent I would presume it to be either the vercingetorex of the Roman Gauls, or the Consul of the Veneti. If it is indeed the vercingetorex, I would ask the honourable Senate of Rome to remind him that crossing Arverni territory is not an excuse for his Gauls to seek retribution for ancient scores with any of the tribes under my protection. In addition, is there a prospective date for the launch of this expedition?

I regret to inform you that I cannot accede to your second request; specifically, that I render direct military aid to your cause. The Barcids are dishonourable, and I have no love for them, do not mistake me for an appeaser or an ally of theirs. But my armies are occupied, and the matter is too grave for them to be withdrawn and instead sent to Iberia. If I did that, my realm would become overrun with Belgae and Germans and other barbarians and then I would not be in a position to help the Senate and People of Rome at all. However, the honour of the Roman people is unimpeachable, and my heart still favours your cause. Though I cannot send you my armies, when your forces cross through my territory I will provide them with horses, food and water for the duration of their transit. I must regrettably point out, however, that this is conditional on the good behaviour of the forces in question.

Once I am more aware of your exact plans then I shall grant you all the aid that my mighty Kingdom can spare. Please send the messenger back with your reply.
Roma invicta!

​

159 BC began explosively. The Barcids unleashed their full invasion of Sicily as soon as it was possible. However, the Italians simultaneously launched an overland expedition; a Veneti legion joined forces with a Roman legion, and crossed the Italy-Averni border with the goal of an overland invasion of Barcid territory.

The Barcid invasion struck first, and was immediately followed by Syrakuse and her allies formally declaring war on the Italian Federation. Sicily was now on the front lines, and its garrisons hard pressed. The Phoenician parts of Sicily were divided; several cities had rather long grudges against Romans and Italians alike, but many had done rather well for themselves and had come to consider themselves more closely aligned to Italy than to the Barcids. The Samnite legion and the 2nd Italiote legion both arrived on the island and immediately made for Syrakuse. It was by far the most fortified city on the island, and needed to be removed from the picture immediately. In addition, treaties with Rome were now considered to be treaties with Italy, and Syrakuse had broken her treaty in quite spectacular fashion. Syrakuse was due for a reckoning. The Barcid army discovered these plans, and by forced march reached the city only three days after the Italians. The following battle was a clear victory for the Barcids, but they were unable to actually destroy the Italian forces due to the actions of the Tarantine cavalry; they successfully screened the retreat of the Samnites and Italiotes, and enabled an ordered retreat. However, the consequences were still disastrous for the Italians; much of the west and south of Sicily were now in enemy hands, and they were bottled up in the north-east of the island. It was in this state that the campaign season closed in Sicily.

By contrast, the expedition to Iberia achieved complete surprise. Without warning, the two Italian legions crossed the Pyrenees and immediately started causing as much havoc as possible. The Volcae, newly backed up with Italian arms, rose again in revolt against the Barcids. A royal army had to be hastily assembled to deal with this incursion, with the Italians already having reached as far as Barkeno. The Italian plan was to enable naval operations on the eastern Iberian plain, and to threaten the capital Numantia directly. Irregular operations to delay the Italians forced their progress to slow, and then stop altogether upon the onset of winter. The Barcids had bought themselves time to deal with this new threat, but it was an unwanted distraction when the war elsewhere was going in their favour. Italy had scored her first significant reversal of the conflict.

In Sardinia, Prince Carthalho had renewed the campaign with exceptional vigour, and despite the tenacity and courage of his opponents he quickly gained momentum. The campaign was still teasing and teetering, with very few direct confrontations. Nonetheless, over the months the Italian controlled territory of the island continued to shrink. Before the year’s end, only Olbia remained. Pompo Statiis and his legion held out for reinforcements, and not without cause; a squadron of Epirote warships were on their way. But disaster struck; Barcid privateers located and captured the squadron in detail before it could reach Sardinia, and Statiis knew the game was up. An armistice was reached, and negotiations began. Carthalho held all the cards, but both he and Statiis knew that the Italians would soon be back. Carthalho seems to have decided that generosity was the better course of action; he allowed the Umbrians and Gauls to leave the island with arms and standards, and also would return all prisoners taken from the Epirote fleet. However, he continued to keep the Roman governor of Sardinia hostage, and his security was guaranteed by Statiis never again returning to Sardinia. Without prospect of relief before the Barcids broke through Olbia’s defences and possibly subjected all to rape and pillage, Statiis accepted the terms. With that, Sardinia was now the possession of the Barcid Empire.

In Africa, the Romans and Italiotes had better luck. The Eastern Numidians had launched a massive counterattack against their Western foes, and their military skill was aptly demonstrated now that they had control over the momentum of the campaign. They successfully organised strategy with the Italians, forging ahead whilst the Romans and Italiotes besiged any towns that didn’t surrender. However, the campaign was not all one sided. A West Numidian army successfully ambushed Aculeo and his mercenaries, and in the fierce fighting that ensued the Rock of Rome was killed. He would have approved of the fact that his men inflicted so many casualties on the West Numidians that they were unable to capitalise on this victory. Nonetheless, a potent blow had been dealt to Italian morale in Africa generally; Aculeo had become as much a local hero as a national one. Whilst the campaign continued to go favourably for the Italian cause, it was a bitter victory, and the campaign season finished on a sour note.

Ongoing Fronts in the war in 159 BC

North Africa

Red- Roman Control
Pale Red- East Numidia
Green- Barcid Control
Pale Green- West Numidia

Sicily

Red- Roman Control
Green- Barcid Control

North-Eastern Iberia

Red- Roman Control
Grey- Volcae Uprisings
Green- Barcid Empire
Brown- Arverni

Completed Conquests-

Sardinia- Barcid
​

 

[Errnge]

nice updates. sorry for the delay.

so the Barcids won this round, hm? I'm surprised they didn't go for Corsica. And with Barcid control so near to Italia itself, it seems like it wouldn't be hard for them to launch an attack on the Italian mainland should the occasion present itself.

 

[Daeres]

nice updates. sorry for the delay.

so the Barcids won this round, hm? I'm surprised they didn't go for Corsica. And with Barcid control so near to Italia itself, it seems like it wouldn't be hard for them to launch an attack on the Italian mainland should the occasion present itself.

At the moment the Barcids are pursuing an island-hopping strategy. Last time the peninsula was invaded, too much stock was placed on persuading the Italian allies to revolt and it didn't work out. This time they're aiming to cut Italy off from major grain supplies and also to gain complete freedom of movement over Italy's western coasts. You would think that this might be a buildup to a major follow-up...

 

[Errnge]

At the moment the Barcids are pursuing an island-hopping strategy. Last time the peninsula was invaded, too much stock was placed on persuading the Italian allies to revolt and it didn't work out. This time they're aiming to cut Italy off from major grain supplies and also to gain complete freedom of movement over Italy's western coasts. You would think that this might be a buildup to a major follow-up...

It honestly sounds like a reversal of the 1st Punic War...

So, if the Barcids control Sicily, how are the Italians shipping between Italy and Africa? Must be taking the long route. Will the Barcids go for Malta? And how much of Spain do they control?