Summer of Nations (2.0)

Discussion in 'Alternate History Discussion: Before 1900' started by Generalissimo Maximus, Jul 11, 2019.

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  1. Threadmarks: Main Page

    Generalissimo Maximus Timelines are just excuses to make flags

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    Summer of Nations
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    Great men of history: The validity of historical narratives in modern socioeconomic research (Lumos Syndicate, 2018)


    When discussing the history of Europe and the world at large, you find that at certain points it all comes to revolve around a single man and his decisions which regardless of his knowledge will come to shape the world at large. The first one of these is Napoleon, who brought france from a nation in dissaray to an empire spanning across europe, doubtlessly inspiring Jaques Doriot, who would attempt to do the same more than a hundred years later. Between them stands Rugerro Settimo, a Sicilan petty noble who, knowingly or not, would transform the face of Europe and the world forever.​
    1848 Worlda Redux.png
    Map of Europe in 1849

    Hello everyone! Regardless if you're coming over from the old thread or are a complete newcomer, I welcome you to Summer of Nations, a timeline where the Revolutions of 1848 are much more successful than OTL.​
     
    Last edited: Jul 21, 2019
  2. Born in the USSA Well-Known Member

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    I've got my eye on this!
     
  3. Nivek Resident Videogame Expert

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    again not sell short austria, if Frankfurt parliament work..for a few weeks before is destroyed by both hohenzollern and hasburgs, plus they already pacified the north of italy, meaning Lombardo-Venetia is still theirs too
     
  4. RyuDrago Italian? Yes, but also Roman

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    Italy
    "Ruggero settimo"... this is very interesting.
     
  5. Threadmarks: The Spark: Italy 1848

    Generalissimo Maximus Timelines are just excuses to make flags

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    The Spark
    Italy in 1848

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    “Noi fummo da secoli


    calpesti, derisi,

    perché non siam popolo,

    perché siam divisi.

    Raccolgaci un'unica

    bandiera, una speme:

    di fonderci insieme

    già l'ora suonò.”


    "A comprehensive history of Italy" by Ashley Williams (2011, Repubblica Publishing)


    At 9 o’clock in the afternoon on the 5th of January 1848, Joseph Radetzky von Radetz retired to bed in his Vienna winter house. He would not wake up the next morning. Sometime later, his position as field marshal in Italy would be replaced by a younger, but much less experienced relative of the Habsburg monarchy.

    On the 12th of January, 1848 a minor Sicilian noble by the name of Ruggero Settimo would declare the formation of the Kingdom of Sicily as the population rose up in revolt, thus setting Europe ablaze. After about a week of fighting the revolutionaries found themselves in control of the entire island of Sicily and most crucially, the fortified city of Messina. Inspired by this and the perceived liberalism of Pope Pius IX in Rome, the rest of Italy was soon up in arms as well, forcing many monarchs to flee from their seats of power and others to rescind almost all of their powers by accepting new liberal constitutions. In the north, the Austrian forces were caught almost entirely unprepared and were soon engaged in an unorganized retreat back into Austrian lands. The Italian tricolour soon flew over every fort south of the Alps and the revolutionaries got to work forming a real government. But as once famously uttered by President Mao Zedong, “Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun” and the revolutionaries would not retain their achievements for long if they did not defend it with force of arms. Most of the revolutionaries were either educated student and bankers or common peasantry, none of which had the military cunning that could match that of the trained officers of the reactionary militaries. None that is, save for one Giuseppe Garibaldi.

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    Giuseppe Garibaldi, first president of Italy
    Born on 4 July 1807 in Nice, Garibaldi had spent most of his life fighting overseas and now saw that the time had come to return to his native Italy to free his countrymen. Taking up leadership of the diverse collection of forces in northern Italy, Garibaldi quickly trounced the Austrian forces that had been reassembled to put down the rebellion and subsequently turned northern Italy into the lock that would prevent the reactionary Austrian from ever threatening the Republic. The greatest threat and prize on the entire peninsula laid to the south, however: the Papal States. Taking a force that was mostly comprised of students and peasants, Garibaldi embarked on a campaign southward that drove the armies of the minor states before it, smashing into the forces of the Papal States at Lake Bracciano, defeating them after several hours of battle between the professional Papal soldiers and Garibaldis hardened volunteers. As the news of this defeat reached the city of Rome itself, Italians marched in the streets and stormed the gates of the Papal residence, declaring the overthrow of the Monarchy and the formation of the Roman Republic. The tricolour was placed in the hands of the city of Markus Aurelius as Garibaldis forces marched into the city to meet the cheering population. On the 13th of August, 1848 Garibaldi would shake hands with Rugerro Settimo in Palermo. The birthplace of the revolution had been freed at last and now the flag of the Italian Republic waved all over the peninsula, soon to be accompanied by many others.

    As the smoke settled, the first thing on the agenda for the young nation was to form a unified government. Meeting in the holy city of Rome itself, the various heads of state united to lay the groundwork for what this new nation would look like. After almost two weeks of intense negotiations, the first pan-Italian constitution was put into effect. Those monarchs that had voluntarily agreed to give their power to an elected assembly during the revolution were allowed to stay in power, with the provision that a referendum would be held on the status of the monarchy following the demise or resignation of the then currently reigning ruler, whilst the offices of the rest were formally dissolved and their assets seized. A nominal land reform was implemented, a confederal parliament established and the Pope guaranteed political immunity in his role as the head of the Catholic faith. Following the conclusion of the conference and the first subsequent elections across Italy, Garibaldi was elected first president of the Italian Republic. No longer would Italy or Europe be ruled by the whims of petty tyrants, but by the will and consent of the people.
     
    Last edited: Jul 13, 2019
  6. Threadmarks: The kingdom without a King: Hungary in 1848

    Generalissimo Maximus Timelines are just excuses to make flags

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    The Kingdom without a King
    Hungary in 1848

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    "The Great European Revolution" by Rosella Evans (2001, Oxford Publishing)

    As the fires of revolution slowly grew across the Italian peninsula, other regions of Europe began taking notice. Whilst enjoying a comparatively large degree of autonomy amongst the Austrian realms, the people of Hungary clamored for something more than feudal servitude. The Hungarian diet had not been called since 1811 and worse still, it was a body that represented little more than the interests of the rich and aristocratic. As the news of republican uprisings as far away as Paris arrived, liberal forces in Hungary seized the moment to strike. Rallying the common people to their cause, they forced the imperial government to accept the restructuring of the diet into a genuine representative and democratic parliamentary body, as well as the subsequent appointment of a responsible government and the adoption of the so-called “ten points” into genuine law. The ten points were:

    (1) Responsible ministries, (All ministries and the government must be elected by the parliament)

    (2) Freedom of the Press (The abolition of censure and the censor's offices)

    (3) Popular representation (by democratic parliamentary elections, the abolition of the old feudal parliament which based on the feudal estates)

    (4) The reincorporation of Transylvania,

    (5) Right of public meeting, (Freedom of assembly and freedom of association)

    (6) Absolute religious liberty, the abolition of the (Catholic) State Religion,

    (7) Universal equality before the law (The abolition of separate laws for the common people and nobility, the abolition of the legal privileges of nobility)

    (8) Universal and equal taxation, (abolition of the tax exemption of the aristocracy)

    (9) The abolition of the Aviticum, (Aviticium was an old feudal origin obsolete and anomalous land-tenure, it declared that only the nobility could own agricultural lands)

    (10) The abolition of serfdom and bondservices, with state financed compensation to the landlords.

    Only the fourth point was never truly fulfilled as Transylvania would be de facto incorporated into the Kingdom of Romania, but as the rest were gradually implemented they would culminate in the formation of a Hungarian nation that was in all respects an independent nation save for the Habsburg Emperor’s role as palatine. Even so, royalist Austrian forces under the command of Alfred I marched towards the Hungarian lands intent on restoring absolute rule. The Honvédség (mostly made up of enthusiastic patriots with no prior military training) achieved incredible successes against better-trained and -equipped Austrian forces, despite the obvious advantage in numbers on the Austrian side[1]. The Winter Campaign of Józef Bem and the Spring Campaign of Artúr Görgey would go on to be particularly famous and by 1849 the Habsburg forces had been soundly beaten and driven back across the Hungarian border in disarray. But it was not only the Austrian forces that threatened Hungary, but also the Kingdom of Illyria in the south and the Russians in the north.

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    It is at this point that another of the key players of the Hungarian revolution really comes into the fore; Lajos Kossuth. Following the flat Austrian refusal of overtures by the Hungarian moderates for any sort of settlement other than total subjugation, many decided to step down from politics, clearing the floor for Kossuth and his more radical cabinet. Whilst successes against the Austrian reactionaries emboldened the radicals, Kossuth concluded that the monarchist elements in the Hungarian revolutionary army were too dangerous to alienate and thus maintained the status of Governor-president rather than attempting any form of abolishment of the monarchy as a whole. He was also the first to approach the Illyrian kingdom to the south to formally recognize their independence from Hungary. This alienated him from a great deal of his parliament, but when the dying Austrian monarchy later that year attempted to coax the Russian monarchy into intervening in Hungary, the Tsar hesitated and then decided against intervention, fearing both the capability of the Hungarian armies and their commanders as well as the possibility of causing an irreparable rift with the Russia-friendly Slavic lands now united under the Illyrian king Josip Jelačić. In addition, a large number of the Slavs and other minorities living in Hungary enjoyed the protection of the first laws of ethnic and minority protection in Europe and where thus more sympathetic to the Hungarian cause than against it.

    Yet still, the troubles were not quite over. Even as the Hungarian flag was adorned with the coat of arms of the province Transylvania remained in Romanian hands and what’s worse, the throne remained vacant with no Habsburg willing to assume it, but both the military and other powerful factions in Hungary unwilling to implement any form of Republic. Here, Kossuth executed one of his most brilliant geopolitical moves in his entire career; doing nothing. By leaving the issues of Transylvania and the Monarchy unresolved, Kossuth could instead focus on his economic project of protectionism and more importantly industrialization of the Hungarian nation. The conservative elements recognized that unseating Kossuth for his economic reforms would only lead to a more radical Republican assuming power and the restive (primarily agrarian) Hungarian minority in Romania could be used as a perfect bargaining chip in any future engagements between the states. Thus Hungary stepped into the new European era: diminished, but not conquered. A kingdom without a king.


    [1] This is taken straight from OTL.
     
  7. HUNDmiau Member

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    Mar 31, 2018
    I really liked your first attempt, so I hope for an even better timeline now :D

    Also, will we finally get a glimpse at the CCR?
     
  8. KingSweden24 Well-Known Member

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    Jun 8, 2019
    Cool! I’ll be watching this.
     
  9. Generalissimo Maximus Timelines are just excuses to make flags

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    Well, this time i'll attempt a tiny bit more cronological storytelling, but rest assured our councilist friends won't go away anytime soon.
     
    Born in the USSA likes this.
  10. alexmilman Well-Known Member

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    Apr 24, 2018
    Nice twist about not declaring a republic in Hungary: this would be probably the only ideological niche for NI to justify non-involvement (pretty much as his daddy's "France got a monarch if not by name then by substance" with the following love affair with the 1st Consul). Acknowledging fear would be somewhat out of a character (and unacceptable by the reasons of prestige) but as long as a monarchic principle is not violated, nothing truly bad is happening. How about Kossuth going on step further and hinting that Kingdom of Hungary, after being liberated from the Hapsburgs, would be looking for a new monarch either from Romanov family or among the candidates recommended by NI (some minor German royalty connected either to Romanov or Hohenzollern House)? ;)

    Just out of a pure curiosity, who is who on a battle scene above? I'd assume that the guys who are completely in dark blue are the Hungarians judging by the ornaments on their pants (did Hungarian hussars wear the white capes?) and those with the white bottoms are Austrians. Is it correct and is this a depiction of some specific battle?
     
  11. Generalissimo Maximus Timelines are just excuses to make flags

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    Admitting the hohenzollerns would perhaps sour relations with Germany and the repbublicans likely have their reservations about the traditionally repressive romanovs, but that is certainly an interesting direction to take it in. Regarding the picture, it's just something i took from wikipedia that apparently depicts Hungarian Hussars with no further info.
     
  12. Threadmarks: The Monarchist Republic: France in 1848

    Generalissimo Maximus Timelines are just excuses to make flags

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    The Monarchist Republic
    France in 1848

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    “A comprehensive history of Revolutions” by Janette Dubois (2005, Paris Cooperative Publishing)


    France, like many other nations at the eve of the Great European Revolution, was a state very much under the boot of the aristocracy. By 1848 only about one percent of the population held the franchise. Even though France had a free press and trial by jury, only landholders were permitted to vote, which alienated the petty bourgeoisie and even the industrial bourgeoisie from the government. Louis Philippe was viewed as generally indifferent to the needs of society, especially to those members of the middle class who were excluded from the political arena. A Reform Movement developed in France which urged the government to expand the electoral franchise, just as the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland had done in 1832. The more radical democrats of the Reform Movement coalesced around the newspaper, La Réforme; the more moderate republicans and the liberal opposition rallied around the Le National newspaper.

    Starting in July 1847 the Reformists of all shades began to hold "banquets" at which toasts were drunk to "République française", "Liberté, égalité, fraternité", etc. Louis Philippe turned a deaf ear to the Reform Movement, and discontent among wide sections of the French people continued to grow. On 14 February 1848 the conservative Guizot's government decided to put an end to the banquets, on the grounds of constituting illegal political assembly. On 22 February, striking workers and republican students took to the streets, demanding an end to Guizot's government, and erected barricades. Odilon Barrot called a motion of no confidence in Guizot, hoping that this might satisfy the rioters, but the Chamber of Deputies sided with the premier. The government called a state of emergency, thinking it could rely on the troops of the National Guard, but instead on the morning of 23 February the Guardsmen sided with the revolutionaries, protecting them from the regular soldiers who by now had been called in.

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    The turmoil culminated in a march by the protestors and National Guard towards Paris and the reigning Orleanist King Louis-Philippe was forced to abdicate and a republican provisional government assumed power under the presidency of Jacques-Charles Dupont de l'Eure. However, a rival government of more radical republicans and socialists in the Parisian Hôtel de Ville. After a tense confrontation it was agreed that the two governments would merge into one representative body which to a large degree was dominated by the moderates, but with notable concessions granted to the radicals. Among the reforms implemented were universal male suffrage and the establishment of a new constitution with wide-ranging powers for the executive presidential position. The radical republicans attempted to institute economic reforms such as the implementation of “national workshops” and even the abolishment of private property, all of which were blocked by the moderates. This further alienated the radical left and did little to improve the ailing economic situation. Even so, the Republican government moved onwards, organizing the first elections since 1792 with universal male suffrage and receiving by far the largest share of the vote.

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    Jacques-Charles Dupont de l'Eure
    This alarmed the radical elements primarily situated in the industrialized Paris, who saw this as the waning of the revolution and its ideals. Therefore on 15 May 1848, Parisian workmen, feeling their democratic and social republic was slipping away, invaded the Assembly en masse and proclaimed a new Provisional Government. This attempted revolution on the part of the working classes was quickly suppressed by the National Guard. The leaders of this revolt, Louis Auguste Blanqui, Armand Barbès, François Vincent Raspail and others were arrested. Despite this tumultuous political landscape, the presidential election was still given the go-ahead. In a surprising electoral result, almost 77% of the vote went to the unexpectedly popular Napoleon III. This result can be mainly attributed to the fact that the majority of the conservative rural voters were for the most part unaffiliated with any political parties or movements and thus Napoleon was simply the only one with the name recognition to actually cultivate a base of support among them. This election prompted a second and larger uprising in Paris, which was brutally crushed by the national army units that had now been stationed in the city following the attempted coup. Thus as the year of 1848 drew to an end, France once more found itself with a monarch at the helm, albeit one from a different dynasty.

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    Napoleon III
     
  13. alexmilman Well-Known Member

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    Apr 24, 2018
    There is no need to pick up Hohenzollern or Romanov: they had relatives all over Germany.
     
  14. Stretch The One Who Has Seen Too Much

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    Perth, Western Australia
    Why was this rebooted?
     
  15. Whiteshore Defender of Myrcella Baratheon

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    Philippines
    What about Hungary going with a local monarch by naming a prominent local aristocrat as their King?
     
  16. Generalissimo Maximus Timelines are just excuses to make flags

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    Those are certainly interesting options and i'll see what i have dug up by the time i plan to return to hungary.

    Mostly because i felt like i was dissatisfied with the original timeline, but there was too much content to really go through and "retcon" it all.
     
  17. Threadmarks: The Four Williams: The Atlantic Archipelago in 1848

    Generalissimo Maximus Timelines are just excuses to make flags

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    The Four Williams
    The Atlantic Archipelago in 1848

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    "A modern political history of the Isles" by Thomas Scott (2010, London Publishing)

    The winds of change that swept Britain in 1848 were not altogether as unfamiliar to the kingdom compared to its contemporaries. Ever since the 1832 reform act, the vast majority of the working population felt they like many across Europe had been betrayed by the rich and aristocratic establishment. In addition, the deprivation of outdoor relief to poor people and the subsequent forced implementation of workhouses that amongst other things separated families and put those most in need of help deliberately into some of the worst conditions possible. This only fuelled the growth of the populist Chartist movement, which sought to bring about genuine popular representation for the British people in their government. The first official organizations were primarily composed of artisans and skilled craftsmen, but with the forming of a commission of MPs and members of the London workmen’s association in 1837 and the subsequent formation of the people’s charter gave the movement a number of clear demands and goals. The points of the people’s charter were:

    1. A vote for every man twenty-one years of age, of sound mind, and not undergoing punishment for a crime.

    2. The secret ballot to protect the elector in the exercise of his vote.

    3. No property qualification for Members of Parliament in order to allow the constituencies to return the man of their choice.

    4. Payment of Members, enabling tradesmen, working men, or other persons of modest means to leave or interrupt their livelihood to attend to the interests of the nation.

    5. Equal constituencies, securing the same amount of representation for the same number of electors, instead of allowing less populous constituencies to have as much or more weight than larger ones.

    6. Annual Parliamentary elections, thus presenting the most effectual check to bribery and intimidation, since no purse could buy a constituency under a system of universal manhood suffrage in each twelve-month period.

    Following a series of violent confrontations and clashes in England and wales, most famously the Newport rising, the movement organized a nonviolent march to present a petition signed by six million citizens to parliament under the ostensible leadership of Feargus Edward O'Connor. Despite the nonviolent nature of the march, the government met them with large police prescience as a show of force and in the end only a small group of leading members were allowed to present the petition, which was then practically dismissed by the government. This effectively killed a large amount of the moderate and reformist sentiment in the movement and culminated that June, when there was widespread drilling and arming in the West Riding and the devising of plots in London. The banning of public meetings, and new legislation on sedition and treason (rushed through Parliament immediately after 10 April), drove a significant number of Chartists (including the black Londoner William Cuffay) into the planning of insurrection and despite the attempts of the authorities, this insurrection came to ahead on the 10th of July. Strikes and protests erupted all across London and a large force of armed militia under Feargus and Cuffay overran parliament. At the time the royal family was still in their estate on the Isle of Man and were thus out of the Chartist’s hands at the time. As the capital erupted into revolution, similar events occurred all over England, with groups of chartists seizing towns, factories and roads. By the end of the week, similar risings had occurred in wales supported by the English chartists and England itself was rather firmly under chartist control save for some of the rural areas that still sympathized with the crown. The success of a radical republican movement in supplanting the monarchy only fuelled Irish separatism and by year’s end the golden harp flew under the whole island with a cabinet led by the radical William Smith O'Brien in charge.

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    Whilst not the same hotbed of radicalism as their neighbours, the Scottish thought discretion the better part of valour and once more hoisted the saltire high over the provisional parliament building in Edinburgh. Whilst the Scottish were not going to hand over the royal family to the Chartists, they were not keen on angering their radical neighbours and thus the family and all those scots who wished to follow her were allowed to board the ships before setting sail to loyalist Canada. As the old government left the islands, those that now ruled it convened to construct a new one. Constitutions were drafted in the English and Welsh parliaments with the six principles at their core, whilst the more moderate Scotland elected to change the old royal constitution to fit the new republic. Ireland formed a government with much of the same radical principles as the chartists, but at the insistence of O’Brien and others the Irish language was now also to be promoted across the island in an official capacity.

    This sparked a brief rebellion in Ulster, which the new Irish republican army crushed with little mercy. The irony of Irish soldiers cracking down on protestant dissenters was surely not lost on the new government, but there are no records as to what their actual opinion on the whole ordeal really was. In England, O’Connor retired to his native Ireland out of health concerns and following the first ever general elections by the end of the year, the somewhat less radical William Lovett was elected first president of the Chartist Republic of England and William Price his Welsh counterpart. Scotland was once more the least radical of the nations, quietly extending the franchise to most of the population in an attempt to prevent a similar upheaval in their own nation and the implementation of elections every four years. In turn the Scottish people elected moderate William Gladstone, who would go on to be seen as one of the founders of the modern Scottish Republic. All the while this unfolded; several leading chartists were still exiled to Australia, having no idea of the events that had transpired. As the news reached Australia however, so did the winds of change…​

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    William Lovett Young

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    William Price

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    William Ewert Gladstone
     
  18. Threadmarks: Germania Ascendant: Germany in 1848

    Generalissimo Maximus Timelines are just excuses to make flags

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    Germania Ascendant
    Germany in 1848

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    The March air was cool and full of voices. Calling the kings name, they demanded freedom, unity and representation. Frederick was startled, but after a moment of deliberation he decided he was not going to be swayed by whatever the commoners were whining about this time. He had the finest army in Germany, hundreds of years of tradition and the God-given right to rule at his side and no crowd in the world could take that from him. Stepping out on the balcony, he met the angry crowd with a stern look and raised his voice to speak.


    “God has given me the right to rule, and only by his hand will I relinquish that right.”

    “God is dead, long live Germany!”

    A shot rang out in the crowd and Frederick watched as he stumbled over the railing, falling forwards and down into the crowd. For a few brief moments, he could see clearly the faces of the people that were before so obscure from his balcony. Perhaps they were all just people after all and all the uniforms and gold and silver was just a way to hide from the suffering. Then the King didn’t have any more time to think.

    The crowd screamed as Fredericks body landed on the cobbled ground with a thud.

    “Rise of the Young Eagle” by Eric G. Iverson (1986, Tower Publications)

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    "The Great European Revolution" by Rosella Evans (2001, Oxford Publishing)

    The Great European revolutions were not only massively influential because they ushered in a new era of democracy and liberalism in Europe, but also because they gave rise to two new European powers that would go on to be hugely influential in European and indeed world politics; Germany and Italy. These were formerly lands split apart under petty feudal estates, but would unite in the fires of pan-national revolution. The revolution began in the streets of Vienna and the city would go on to be a vital part of the revolution, but the true turning point was the assassination of the Prussian King Frederick William IV following his denouncing of the revolutionary cause. This set the previously vacillating Rhineland ablaze with republican sentiment, with large-scale strikes and armed action bringing a large amount of the industrial areas under the control of the so-called “Assembly of the German Republic”, commonly called the Rhenish Parliament for the sake of avoiding confusion. In most other parts of Germany, the revolution was led by the smaller and more educated middle class, whilst the Rhenish uprising was almost purely led and supported by the lower classes. Therefore, when the liberal Frankfurt Parliament finally assembled in May that same year, they found that what they had presumed to be Rhenish delegated were in actuality representatives of the Rhenish parliament and were therefore put in a politically unenviable position. They could either reject the authority of this Rhenish parliament and lose control over one of the most vital areas of Germany, or agree to merge the two bodies and therefore effectively giving up the option of negotiating with the reactionary monarchies. The parliament chose the latter with a vote of 240-160, prompting the walkout of “Vincke’s 40”, the most staunchly conservative group.

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    Georg von Vincke

    The Frankfurt parliament had now effectively embraced republicanism and therefore the concern of the parliament was first and foremost the defence of the revolution. To that end a temporary “committee for the defence of revolution” which primarily included all those with any form of military experience, but also political figures such as Heinrich von Gagern (Centre) and Lorenzo Brentano (Radical Republican). The parliamentarian forces were like most other contemporary revolutionaries composed of mostly students and other radicals, but they also possessed the industrial capacity of the Rhineland and got the support of foreign volunteer units from neighbouring nations such as the Netherlands and Switzerland. By early July, the parliament’s forces had established effective control of much of northwest Germany and were commanding forces to assist the smaller rebellions that had erupted across many of the southern German states. In a bold gambit, the parliament offered amnesty to those royals who would voluntarily abdicate. Whilst the assembly would have been thrown into chaos should the radical factions have actually planned to execute any of the nobility involved, the move was nonetheless interpreted as a veiled threat by many in territory outside parliamentary control and a number of minor nobles voluntarily surrendered their power to the parliament, the grand price of which was the kingdom of Bavaria. Whilst this was in reality also caused by a crisis unrelated to the revolutions (the controversial relationships between the king of Bavaria and his mistress), this effectively cut the reactionary forces in half, with Prussian forces still withdrawn east of berlin. The subsequent collection of tiny standing armies (known in German as the “Prinzenbrigad”) gave the parliamentary forces a much-needed injection of professional military power, bolstered further by the many Austrian deserters that joined the republican ranks after their destruction at the hands of the Austrians.

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    By far the bloodiest campaign of the revolution would be that of the Prussian campaign however. By early march the next year, almost all of Germany save the autonomous bohemian province and Prussia was under the official grasp of the Frankfurt Parliament or “German Realm”. It was in the outskirts of the town of Schwedt that the first battle of the so-called “Brothers war” was held, which would conclude in a bloody draw. This set the tone for the rest of the campaign and the Pomeranian fields would host bloodbath after bloodbath as the elite Prussian soldiery went head-to-head with the hardened republican militias full of revolutionary zeal. It was only at the fateful battle of Stettin in August that the tide turned firmly to the republicans and that in itself was in large part because of the skill displayed by the now-famous Sergeant Engels in withstanding Von Moltke’s cavalry charge. After this, the war shifted into a simple battle of attrition and by November 20th, King Wilhelm V formally surrenders to the parliament’s forces. Following this, the bohemian provinces were formally annexed and the new German constitution was officially put into law. Taking inspiration from many nations such as Switzerland, the United States and Britain, the German Realm would become a confederation of German states with a common army, currency, national symbols and parliament, but with autonomous states (Länder) and the right of constituent regions of said states to create new states (a right that would not be properly exercised until the 1925 constitutional revision). Germany was standing tall in the centre of the continent as a beacon of liberty and revolution, but she was drenched in the blood of those who fought both to oppose and support her.

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    Long Live the Revolution.
     
    Last edited: Jul 17, 2019
    Salvador79, lucon50, RyuDrago and 4 others like this.
  19. Threadmarks: "Ysbryd rhydd": The story of William Price

    Generalissimo Maximus Timelines are just excuses to make flags

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    "Ysbryd rhydd"
    The story of William Price

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    William Price was born in a cottage at the farm Ty'n-y-coedcae ("The House in the Wooded Field") near Rudry near Caerphilly in Glamorganshire on 4 March 1800. His father, also named William Price, was an ordained priest of the Church of England who had studied at Jesus College, Oxford. His mother, Mary Edmunds, was an uneducated Welshwoman who had been a maidservant prior to her marriage. Their marital union was controversial because Mary was of a lower social standing than William, something which was socially taboo in late 18th century British society. The couple had three surviving children, Elisabeth, Mary and Ann, prior to William's birth.

    The elder Price suffered from an undiagnosed mental illness, acting erratically and experiencing fits of violent rage. He bathed either fully clothed or naked in local ponds, and collected snakes in his pockets for days at a time. Carrying a saw around, he removed bark from trees, then burning it while muttering certain words, also spitting onto stones, believing that it improved their value. His actions led to him becoming a threat to the local community, in one instance firing a gun at a woman whom he claimed was taking sticks from his hedgerow, and in another hurling a sharp implement at another man.

    At home, Welsh was William's primary language, but he learned to speak English at school, which was located two miles from his home, in Machen. Although only staying at school for three years, between the ages of 10 and 13, he passed most exams and proved himself a successful student. After spending six months living at home, he decided to become a doctor despite his father's insistence that he become a solicitor. Moving to Caerphilly, in 1814 he became apprenticed to successful surgeon Evan Edwards, and paid for his tuition with money supplied by various family members. Spending time in Treforest, "a revolutionary town", he came under the increasing influence of left-wing political ideas. Being a proud Welsh nationalist, Price found likeminded friends in another wealthy family, the Guests, and gave a speech on Welsh history and literature at their Royal Eisteddfod in 1834, which Lady Charlotte Guest felt to be "one of the most beautiful and eloquent speeches that was ever heard". On the basis of it, he was invited to take up the job of judging the eisteddfod's bardic competition, with the prize being awarded to Taliesin, the son of the famous Welsh nationalist and Druid, Iolo Morganwg.

    Price became increasingly interested in Welsh cultural activities, which included those that had been influenced by the Neo-Druidic movement. He joined the Society of the Rocking Stone, a Neo-Druidic group that met at the Y Maen Chwyf stone circle in Pontypridd, and by 1837 had become one of its leading members. To encourage the revival of Welsh culture, he gave lessons every Sunday in the Welsh language, which he feared was dying out with the spread of English. In 1838 he also called for the Society to raise funds to build a Druidical Museum in the town, the receipts from which would be used to run a free school for the poor. He was supported in this venture by Francis Crawshay, a member of the Crawshay family, but did not gain enough sponsors to allow the project to go ahead. In anger, he issued a statement in a local newspaper, telling the people that they were ignoring "your immortal progenitors, to whom you owe your very existence as a civilised people."

    Meanwhile, Price's social conscience had led him to become a significant figure in the local Chartist movement, which was then spreading about the country, supporting the idea that all men should have the right to vote, irrespective of their wealth or social standing. Many of the Chartists in the industrial areas of southern Wales took up arms in order to ready themselves for revolution against the government, and Price himself aided them in gaining such weaponry. According to government reports, by 1839 he had acquired seven pieces of field artillery. That same year, the Newport Rising took place, when many of the Chartists and their working class supporters rose up against the authorities, only to be quashed by soldiers, who killed a number of the revolutionaries. Price himself had recognised that this would happen, and he and his supporters had not joined in with the rebellion on that day. Nonetheless, he also realised that the government would begin a crackdown of those involved in the Chartist movement in retaliation for the uprising, and so he fled to France, disguised as a woman.

    It was while in temporary exile as a political dissident in Paris, France that Price visited the Louvre museum, where he experienced what has been described as "a turning-point in his religious life." He became highly interested in a stone with a Greek inscription that he erroneously felt depicted an ancient Celtic bard addressing the moon. He subsequently interpreted the inscription as a prophecy given by an ancient Welsh prince named Alun, declaring that a man would come in the future to reveal the true secrets of the Welsh language and to liberate the Welsh people: as historian Ronald Hutton later remarked however, "nobody else had heard of this person, or made (anything like) the same interpretation of the inscription". Nonetheless, Price felt that this prophecy applied to him, and that he must return to Wales to free his people from the English-dominated authorities.

    Soon returning to Wales, Price set himself up as a Druid, founding a religious Druidic group that attracted a number of followers. Little is known of the specific doctrines which he preached, but his followers walked around carrying staffs engraved with figures and letters. Declaring that marriage was wrong as it enslaved women, he began having a relationship with a woman named Ann Morgan, whom he moved in with, and in 1842 she bore him a daughter. He baptised this child himself at the Rocking Stone in Pontypridd, naming her Gwenhiolan Iarlles Morganwg (meaning 'Gwenhiolan, Countess of Glamorgan'). He began developing an appearance that was unconventional at the time, for instance wearing a fox fur hat and emerald green clothing, as well as growing his beard long and not cutting his hair. He also began attempting to hold Druidic events, organising an eisteddfod at Pontypridd in 1844, but nobody turned up, and so, solitarily, he initiated his daughter as a bard at the event.

    He was somewhat taken by surprise at the advent of the Welsh Chartist uprising in 1848, but upon learning of it he began travelling across wales on horseback, holding captivating speeches and rallies to collect supplies, money and recruits for the chartist revolutionaries all whilst dressed in his highly unconventional druidic clothing. By the end of the rising, he found himself in Cardiff, the political centre of the Welsh chartist movement. The chartist “revolutionary government” had taken great note of his acclaimed oratory skills and Welsh nationalist agenda, but his highly eccentric nature was a substantial cause for concern. Nevertheless, he managed to sway a majority of the young radicals with a number of fiery and eccentric speeches during the several meetings held to decide a chartist candidate to stand in the upcoming free Welsh elections, promising both common-sense political proposals like property redistribution along with odd rhetoric such as “restoring the magic power of the Welsh language” and “re-establishing our long lost links to Annwn”. Despite his victory by popular vote, he was nonetheless forced into an agreement by prominent party leaders to prioritize his chartist political goals over neo-druidic mysticism along with the promise that his “private mode of living” would not be disturbed

    By all accounts, his first term was a success: he presided over the reconstruction of a functioning civil service, the implementation of some of the most progressive social legislation at that time, such as a worker’s compensation and a basic social safety net. This resulted in his first annual re-election, with many more to follow. Under his long career as Welsh president, he created a state-funded school system for universal education exclusively in Welsh, promoting the creation of art expressing culture in both welsh as well as neighbouring languages like Irish and Cornish. Over time however, his personal life began tarnishing his political reputation, especially such events as when he in 1855 he then led a parade of the Ivorites, a friendly society that held to a philosophy of Welsh nationalism, through the streets of Merthyr Tydfil, accompanied by a half-naked man calling himself Myrddin (the Welsh name for Merlin) and a goat.

    He also frequently attended religious ceremonies amongst the many newly-restored ancient Celtic ritual sites across Wales and even attempted to create an official Druidic Church of Wales too little success. However, by 1859 he had left a great mark on Welsh society: religious freedom was enshrined in the constitution and Wales was also the first nation in the world to both let women vote in municipal councils, as well as being the first to formally separating marriage legally and religiously. This caused no small amount of uproar amongst many conservative elements of Welsh society, but was no actual ban on marriage. Rather, it would go on to the first implementation of the modern concept of “civil unions”, with any religious organization allowed to officiate said unions.

    Following his 1859 resignation from the Chartist Party, Price would turn his full attention to religious matters, creating “The Society for the Honouring of the Gods of old Cymru”, writing a copious amount of literature concerning both religion, the Welsh language and the subject of magic. He remained vigorously active despite his old age, but Price died at his home in Llantrisant on the night of 23 January 1893. His final words, when he knew that he was near death, were "Bring me a glass of Champagne". He drank the champagne and died shortly after. On 31 January 1893, William Price was cremated on a pyre of two tons of coal, in accordance with his will, on the same hillside overlooking Llantrisant. It was watched by 20,000 people, and overseen by his family, who were dressed in a mix of traditional Welsh and his own Druidic clothing.

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    Statue of William Price in the Bull Ring, Llantrisant
     
    Last edited: Sep 11, 2019 at 3:05 PM
    lucon50, RyuDrago, Rifleman and 2 others like this.
  20. Threadmarks: Empire in Exile: The British Empire in 1848

    Generalissimo Maximus Timelines are just excuses to make flags

    Joined:
    Feb 3, 2017
    Location:
    Lumos, Confederation of Councilist Republics
    Empire in Exile
    The British Empire in 1848

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    A history of Governments in Exile by Henry Clifford (2018, Lumos Syndicate)

    Despite controlling an Empire vast enough to possess territory in all the ten continents of the world, the British monarchy wasn’t strong enough to withstand the tides of history and revolution. As the ruling Queen Victoria fled to the Isle of Man during the Chartist risings on the mainland, she was not present when the revolutionaries stormed Buckingham palace and was subsequently warned by escaping loyalist that their cause was lost. As most of Europe at the time was set ablaze in the fires of revolution just like her homeland, the Queen opted to instead flee to the loyalist bastion of British North America. Whilst a number of loyalist civilians joined her whilst at port in Scotland, the small fleet that set sail for America consisted mostly of the royal court, military personnel and a number of English, Welsh and (protestant) Irish aristocrats. Despite having received the news about a month before the Queen actually arrived, her arrival still sent a shock through North American society at large, if nothing else serving as a potent symbol of the radical change that had enveloped Europe. In the British provinces that had just been granted responsible government, the monarchy was greeted with a warm welcome by the largely loyalist population, who promised the queen that they would do anything in their power to return her to her rightful place on the imperial throne. Still, there were some that feared this more direct rule of the monarchy would threaten the regions recently acquired autonomy.

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    "The Queen arrives in America" (Thomas Picken - National Maritime Museum)

    In the United States, opinion was rather mixed, with the main issue being what government the US would agree was the legitimate ruler of the Atlantic Isles. Some saw the English Chartists as violent and dangerous radicals, whilst other saw them as heroic revolutionaries throwing off the royalist yoke just like the thirteen colonies had in the past. In the end, the official government stance was one of neutrality: it would not recognize any of the parties as the legitimate government de jure, but would de facto treat them both as legitimate governing entities in both ways. The Canadian question would be just one more dry stick on the bonfire that would eventually ignite the American Civil war. Perhaps unexpectedly, the largest support for the crown came from France and India. Whilst a long-time rival, the French monarchy was equally afraid of the threat the English radicals posed and thus chose to side with the exiled Elizabeth, with Napoleon III’s several visits improved ties between the Francophone and Anglophone population of the colony significantly. Another vital, if more unreliable pillar of support were the British-ruled areas of India. Whilst disdain for the ruling east India company and their British backers was widespread amongst the common populace of India, the countless ruling principalities and feudal realms that covered a large part of the British Raj were more than grateful for the military and economic support they enjoyed as puppets of the Empire, fearing they would swiftly lose their positions if the Empire were to lose control over the continent. This fear would not be entirely unfounded, as that same year the kingdom of Sri Lanka freed itself from company rule after a popular revolt put King Gongale goda Banda on the throne of the now united island. This however, was only the beginning of the Empires slow Austrianization, as even the might of Kings and Emperors cannot withstand the tides of history forever, a fact that would make itself known in a small Australian town named Eureka just a few years later…
     
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