Suebi Superpower

Year 40 HSF/ 250 BCE.

Acco oi Liscos, Over-King of the Scordisi, conquers both the Thracian Maedi and Agrianoi tribal territories north of Macedon. Hundreds of families flee to the Macedonian homeland, their menfolk entering the service of the Basileus, Antigonos II Gonatos. For his military victories, the Scordisi leader is acclaimed by his warriors as the "Brennus". The name often granted to a consummate leader of battles. King Antigonos posted much of his standing army on the northern frontier, fearing the worst. Acco "Brennus", meanwhile, sent emissaries to the court of Comontorios, the Celtic ruler of Tylis, in eastern Thrace. He sent gifts of horses and Illyrian slaves, to gain his support in the invasion of Macedon, also promising Comontorios tax reductions for his merchants travelling through his territory. Comontorios granted him a force of twelve-thousand warriors to aid him in the submission of the Macedonian people.

In northern Italy, the Insubres, the former member-tribe of the Aedui alliance begin launching raids against the Boii lands in the south. The Insubres have made a pact with the Republic of Rome, who are themselves at war with Carthage, and fear the Boii's friendship with the powerful Sweboz. As the Boii suffer from the raids, their leaders send messages to the courts of Marobod and Odovacar, requesting that they send punitive forces against the Insubres in their mountainous Alpine strongholds. Marobod sends a force of Sequani and Batavian volunteers and Belgae mercenaries, totalling around fourteen-thousand soldiers. He appoints as the commanding Harjanaz a nobleman of the Cherusci named Athalwulfz. In the late Spring, the Sweboz forces are penetrating the Insubre borders, raiding farms and hamlets. This sudden activity in northern Italy gives the Roman Senate a major cause for concern. With much of their military deployed in Sicily, the leadership of Rome will have to make a decision that could forever change the destiny of their people.
 
Year 41 HSF/ 249 BCE.

The Swebozez army, led by the Eorl Athalwulfz, devastated the Insubre towns and farmlands. A number of fortresses were taken. Before long, the Roman Senate, fearful of northern aggression on their own doorstep, pulled two serving Legions from the war ongoing in Sicilia against the Poeni (Carthaginians). Under the command of Publius Claudius Pulcher, one of the serving Consuls of the year, the Roman army marched north into Boii country. They attacked villages and farms, which would provoke the Boii warrior caste and their Swebozez allies to seek them out. Pulcher wished to destroy the Sweboz forces by luring them to far from their own supply lines across the Alps. The stratagem proved suffiently successful when the combined might of the Sweboz-Boii alliance arrived in force to meet the Roman Army outside the Boii capital of Bononia. The Roman force, consisting 16,000 citizen-soldiers and Socii (allies) Samnites and Campanians, defeated the Barbarian alliance in a brutal battle. The shock of the initial javelin volleys, checked the Sweboz advance early in the battle. Lord Athalwulfz, the Harjanaz in command of the Sweboz army was considered fortunate, as he died in the fighting, for surviving a defeat would mean a lifetime of disgrace in the eyes of his peers. After the Battle of Bononia, the Boii leadership sued for peace with the Romans. This was the first Swebozez defeat in living memory, and upon recieving news of the battle, the King Marobod of Lithuea (Gaul), was deeply disturbed as well as furious. It would take a couple of months to muster a new army, but the forty-year old Druhtinaz of Lithuea had every intention of punishing the Republic of Rome for interposing herself in the affairs of the Sweboz Federation. In Swebozlandom, further north, King Odovacar, was no less concerned of an unheard of defeat, sent a eight-thousand force of Gutanz, Cheruskaz, and Hasdingoz Druhtiz (warhosts) in support of his brother. Rome would suffer the price of it's insolence.
 
By the Summertime of 41 HSF, King Marobod lead his troops through the Alpine passes into northern Italia. He was determined to punish the Roman nation, thus erasing the memory of the humiliating defeat. He did not wish to acquire territory from this conflict. The idea was that by defeating the Romans, he would not only restore confidence in the Swebozez cause in the hearts and minds of his followers, but it would discourage any thought of rebellion from among his Walhoz subjects, many of which remembered the days of freedom just twenty years before. This fresh wave of Swebozez warriors flooding into Italia sent ripples of panic throuth the Roman Senate and Popular Assemblies, as they feared that the continued happenings in the north may force them to conclude the war in Sicilia prematurely. Within a week of entering Italia, Marobod's forces entered the city of Bononia, and tried to persuade the "Boiorix" (King of the Boii) to devote his warriors to the cause once again. While Boiorix regrettably did not want to risk his surviving troops against the Romani, he was happy to offer cattle and goats and even shelter to passing Sweboz warbands. The Druhtinaz graciously accepted what was offered. Weeks later, the old Etruscan city of Arretium came under assault. In Rome, the men from the earlier Battle of Bononia were hasteily recalled to the Campus Martius (Field of Mars).

In the Kingdom of Macedon, the Scordisi invasion had begun in earnest. The first force of part-time phalangitai, and Thracian auxilleries lead by Prince Alcyoenos, one of King Antigonos' II sons, was crushed by the Scordisi onslaught, under the leadership of the Brennus himself at the Battle of Lake Megale Prespa. Back in the Macedonian capital of Pella, the Basileus had little time to grieve the loss of his son. He sent orders to his Stratagoi commanding his forces in Hellas, to send some taxiarchia (infantry battalion) and Hippiarchia (cavalry squadron) to bolster the defence of the fatherland. After the initial battle, the Scordisi went rampaging through the towns and villages of the northwestern kingdom. They not only needed to forage, but to entrench themselves firmly for the coming battles, down the road.
 
On the outskirts of Ravenna, battle is joined between the Legions and Socii Alae, led by Consul Publius Claudius Pulcher (victor of the previous battle), and the Swebozez Army, led by their Druhtinaz, King Marobod of Lithuea (Gaul).

The professional Speutergardaz (pikemen) of the Sweboz slowly advanced toward the retreating members of the Romani Velites (light division), while the fyrdsmen, armed with shorter spears and axes, protected their flanks.

Archers and javelin-throwers, recruited from the huntsmen of Gaul and the urban poor of Massalia, loosed or hurled their missiles over the heads of their comrades, and landed in the bodies of the Roman Hasti (junior infantry) and Princepes (middle-rank infantry).

As the lines of infantry on both sides clashed together in a savage rush, the Gallic light-horse of the Sweboz around the melee on the ground to hurl their javelins toward the ranks of Roman and Socii Equites (horsemen), to draw them out. For the most part, the Roman cavalry responded to the deadly goading, and rushed off in persuit.

The Celtic "Leuce Epos" (scouting cavalry) lead the Roman and allied Italian horse toward a treeline, where hid a force of nine-hundred slingmen, most of them young adolescent boys recruited from the villages of Lithuea. They slung their viscious volleys toward Roman horsemen. Lots of steeds went down, felled by hard stones and lead pellets.

Once the Sweboz and Gallic heavy horse appeared out of the hills, the slingmen were ordered by their commander to retreat into the forest, while a fierce charge from the Druhtinaz' horsemen made short work of the battered and bewildered Romani cavalry. It wasn't long before they were sent scattering into differing directions, that Marobod commanded most of his cavalry to wheel around and burst into the rear of the Romani infantry, while he lead a force of 1200 horsemen to attack the remaining Roman cavalry and light infantry that were close by the melee.

They dashed quickly toward the Consular Guard. On closer inspection, a few Maniples of Triarii (veterans) were remaining behind to assist in protecting Consul Pulcher. Marobod was riding straight ahead of his retinue.

"Come on, you bastards," King Marobod yelled back to his warriors. "You're making me look bad. Cease dawdleling".

He went straight for Consul Pulcher. A few men of the Triarii broke from ranks as the Druhtinaz neared their commander-in-chief, wanting to cut down the screaming savage on horseback, while their colleagues were engulfed by the stream of barbarian cavalry.

Twenty men of Marobod's horse-guard hurried to assist their lord. Marobod struck one Roman veteran in the face with the butt of his spear, stunning him. He then launched the head of his weapon through the gullet of the second triarii. He released his grip, and then drew his sword, and hacked throuth the helmet of the third.

Marobod, roaring with excitement, the joy of battle coarsing through his veins, charged toward the Consular Guard, slamming his shield into the face of a frightened young equite, knocking the trooper off his mount. Another one trotted toward him, and got slashed across the eyes for his trouble. With more Swebozez horsemen riding hard to protect their physically formidable ruler, Marobod went for the Consul.

Pulcher desperately fought for his life, but he was no match for a warrior of the Druhtinaz' calibre. The Consul's sword hand got locked inside the shield-grip of his foe, and with one mighty swing, Marobod's sword sliced off Pulcher's head.

The some 1200 horsemen massacred the remaining reserve force before riding out to destroy the diminishing Roman infantry.
 
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Everyone don't be surprised if I allow the Suebi to remain successful in war. It has not been fifty years since they began as a collection of warlike and mutually hostile tribes. Defeats in their culture were often worse for them than it would be for greater nations like Rome or Macedonia, which could quickly recover from military losses, due to their larger population-bases. And in over forty years since the begining of their unification, it just simply hasn't been enough time for those former "barbarian" groups to cast aside this all-or-nothing mindset. While they may seem like they're on top of the world right now, everything is practically held together on the strengh of the personalities of their rulers. The loyalty of the formerly independent tribes of both the Celts and the Germanics is still pretty contingent on their leader's reputation and force of will. If Odovacar and Marobod died before their heirs could succeed them, everything they worked for would have been for nothing. So even if it seems like I'm being overly favourable toward them, its because their position, amongst their subjects and their peers on the world stage, they need to be lucky all the time. The Suebi, in the fullness of time, will experience the benefits of defeat too. But the early days are far too dependent on continual success.
 
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Alright, so the Suebi will win, but Rome's not going to make it easy for them. You'll probably need an army at the gates of Urbs Roma to force a peace, and they have most of Italy in between. Perhaps the Swebezoz could coerce some of the other Italian groups to get out from under the Roman yoke?
 
I plan on dragging this conflict for several years. Marobod's intention is to wreak as much devastation on Roman territory, steal as much bronze, gold, and slaves as his men could carry, and to salvage the image of Suebi invincibility in the eyes of his Gallic subjects. That said, I certainly don't plan on giving him cheap victories. The Romans other cost in this situation is that they may have to pull out from Sicily altogether, thus allowing the Carthaginians to win by default.
 
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The destruction of the Consular army outside of Ravenna was a huge blow to Roman pride. Nevertheless, another two legions were levied, and one Gaius Sulpicius Paterculus was elected as Suffect Consul, to replace the late Publius Claudius Pulcher, who died in combat. Messages were sent to Pulcher's Consular colleague, Lucius Iunius Pullus, commanding Rome's Legions in Sicilia, that he might be expected to withdraw from the island, to confront the Republic's new foe. Meanwhile, King Marobod despatched raiding parties of Wahloz, notably Belgae horsemen, to scour the countryside, steal cattle, sheep, and burn the crop fields south of Arretium.

In Macedon, the Scordisi forces, under Acco Brennus, marched to the town of Arnisa, near Lake Begorritis. There the militarily modernized Celtic army met the full force of Macedonia's military might. There were twenty-two Pezhetairoi Phalanx Taxeis (battalions) , and nineteen of those of the Deuteroi (peasant class phalangites). There were also six thousand men of the Psiloi (skirmishers and archers), eight-thousand cavalry, which includes 1200 Hetairoi elites (companion cavalry), prime Thessalian Hippeis, and Thracian auxillery horsemen. And of course, a division of two-thousand Hypastistai (royal foot guards). And all led by the Basileus of Macedon himself, Antigonos II Gonatos.

The Scordisi forces were composed of twelve-thousand sarrisa-armed warriors, equipped further with captured Phrygian or Attic-style helmets. The rank and file wore leather-coats or Linothorax armour, while the chieftains wore chainmail or bronze cuirasses. There were up to four-thousand archers and light infantry that were recruited from the conquered Illyrian or Pannonion tribesmen. The Scordisi cavalry were made up of the nobility of each clan, as well as allied warriors sent by the King of Tylis, and numbered up to seven-thousand. The Battle of Arnisa would decide the future of the Kingdom of Macedon.
 
The Battle of Arnisa began with Acco Brennus detailing two-thousand of his light cavalry to launch various hit-and-run raids against the Macedonian Royal Hypastists and Peltasts, giving the elite infanry corps the run around.

With the Phalanxes on both sides edging toward one another, the bulk of the Scordisi wheeled around the Macedonian left flank and charged into the rear-end of the Deuteroi phalangitai, composed of the part-time soldiers.

As the Macedonian Horse went to intercept them, they suffered from the bombardment of arrow, javelins and slingshots of the Illyrians mercenaries and conscripts in Scordisi employ. Their horse were shot down beneath them.

After a couple of minutes, the Scordisi horsemen withdrew from their initial attack, and went dashing into the distance to catch their breath.

Meanwhile, the Macedonian cavalrymen who were still on living horseflesh were charging at the Illyrian and Pannonion light infantry, who themselves were now rushing toward the forest.

Under pressure, and having lost alot of men, the Macedonian left flank wavered, and began deserting the battle. The foot soldiers engaging them now dropped their sarrisas, drew out swords and axes, and went charging toward the enemy in the centre.

Brennus then led the cavalry into charging at the depleted and wearied soldiers of the elite Macedonian guard, while the light horsemen that were just harrying them, now galloped into the forest to give the Thessalian and Thracian heavy cavalry something to worry about.

The other four-thousand eight-hundred Scordisi Heavy Horse dismounted, and cut down the exhausted royal guardsmen, whom were weighed in their ceremonial bronze cuirasses.

After a short while, most of Brennus' horsemen remounted, while a few hundred stayed back to massacre the last of the Hypastists.

The bulk of the Macedonian cavalry left the woods to strike at the Scordisi line, but were ploughed into by the enemy cavalry. Behind them the skirmishers of the Scordisi remerged from the woods, and begun hamstringing the mounts of the Thessalians and the Thracians.

At the back of the Macedonian line, King Antigonos, seeing the Pezhetairoi falter, ordered the withdrawel. Not one minute since he gave the command, when the Scordisi cavalry, with Brennus at the lead, were riding hard towards the Hetairoi Hippeis, whom stayed aloof from combat.

Antogonos was forced to take flight. While the rest of the fleeing Macedonian infantry were cut down from behind by enemy horse and foot-soldier alike.

After the battle, the town of Arnisa, and other villages in the region were ransacked and burnt to the ground.

Basileus Antigonos enclosed himself and his surviving troops Arnisa within the royal city of Pella. Fortifications were erected.

Acco Brennus and his forces, meanwhile, roamed the country, sacking towns, and enslaving much of the local populace. Awaiting further troops being sent by his tribal allies in the north.
 
In Rome, a full two legions had been raised to deal with the Sweboz threat. It had been over a month after the battle, and raids had been conducted by the northern barbarians throughout Etruria. Due to the invasion, the Senate had appointed one Lucius Manlius Vulso, whom was Consul the previous year, to the office of Dictator. The Dictator held the additional honorifics and powers of "Magister Populii" (master of the people), "Magister Peditum" (master of the infantry), and "Praetor Maximus", Vulso held absolute authority in the Res Puplica for the duration of six months. Meanwhile, more Alae Socii were being levied from the cities of Capua, Nola, Acerrae, and Suessula in the country of Campania. Meanwhile, Consul Lucius Iunius Pullus, commander of the forces in Sicilia, sent word back to Roma that if the situation in the north was not resolved within the month, then he would pull his forces from the conflict with the Poenii (Carthaginians), and sail back to Latium.

In Arretium, which was currently under the occupation of the Swebozez Army, Marobod sent word to the fleet at Massalia to anchor of the Etrurian coast. Autumn was beginning, and Marobod had no intention of marching his men back across the Alps once the campaign season ended in winter. Until the Romani were prepared to give battle, he was content to permit his troops to take as much loot from the region as possible.
 
King Marobod led his troops into Latium, sending bands of mercenary horsemen ahead to make trouble for the civilian populace. Outside the Latin town of Trifanum, the Swebozez Army and the Romans met in a hard-fought battle.

The fight ended after period of three hours. While the victory belonged to the Sweboz, they lost almost six-thousand men in the battle, and the Roman Army, under the command of the Dictator Lucius Manilius Vulso, and the Suffect-Consul Gaius Sulpicius Paterculus, retreated to the town of Trifanum.

While the Romani casualties weren't crippling to it's overall momentum, many of it's troops were inexperienced to war, and were very hastily trained in the previous weeks. The commanders weren't in the mood to punish the troops afterward, as they felt that after a day's respite behind the town walls, they could sally out to avenge their earlier thrashing.

With the losses of the previous day, Marobod wasn't cofident in his chances of completing the victory, due to his heavy casualties, so during the night he ordered his troops to abandon camp, while leaving the fires burning.

Within two days, he led his troops back to Arretium, waiting for the Romani to decide to take the fight to him there.

In Macedon, the Scordisi begun to besiege the Royal capital of Pella, trapping the Basileus Antigonos and the citizens of Pella within it's walls.

Reinforcements from the Scordisi lands flooded into Macedonia, attacking and robbing every city and township that stood in their path.
 
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The siege of Pella end during the Macedonian Month of Dios (October), when the officers of the Basileus, not wishing to lay down their lives, raised support from certain members of the Pezhetairoi class, stormed the Palace, and dragged the sixty year-old Antigonos the second the the southern gate of the city, and called out to the Keltoi leader that they would hand over their lord if he would spare their lives.

Acco Brennus called out in the Hellenic tongue that no one in the city would suffer his wrath if they did just that. The gates were opened, allowing the warriors of the Scordisi to file into the the streets of Pella.

When the traitorous officers hand over the King Antigonos to the Scordisi Rix (king), Brennus immediately commanded his guards to seize the Macedonians and ordered that they be bloodily put to death, as men that betrayed their lord once cannot and should not be trusted again.

Pella was not sacked, but the warriors of the Scordisi made themselves at home around the barracks and taverns in the city. The captive Basileus Antigonos, however, was an honourably treated hostage in the care of Acco Brennus, whom sent orders to his warband across the country to cease their pillaging, as Macedon belonged entirely to them now. Weeks after the siege of Pella though, Antigonos, ashamed and saddened by his failure to defend his Kingdom, drank hemlock.

The suicide was a source of embarrassment to the Scordisi Brennus, whom wished to use the old Kings continued existence to prevent Demetrios, Antigonos' eldest son and Crown Prince of Macedonia, from attacking the Scordisi invaders from the last free stronghold of Demetrias, the main port-city of Macedon.

Since the Sweboz remained at large in Italia, Consul Lucius Iunius Pullus and his Legions set sail from Sicilia for the defence of the homeland, abandoning the war against the forces of Syracuse and Kart-Hadast (Carthage).
 
By the month of Wintar Manod (November), the Sweboz burned the remaining fields in Etruria before marching to the coast and boarding their ships for the return trip to Gaul.

Their Boii allies, following the advice of King Marobod, strenghened the earthworks and fortifications of their towns and villages, using the labour of Latini and Etruscan war-captives that were sold to them by the Swebozez soldiers. Their was no guarantee that the Romani would cross devastated countryside during the onset of winter to take revenge upon them, but they did not feel like taking their chances.

As far as the Sweboz were concerned, the campaign season was over. The people and the economy of the Res Publica was badly shaken by the invasion. Many folk had lost friends and family to death or enslavement. Thousands of soldiers of the Republic due to the efforts of Swebozez raiders, had lost their livelyhoods also. These were horrific days.

In Macedon, hundreds of Scordisi and other Keltoi groups were arriving into the country, resettling all the towns and villages that were depopulated by the previous massacres that took place. The cities of Demetrias and Thessalonikka, the last bastions of free Macedonia, had fallen. Demetrios, the son of the late King Antigonos II, died during the sack of Thessalonikka. During the next year or so, hundreds of families of the native nobility and Pezhetairoi middle-class, packed up their possessions, and bought passage on ships travelling to either Syria or Egypt, where the Kings Antiochus II Theos and Ptolemy II Philadelphus were only too happy to recieve them into their respective service.

The city-states of Hellas, however, sent overtures of peace to the Brennus, grateful at least that the shadowing menace of the Macedonians was out of the picture. For now, Acco Brennus was content to co-exist with them. Alexander II, the Basileus of Epirus, on the otherhand was dreading the possible struggle ahead of him, for the Overlord of the Scordisi, had previously sent scouts to his frontier. A likely precursor to a new conflict.
 
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I mentioned on an earlier page that I would like some information about the specifics about Veneti craft, and how quickly the Mediterranean powers would adapt it's design to their navies. They might still be be vulnerable to ramming maneuvres, despite their thick, oak-built hulls, but their higher sterns might give them an advantage in landing missiles on to the decks of enemy vessels. And in time, the addition of catapults and large crossbows would increase their formidability at sea. One thing that I'm wondering about is: should I give them oarbanks and fix ramming-heads to them?! I would like to hear advice from people with knowledge of Celtic ships, as its hard to find a reliable source on them.

Since the Kingdom of Macedonia is now under the yoke of the Celtic Scordisci nation (historically located in Serbia and Hungary), I would like to hear suggestions on how quickly they would adopt the culture of the Greeks, and how much it would change them.
 
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Since the Kingdom of Macedonia is now under the yoke of the Celtic Scordisci nation (historically located in Serbia and Hungary), I would like to hear suggestions on how quickly they would adopt the culture of the Greeks, and how much it would change them.
Since you mention that the cities were depopulated and resettled with Celts, I am wondering if it will happen at all. If the Greeks are relegated only to rural areas, the Scordisci will be almost totally dominant and will retain their language. As the population balances some Greeks will return to the cities. But for a few centuries at most, the Celts could dominant Macedon.
 
Since you mention that the cities were depopulated and resettled with Celts, I am wondering if it will happen at all. If the Greeks are relegated only to rural areas, the Scordisci will be almost totally dominant and will retain their language. As the population balances some Greeks will return to the cities. But for a few centuries at most, the Celts could dominant Macedon.

Perhaps I should have said that the settlements in the north of Macedon, like Arnisa, were sacked, while cities like Pella were spared from the worst attacks. Also, I was assuming that a minority of the upper-classes would remain behind, post-conquest, to curry favour with their new Celtic overlords. With enough people staying behind, and with the basic administrative structure still intact, I was thinking that the Scordisci would adapt this system and try to apply it throughout their territory, apart from Macedonia. Kind of like how the Normans adopted the ways of the French after settling in their country. No doubt, the Hellenization of the Celts residing in Macedonia, could in time devide them culturally from their cousins in the north. But some aspects of governmental structure may be adopted by them all before this situation comes to fruition.

Also, the exodus of the noble and military castes of Macedonia to the Egyptian and Seleucid Empires would be a huge bone of contention for their rulers, whom preferred recruiting Greek colonists over native peoples.
 
The year 42 HSF/ 248 BCE.

In Roma, the Senatores Gaius Aurelius Cotta and Publius Servilius Geminus are elected to the Consulship. The Legions, part-time citizen-soldiers of the Res Publica, whom were in service the previous year, were kept on active duty, for the Senate have anticipated the renewal of Swebozez hostilities once the frost has thawed. And they were right to be wary.

King Odovacar, the overlord of Swebozlandom in the north, has committed his own troops, personally commanded by him no less, to the conflict. Prior to the Springtime, men and ships have been assembled at Swebozlandom's Adriatic ports to make sail to the eastern coast of Italia, and assualt the Roman colonae and Socii city-states located there.

And of course, Odovacar's younger brother, King Marobod of Lithuea (Gaul), not wishing to leave his war with the Romani unresolved, gathered troops and ships at Massalia.

He had his Boii allies send false information to the Romani, telling them that he intended to lead his forces through the Alpine passes like last year, when in fact he intended to land them in southern Italy, to raid the Samnite and Lucanian towns there.

This was to draw much of the Roman military to march south, while the Sweboz sailed back up the coast to attack Latium.

Marobod and Odovacar had also each sent emissaries to the Carthaginian high command in Sicilia, to persuade them to send their troops to attack further the city-states that were loyal to Roma.

Across the Adriatic, the Scordisi Sovereign, Acco Brennus, put into motion his plans to invade the western Kingdom of Epirus. Volunteers amongst the Scordisi tribesmen, and conscripts from the subjugated Illyrian and Thracian tribes, have been recruited for the new war of conquest.

Meanwhile, Acco Brennus has sent emissaries bearing gifts to the chieftains of the Keltoi tribal alliance of the Tectosages, the Tolistobogii, and the Trogmi, that are now residing in the land of Anatolia.
 
Before the Swebozez King Marobod's emissaries met with the Carthaginian leadership in Sicilia, the city of Messana, the cause of the war, was captured by Poeni forces, under the command of the illustrious general, Hamilcar Barca. The subsequent meeting took place, which ended with the eager agreement of the Carthaginian high command's to attack the Italian states that are allied to Roma.

After ravaging the eastern coast of Italia, King Odovacar, upon recieving a messenger from the Scordisi Overlord Acco Brennus, with a request to help with his invasion of the Kingdom of Epirus by launching raids on their seafront, so as to divide their attention, decides to orchestrate a few such raids himself.

Seeing this war as another way to make a quick profit. Odovacar would continue leading raids in Epirus for several months before returning to Italia.

The Scordisi Army swarmed into Epirus with abandon, sacking almost every town, slayng the men and selling the women and children into slavery.

The Basileus Alexander II, lacking the martial skill and influence of his great father (Pyrrhus of Epirus), he ordered his forces to fall back around the major cities of Ambrakia (the capital) and Epidamnos. Certain members of the Synedrion (ruling council) were concerned that the Basileus was mismanaging the situation.

Since the Legions of the Romani were dispatched to the south, the forces of King Marobod ravaged the region of Latium, short of Roma itself. The destruction of farmland in the country would lead to a famine.

Within Roma, the Senate were discussing possible candidates for the for the Dictatorship, where one would be appointed once the Consuls returned.

Also, urban poor, freedmen, criminal collegio and foreign merchants were volunteering to enlist as a fifth Legion, strictly for the defence of Roma, not caring about the Law forbidding the presence of active-duty soldiers within city limits.

However, it wasn't long before Consuls Cotta and Geminus, upon discovering that the Swebozez have hoodwinked them, ordered the troops to march back up north to confront those intrepid barbarian interlopers.
 
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