Striving for a world transformed by justice and peace - a TL from 1827
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Angharad and Helen left the court and met up with Benjamin Williams. They had tea and cakes in a nearby restaurant. Williams told the two women that if they wanted to stop Annwyl being executed they would need to petition the Home Secretary, George Potter, to exercise the prerogative of mercy. But even if he commuted her death sentence, Annwyl would still serve a long term of imprisonment. Helen said that they would organise a petition and get millions of people to sign it.
When the two women got home, Angharad said they needed to get together with family and friends and ask them for help in drawing up the petition.
When the two women got home, Angharad said they needed to get together with family and friends and ask them for help in drawing up the petition.
The Cambrian Daily News the next day, 26 January 1876, had a sympathetic report by Nye Griffiths of the trial of Annwyl Davies. An editorial condemned the death sentence given by the judge as an act of gross injustice towards a young woman who was driven to kill her lover by his appalling treatment of her. It called upon the Home Secretary to exercise the prerogative of mercy and commute her death sentence.
Because of work and family commitments, it was not until the following Saturday afternoon, 30 January, that the following people met at Angharad's and Helen's house: Nye, Megan Griffiths and her friend Esther Jenkins, Nia and Tom Price, John and Rhiannon Davies, Maire Griffiths, Maire's sixteen year old sister, Siobhan O'Brien, and her married sister Caitlin and her husband Stephen Kelly. Also Maire's friend, Hannah Brinton (formerly Roberts), her husband Arthur, and David Pritchard of Howell and Pritchard Solicitors, and his wife Anne.
Because of work and family commitments, it was not until the following Saturday afternoon, 30 January, that the following people met at Angharad's and Helen's house: Nye, Megan Griffiths and her friend Esther Jenkins, Nia and Tom Price, John and Rhiannon Davies, Maire Griffiths, Maire's sixteen year old sister, Siobhan O'Brien, and her married sister Caitlin and her husband Stephen Kelly. Also Maire's friend, Hannah Brinton (formerly Roberts), her husband Arthur, and David Pritchard of Howell and Pritchard Solicitors, and his wife Anne.
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Helen said that Annwyl was in Swansea prison. [1] She was allowed two visits a month, at least two weeks apart, and no more than three persons on each visit. Visits must be requested by her and approved by the prison governor. They had not yet been arranged.
Then David Pritchard gave a quick run through the provisions of the Prisons Act 1875. It brought prisons under central government control and made commissioners appointed by the Home Secretary responsible for their superintendence. It aimed to balance the rehabilitative, deterrent, educational and reformatory purposes of imprisonment. It mandated minimum standards for all prisoners. They must all be in separate cells furnished with a bed which had a sheet, blanket and pillow, table and chair, and bucket for toilet use. They must do useful work for which they were paid. They must also given training in job skills for when they were released. There were literacy classes for illiterate prisoners, and prison libraries. Food must be nutritious. There must be chaplains for the prisoners of the different Christian denominations and for Jewish prisoners. Services in prison chapels were of the Anglican Church, but if required, provision must be made for services of other Christian Churches and for Jewish prisoners. There was a right to opt out of attendance at Anglican services. The silence rule whereby prisoners were forbidden to speak to each other was abolished. Prisoners were allowed to receive up to four letters a month and send out the same number. He confirmed what Helen said about prisons visits. All prisoners must wear a uniform. For women, this was a blue blouse and blue full length skirt, and a small close-fitting white linen cap. There were nurseries for the children of women prisoners. All prisons should have a garden with suitable prisoners employed as gardeners.
[1] For Swansea prison see http://www.justice.gov.uk/contacts/prison-finder/swansea
Then David Pritchard gave a quick run through the provisions of the Prisons Act 1875. It brought prisons under central government control and made commissioners appointed by the Home Secretary responsible for their superintendence. It aimed to balance the rehabilitative, deterrent, educational and reformatory purposes of imprisonment. It mandated minimum standards for all prisoners. They must all be in separate cells furnished with a bed which had a sheet, blanket and pillow, table and chair, and bucket for toilet use. They must do useful work for which they were paid. They must also given training in job skills for when they were released. There were literacy classes for illiterate prisoners, and prison libraries. Food must be nutritious. There must be chaplains for the prisoners of the different Christian denominations and for Jewish prisoners. Services in prison chapels were of the Anglican Church, but if required, provision must be made for services of other Christian Churches and for Jewish prisoners. There was a right to opt out of attendance at Anglican services. The silence rule whereby prisoners were forbidden to speak to each other was abolished. Prisoners were allowed to receive up to four letters a month and send out the same number. He confirmed what Helen said about prisons visits. All prisoners must wear a uniform. For women, this was a blue blouse and blue full length skirt, and a small close-fitting white linen cap. There were nurseries for the children of women prisoners. All prisons should have a garden with suitable prisoners employed as gardeners.
[1] For Swansea prison see http://www.justice.gov.uk/contacts/prison-finder/swansea
At the meeting they made the following decisions:
1. To write to Evan Morris, the Commonwealth MP for Swansea, asking him to take the case of Annwyl Davies with George Potter, the Home Secretary.
2. To draw up and a print a petition and get as many signatures as possible, and send it to Potter asking him to exercise the prerogative of mercy in respect of Annwyl.
3. To write to regional and national newspapers and journals, such the Beacon and other Commonwealth Party journals and newspapers, the Manchester Guardian and other Liberal newspapers, the Daily Telegraph and The Times , publicising the case and the petition.
4. Angharad Griffiths said to write to the head office of the Commonwealth Party, and David Pritchard to the Liberal Party head office.
5. To get signatures for the petition from people in Swansea city centre, and from outside the churches at which the people at the meeting worshipped.
On 9 February Morris asked the Home Secretary a question about the case in the House of Commons, to which Potter gave a sympathetic and encouraging reply. Previously a petition had been drawn up and printed. Commonwealth and Liberal supporting newspapers and journals supported it. In Swansea most people who were asked, signed it. By the beginning of March 1876, when it had received a million signatures, it was presented to the Home Secretary. On 9 March he commuted the death sentence on Annwyl to fifteen years in prison. On Sunday 9 July she gave birth to a baby boy in Swansea prison infirmary. She named him Owen Davies.
1. To write to Evan Morris, the Commonwealth MP for Swansea, asking him to take the case of Annwyl Davies with George Potter, the Home Secretary.
2. To draw up and a print a petition and get as many signatures as possible, and send it to Potter asking him to exercise the prerogative of mercy in respect of Annwyl.
3. To write to regional and national newspapers and journals, such the Beacon and other Commonwealth Party journals and newspapers, the Manchester Guardian and other Liberal newspapers, the Daily Telegraph and The Times , publicising the case and the petition.
4. Angharad Griffiths said to write to the head office of the Commonwealth Party, and David Pritchard to the Liberal Party head office.
5. To get signatures for the petition from people in Swansea city centre, and from outside the churches at which the people at the meeting worshipped.
On 9 February Morris asked the Home Secretary a question about the case in the House of Commons, to which Potter gave a sympathetic and encouraging reply. Previously a petition had been drawn up and printed. Commonwealth and Liberal supporting newspapers and journals supported it. In Swansea most people who were asked, signed it. By the beginning of March 1876, when it had received a million signatures, it was presented to the Home Secretary. On 9 March he commuted the death sentence on Annwyl to fifteen years in prison. On Sunday 9 July she gave birth to a baby boy in Swansea prison infirmary. She named him Owen Davies.
Annwyl thought long and hard whether Owen should stay in the prison nursery or be fostered by Angharad and Helen. She wanted to breastfeed him so she decided that for the first year of his life, until he was weaned, he would stay in the nursery. Then Angharad and Helen would foster him.
The events surrounding Annwyl were featured in the British Broadcasting Co-operative television drama series The Griffiths about Angharad and her extended family.
The events surrounding Annwyl were featured in the British Broadcasting Co-operative television drama series The Griffiths about Angharad and her extended family.
The Royal Commission on the government of Ireland which was appointed in April 1873, and chaired by John Fitzgerald, could not reach an agreement. Therefore a Majority Report and a Minority Report were published on 10 October 1876. The Majority Report made the following proposals:
An Irish parliament sitting in Dublin comprising a House of Commons and a Senate. The House of Commons would have 150 members: 54 from Ulster, 38 from Leinster, 33 from Munster and 25 from Connacht. It would sit for a term of four years or until a dissolution. MPs sitting for Ulster constituencies would have the power to veto any legislation to which they objected. The Senate would have 37 members; one from each of the thirty-two counties, one each from the cities of Belfast, Cork, Dublin and Cork, and one from Dublin University. It would be elected for term of six years or until a dissolution. The Irish Parliament would be subordinate to the United Kingdom parliament. The number of Irish MPs at Westminster would be reduced from 103 to 73, with a proportionate reduction in Irish peers in the House of Lords.
An Irish parliament sitting in Dublin comprising a House of Commons and a Senate. The House of Commons would have 150 members: 54 from Ulster, 38 from Leinster, 33 from Munster and 25 from Connacht. It would sit for a term of four years or until a dissolution. MPs sitting for Ulster constituencies would have the power to veto any legislation to which they objected. The Senate would have 37 members; one from each of the thirty-two counties, one each from the cities of Belfast, Cork, Dublin and Cork, and one from Dublin University. It would be elected for term of six years or until a dissolution. The Irish Parliament would be subordinate to the United Kingdom parliament. The number of Irish MPs at Westminster would be reduced from 103 to 73, with a proportionate reduction in Irish peers in the House of Lords.
The Majority Report of the Royal Commission proposed that the Irish parliament would have responsibility for all matters except for those expressly reserved to the United Kingdom parliament, i.e: the Crown and succession, foreign affairs, the army and navy, peace and war, titles and honours, treason, trade, lighthouses, coinage and weights and measures. The Irish parliament could not pass any laws to favour any religious denomination. An Irish Exchequer would be established. The Irish parliament would have the power to change the rate of excise and customs duties, stamp duties and death duties, and to increase or reduce the rate of income tax by up to twenty percent. It could also impose new taxes. It would also have control over the police. An executive would be responsible to the Irish parliament.
After stating all the objections to Home Rule, the Minority Report rejected it.
After stating all the objections to Home Rule, the Minority Report rejected it.
Reaction to the reports of the Royal Commission were predictably on party lines. The Commonwealth and Irish Nationalist parties agreed with the Majority Report, while the Conservatives backed the Minority Report. Most Liberals were broadly in favour of the Majority Report, though they objected to the extent of the power it proposed for the Irish parliament But some Liberals agreed with the Minority Report. However few people liked the Ulster Veto. Home Rulers objected to one province of Ireland having its own veto. Unionists objected because it did not help Unionists outside Ulster, and as regards Ulster there could not be any certainty that they would win a majority of seats in Ulster.
The prime minister, George Cowell, said in newspaper interviews that the government would introduce a Home Rule Bill to give effect to the Majority Report in the next session of parliament. He was non committal about the Ulster Veto. However while such a bill would pass through the House of Commons, it would probably be thrown out by the House of Lords. Under the terms of the Parliament Act 1860 the Lords had the power to veto what was defined as constitutional legislation which included Home Rule for Ireland. Although the Conservatives were a minority in the Lords with 221 out 469 peers, a Home Rule Bill would need the support of most of the 84 Liberal and 28 Independent Peers to pass. There were 81 Commonwealth and 25 Irish Nationalist Peers, together with 26 archbishops and bishops and 4 law lords.
On 25 October 1876 the Irish Loyal and Patriotic Union was formed with its headquarters in Dublin. Its purpose was the defence of the Union existing between Great Britain and Ireland by such methods as public meeting and the spread of literature. In OTL a similar organisation with the same name, purposes and methods was established in January 1886. See the book Home Rule and the Irish Question by Grenfell Morton, London: Longmans Group Ltd, 1980.
The prime minister, George Cowell, said in newspaper interviews that the government would introduce a Home Rule Bill to give effect to the Majority Report in the next session of parliament. He was non committal about the Ulster Veto. However while such a bill would pass through the House of Commons, it would probably be thrown out by the House of Lords. Under the terms of the Parliament Act 1860 the Lords had the power to veto what was defined as constitutional legislation which included Home Rule for Ireland. Although the Conservatives were a minority in the Lords with 221 out 469 peers, a Home Rule Bill would need the support of most of the 84 Liberal and 28 Independent Peers to pass. There were 81 Commonwealth and 25 Irish Nationalist Peers, together with 26 archbishops and bishops and 4 law lords.
On 25 October 1876 the Irish Loyal and Patriotic Union was formed with its headquarters in Dublin. Its purpose was the defence of the Union existing between Great Britain and Ireland by such methods as public meeting and the spread of literature. In OTL a similar organisation with the same name, purposes and methods was established in January 1886. See the book Home Rule and the Irish Question by Grenfell Morton, London: Longmans Group Ltd, 1980.
The Queen's Speech at the start of the new session of Parliament in early November 1876 promised that a bill would be introduced to give self-government to Ireland. The Government of Ireland Bill was published on 16 December 1876. It followed the proposals of the Majority Report of the Royal Commission on the government of Ireland, but without the Ulster veto. The Secretary of Ireland, Patrick O'Donnell, told MPs that the debate on the second reading would take place after the House returned from the Christmas recess.
On 17 January 1877, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, George Odger, resigned because of ill-heath. He had congestion of the lungs. In the subsequent reshuffle, the prime minister made the following changes to his government. William Allan from President of the Board of Trade to Chancellor of the Exchequer; Robert Applegarth from President of the Local Government Board to President of the Board of Trade. Thomas Irvine Rankin from President of the Board of Education to President of the Local Government Board; William Chadwick from Parliamentary Secretary to the Local Government Board to President of the Board of Education. Sarah Taylor joined the government as Parliamentary Secretary to the Local Government Board. [1] She was the first women MP to be appointed to a ministerial post. There were two women Peers who were junior ministers.
[1] She is a fictional character.
On 17 January 1877, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, George Odger, resigned because of ill-heath. He had congestion of the lungs. In the subsequent reshuffle, the prime minister made the following changes to his government. William Allan from President of the Board of Trade to Chancellor of the Exchequer; Robert Applegarth from President of the Local Government Board to President of the Board of Trade. Thomas Irvine Rankin from President of the Board of Education to President of the Local Government Board; William Chadwick from Parliamentary Secretary to the Local Government Board to President of the Board of Education. Sarah Taylor joined the government as Parliamentary Secretary to the Local Government Board. [1] She was the first women MP to be appointed to a ministerial post. There were two women Peers who were junior ministers.
[1] She is a fictional character.
The House of Commons debated the second reading of the Government of Ireland Bill over twelve days from 22 January to 8 February 1877. Speakers in favour of the Bill argued that it implemented the desire of most of the people of Ireland for Home Rule, as expressed by having voted for parties advocating it, and the Majority Report of the Royal Commission. The Westminster Parliament would have the right to veto of all legislation passed by the Irish Parliament. The Protestant people of Ireland had nothing to fear from an Irish Parliament and the Bill safeguarded religious freedom. Home Rule would benefit Ireland economically. John Blake Dillon, the leader of the Irish Nationalist Party, gave a cautious welcome to the Bill. He said that while it did not achieve freedom for Ireland it was a major step on the way, and no barrier can be put against the progress of the Irish people to self determination. Just as Poland had achieved independence so would Ireland. His party wanted an independent Ireland to keep Queen Victoria as Queen of Ireland.
The opponents of the Bill argued that inevitably it would lead to the break up of the Union and an independent Ireland, which could potentially be hostile to Britain. They argued that Home Rule would be economically harmful to Ireland. The strongest opposition to Home Rule came from Conservative MPs representing Ulster constituencies. They rejected the Bill as a stage on the road to complete Irish independence. They argued that logically there should be Home Rule within Home Rule for Ulster. Those who were militant said that Ulster loyalists would defend themselves against being handed over against their will to an Irish government, and would resist by force of arms the dictates of an Irish parliament.
There was some discussion about how far the Triple Monarchy of Austria-Hungary-North Italy could be used as an example for future relations between Britain and Ireland, with supporters and opponents arguing that it was and was not.
At 10 pm on 8 February the House divided. When the Speaker announced the result of the vote, it was a majority for the Bill by 436 votes to 228 votes. The breakdown of votes by party was as follows:
For:
Commonwealth: 343
Irish Nationalist: 72
Liberal: 21
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Total: 436
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Against:
Conservative: 202
Liberal: 15
Commonwealth: 11
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Total: 228
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The opponents of the Bill argued that inevitably it would lead to the break up of the Union and an independent Ireland, which could potentially be hostile to Britain. They argued that Home Rule would be economically harmful to Ireland. The strongest opposition to Home Rule came from Conservative MPs representing Ulster constituencies. They rejected the Bill as a stage on the road to complete Irish independence. They argued that logically there should be Home Rule within Home Rule for Ulster. Those who were militant said that Ulster loyalists would defend themselves against being handed over against their will to an Irish government, and would resist by force of arms the dictates of an Irish parliament.
There was some discussion about how far the Triple Monarchy of Austria-Hungary-North Italy could be used as an example for future relations between Britain and Ireland, with supporters and opponents arguing that it was and was not.
At 10 pm on 8 February the House divided. When the Speaker announced the result of the vote, it was a majority for the Bill by 436 votes to 228 votes. The breakdown of votes by party was as follows:
For:
Commonwealth: 343
Irish Nationalist: 72
Liberal: 21
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Total: 436
----------
Against:
Conservative: 202
Liberal: 15
Commonwealth: 11
------------
Total: 228
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John Blake Dillon was elected leader of the Irish Nationalist Party in April 1875 after the death of John Martin, its previous leader on 29 March 1875. In the May 1871 general election Dillon had lost his Dublin St. Stephen's Green seat to the Conservative candidate, but was elected MP for Galway East at a by-election in September 1871 caused by the resignation of an Irish Nationalist MP.
Dillon's wife, Jane Francesca [nee Elgee] was active in the Irish Nationalist Party. Their son Thomas [born 18 August 1848] was a writer for The Nation, the Nationalist journal. He was also a writer. His first book of poems was published in 1874 and his play based on the Fianna, the mythical warrior band led by the mythical Fionn MacCumhail, was first performed in Dublin. He was married. His wife's name was Sinead and they had two children - a girl aged four and a girl aged two.
Dillon's wife, Jane Francesca [nee Elgee] was active in the Irish Nationalist Party. Their son Thomas [born 18 August 1848] was a writer for The Nation, the Nationalist journal. He was also a writer. His first book of poems was published in 1874 and his play based on the Fianna, the mythical warrior band led by the mythical Fionn MacCumhail, was first performed in Dublin. He was married. His wife's name was Sinead and they had two children - a girl aged four and a girl aged two.
When William Chadwick was promoted to the cabinet as President of
the Board of Education, under the provisions of the Succession of the Crown Act 1707 he was obliged to resign as MP for Rochdale and seek re-election. The subsequent by-election took place on 31 January 1877. The issue of Irish Home Rule dominated the campaign with Chadwick supporting it and the Conservative candidate opposing. The Liberal candidate also supported Home Rule. The result of the election was as follows [October 1874 general election]:
William Chadwick [Commonwealth Party]: 50.7% [46.2%]
Conservative Party candidate: 25.8% [24.1%]
Liberal Party candidate: 23.5% [29.7%]
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Commonwealth majority: 24.9% [16.5%]
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On 4 March 1877 George Odger died from congestion of the lungs after a long a painful illness. He was fifty-three years old and left a wife and three children. Tributes were paid in the House of Commons by the Prime Minister and by the leaders of the Conservative, Irish Nationalist and Liberal parties. The Prime Minister also delivered an eulogy at Odger's memorial service in Bristol which he had represented in Parliament as MP for Bristol East since 1866.
the Board of Education, under the provisions of the Succession of the Crown Act 1707 he was obliged to resign as MP for Rochdale and seek re-election. The subsequent by-election took place on 31 January 1877. The issue of Irish Home Rule dominated the campaign with Chadwick supporting it and the Conservative candidate opposing. The Liberal candidate also supported Home Rule. The result of the election was as follows [October 1874 general election]:
William Chadwick [Commonwealth Party]: 50.7% [46.2%]
Conservative Party candidate: 25.8% [24.1%]
Liberal Party candidate: 23.5% [29.7%]
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Commonwealth majority: 24.9% [16.5%]
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On 4 March 1877 George Odger died from congestion of the lungs after a long a painful illness. He was fifty-three years old and left a wife and three children. Tributes were paid in the House of Commons by the Prime Minister and by the leaders of the Conservative, Irish Nationalist and Liberal parties. The Prime Minister also delivered an eulogy at Odger's memorial service in Bristol which he had represented in Parliament as MP for Bristol East since 1866.
George Odger was buried in the village of Roborough in Devon where he was born and brought up. The result of the by-election in Bristol East, Odger's constituency, held on 24 March 1877 was as follows [October 1874 general election]:
John Cawsey [Commonwealth]: 57.9% [59.1%]
Conservative candidate: 23.7% [15.3%]
Liberal candidate: 18.4% [25.6%]
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Commonwealth majority: 34.2% [33.5%]
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John Cawsey [Commonwealth]: 57.9% [59.1%]
Conservative candidate: 23.7% [15.3%]
Liberal candidate: 18.4% [25.6%]
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Commonwealth majority: 34.2% [33.5%]
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