Stonewall Jackson's Way: An Alternate Confederacy Timeline

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Chapter Thirty-Eight: The Forgotten Fronts: Political and Pacific

A photograph of U.S. soldiers deployed in Pacific Theater
​

In the histories of the Confederate-American War, two theaters are usually pushed out of the limelight in favor of the more action packed Eastern and Western Theaters. For one, it is because it had an utter lack of fighting. For the other, it was because it was fought in congressional chambers and not out on the battlefield. First, the Pacific Theater. In accordance with President Early's order for each state to raise troops, Arizona was assigned a number. The amount of men it was required was different from every other state, however. It was only required to raise a division's worth of men, as opposed to three division's worth for the other states. This was because President Early and General-in-Chief Joseph Johnston had no intent of using these troops, as they were too far away from the main theaters of action. Instead, they were merely to act as a garrison to Arizona should the U.S. raise troops to invade it. As a result, many of the men under Simon B. Buckner, the former Arizona territorial governor turned state governor turned commanding general of Arizona's troops, expected to see no combat, and many even brought their families along. The Confederate plan to remain defensive in the Pacific Theater, however, was not known in Philadelphia, and many believed Buckner was planning an invasion of California. As a result, a division of men under General Eugene A. Carr were sent to California to act as its garrison. Early and his fellow Washington politicians, however, read this as Conkling planning to invade Arizona. Thus, both sides were put on heightened alert, each expecting the other to invade. Neither side invaded, however, and camp life and the rare Native raid was what kept these men occupied.

Simon B. Buckner and Eugene A. Carr
​

The U.S. political front proved to have more action than the Pacific Theater. With Conkling's narrow and controversial presidential win, it seemed his administration was doomed to dissension. The most clear threat in his opinion were the Peace Republicans, who decried the war at every chance they were given. In the Senate, his support was more secure, but in the more volatile and unstable House, his popularity began to wax and wane as soon as the war started. This point was capitalized with the election of Peace Republican Thomas B. Reed as House Speaker over War Republican William D. Kelley and incumbent Samuel J. Randall. This point is interesting to note as Reed's support came not only from Peace Republicans, but also a few War Republicans and Democrats who strayed from their party in their voting, highlighting the idea that this was an unwanted war, even though the House would approve the declaration of war later. Conkling's biggest threat, however, came from the inside. War Republican, Pennsylvania political boss, Senator, and President Pro Tempore J. Donald Cameron was known to be the Pennsylvanian version of Conkling. Because their similarity the two rapidly came in conflict. This conflict reached a breaking point in the aftermath of the Battle of Laurel. With many expecting Stonewall Jackson to invade Pennsylvania, Cameron began to conspire against Conkling and try and position himself as the leader of the War Republicans and their next presidential candidate, similar to what Conkling had done to Garfield. Conkling, however, would flex what political muscle he had left in the aftermath of that disaster, and managed to have the position of President Pro Tempore taken away from Cameron and given to Iowa Senator Samuel J. Kirkwood, a War Republican loyal to Conkling. Cameron's planned revolt was finally killed when news of Sherman's success at Forts Henry and Donelson, along with Hickory Point, reached the capital. Conkling also faced constant investigations into the war effort looking for corruption and waste. This effort was spearheaded by Peace Republicans in the Senate, particularly Senators Lyman Trumbull, John A. Logan, Benjamin Harrison, and George F. Hoar. The final and largest threat to Conkling politically, however, would come with the 1886 midterm elections. They would witness the Democrats gaining control of the House, and electing Joseph C. S. Blackburn as the new Speaker of the House, easily defeating War Republican Kelley, Peace Republican Reed, and Gold and Silver Grover Cleveland.

Three of the biggest political threats Conkling faced during his presidency: Senator J. Donald Cameron, constant Peace Republican investigations into the war effort-portrayed here in a political cartoon depicting Senator Trumbull as Macbeth and President Conkling as MacGuff based on Shakespeare's Macbeth, and the Democrats regaining control of the House and electing Joseph C.S. Blackburn Speaker of the House
​

Early, meanwhile, while facing less challenges than Conkling, still had to overcome some political infighting. One major source of conflict would be with the governors of some of his states. Led by Virginia Governor James L. Kemper, North Carolina Governor Alfred M. Scales, Georgia Governor Joseph E. Brown, and Tennessee Governor John C. Brown, many politicians were hesitant about sending men to the front due to Conkling's vehement pre-war rhetoric proclaiming he would invade every Southern state and watch as their plantations and newly built factories burned as the hands of their slaves and his soldiers. Although all of these governors did send their required corps of men, they were hesitant about sending large stores of their supplies, wanting to keep at least some for their local militias to guard against amphibious invasions, or their worst fear: a slave insurrection. Despite this, Early, being a more moderate Democrat compared to such previous candidates as Toombs or Foote, was able to work with these men, many of them former soldiers like he was, to get what he needed often times. The exception to this was Georgia's long-serving on and off governor Joseph E. Brown. Similar to the previous war between the U.S. and CSA, Brown was a thorn in the side of the president. It even reached a point were Early consulted with Attorney General Ambrose Wright to see if there was a legal way to remove Brown from office. Despite some troubles from some of his governors, Early enjoyed a Democratic majority in both the House and Senate, making his administration run much smoother in comparison to Conkling's more tumultuous tenure.

Georgia Governor Joseph E. Brown​

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Chapter Thirty-Nine: The CSA Slave Revolt

Two of John B. Washington's fellow guerrillas after the war
​

Ever since the CSA broke away from the United States in 1860, and achieved independence in 1865, there had been a constant underlying threat to their stability. This constant threat was also the CSA's greatest evil: slavery. This evil would return with a vengeance during the Confederate-American War. Beginning with the pre-war preparations of the U.S., an idea formed in the head of the U.S. War Department. This idea was to take advantage of the CSA's greatest weakness: keeping their fellow humans in bonding and denying them their freedom. Setting this plan into motion slightly before the war started, the U.S. sent several agents into the CSA with the appearance of being businessmen interested in purchasing slaves. In reality, they were planting the seeds of a slave revolt, and trying to find a leader for the rebellion. They would find this leader in a Virginia slave named Booker T. Washington. Washington proved himself to be very intelligent to the agents, and they provided him secretly with several books for him to study about military tactics, strategy, and organization, including Caesar's Commentaries, Frederick the Great's Instructions for his Generals, and perhaps mostly interestingly Confederate General William J. Hardee's Hardee's Tactics. Washington was a quick learner, and for the mission, he changed his name from Booker Taliaferro Washington to John Brown Washington. He soon started aiding the agents in getting slaves to join the rebellion, waiting for the order to begin it.

John B. Washington after the war
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The order was eventually received on October 15, 1886. With this order came three experienced U.S. African-American soldiers from the regular army to further aid Washington and to act as leaders, Christian A. Fleetwood, Brent Woods, and William Carney, along with a secretive supply chain being established. With this, Washington launched his revolt, which for the most part was a Virginian revolt, with only small cells outside of his control in Maryland, Tennessee, and North Carolina, and the other states not having any cells at all. Nonetheless, when Washington's revolt broke out, it threw the CSA into a panic. Very few whites, however, would be killed in the opening of the slave revolt, with the few that were usually being as a result of them trying to stop the slaves from leaving. Washington would establish the headquarters and camp of his rising army in the Wilderness, near the site of the Battle of Chancellorsville from the Civil War, and wait for the CSA response he expected.

Christian A. Fleetwood, Brent Woods, and William Carney
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The military response he expected would come in the form of Virginia Governor James L. Kemper ordering the entire Virginia militia under Gustavus W. Smith, consisting of four brigades of men under William E. Starke, Charles W. Field, Samuel Garland, and Elisha F. Paxton, to end the rebellion. Smith would lead his men into the Wilderness, hoping to root out the revolt. Smith expected this rebellion to be no different from previous slave rebellions, not expecting the slaves to be trained, or for their leaders to be either well-read or militarily experienced men. He would be horribly surprised. Expecting that his men would be the ones creating the ambush, he would be completely unprepared for the ambush Washington had established with the aid of Fleetwood, Woods, and Carney. When the Virginia militia was further enough in, Washington ordered his ambush to begin. Swarming the Virginia militia from both sides of their marching column, and attacking with guns, knives, axes, and even old farm tools, the battle rapidly went in favor of the slaves. Soon the battle became quite reminiscent of the ancient Battle of Teutoburg Forest. By the time the remnants of the Virginia militia had managed to escape the Wilderness, General Smith had been killed, and his brigade commanders were in a complete panic and none were able to regain control of their men. Very few slaves were actually killed in the fighting, and the majority of the causalities were slight injuries, including Carney, who had a slight wound in the arm from a bayonet.

Governor James L. Kemper and General Gustavus W. Smith
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In the aftermath of the Battle of the Wilderness, Kemper proved himself to be an effective governor. He personally saw their reconstruction of the Virginia militia following the defeat, consolidating it into three brigades, and giving command of it to Charles W. Field, while allowing the rest of the brigade commanders to retain their commands. Following this, he appealed to North Carolina Governor Alfred M. Scales to send support, particularly referring to the North Carolina militia under General J. Johnston Pettigrew, also consisting of four brigades under George B. Anderson, Lawrence Branch, James G. Martin, and William G. Lewis. After much debate, Scales would send three of the four brigades under Pettigrew's command to support Kemper, while retaining one brigade under Lewis to take care of the small slaves cells that had sprung up in his state. Now with six brigades of militia coming in his directions, more prepared and actually understanding what they faced now, John B. Washington prepared for the fight of his life.

Governor Alfred M. Scales and General J. Johnston Pettigrew​

 

[GhostofBoiorix]

Was a bit silly to give West Virginia to the CSA but not Kentucky. Realistically with such a stunning victory, and with similar levels of Unionist support in both, if one flipped Confederate it was exceedingly likely that the other would.

 

[Belisarius II]

Was a bit silly to give West Virginia to the CSA but not Kentucky. Realistically with such a stunning victory, and with similar levels of Unionist support in both, if one flipped Confederate it was exceedingly likely that the other would.

It would be silly to give ether to the CSA. Both were under solid Union Control in 1863. WV broke away from VA, because the people didn't want to leave the Union. It's culture, and economy was more linked to Ohio, and Pennsylvania, then to slave holding tidal Virginia. 2/3 of Kentuckians sided with the Union, and sent troops along those lines to both the Union, and Confederate Armies. Huge chunks of Southern States were under Union occupation in 1863, the Confederacy was already dying when the Union gave up. The Union losing the war at Gettysburg is just not realistic.

 

[Belisarius II]

The new chapters were interesting, but needed some details to flesh them out. You did some research on the post Civil War Northern political personalities. Making Conklin President is a bit unlikely, because political fixers usually can't get the top spot, they just have too many enemies, and the general public despises them. Your battles lack the details to really understand what's up with them, but generally you make them too lopsided. Their always disasters for one side, most battles have more mixed results. Arizona, Texas, Oklahoma, and the Mississippi Valley would be theaters of operations. By 1880 California, and the West Coast States had well over 1 million people. 20-30,000 troops would be marching into Arizona, inside a month of the start of a new war. The Continental Rail Roads would make the movement of large bodies of troops possible from coast to coast. No part of the Continent would be left out of the war.

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

I know this is somewhat unrelated to the previous chapter and maybe this was asked before and I missed it but any idea how far you plan on taking this timeline? We are already in the 1880s so will we be seeing the first airplanes and World War 1?

Also, nice chapter I look forward to the next.

If everything goes to plan, this TL should end in 1916, so the first World War is going to have started similar to OTL, but I don't think I am going to give it much attention or write a chapter about it (unless it is really wanted), as ITTL, neither the CSA or U.S.A. are going to have entered by the time this TL is scheduled to have ended. If I do continue this TL past 1916, then I will have no pre-planning to go off of, so it might either fly high or run off the rails, not to mention that that time period is past my area of expertise and I am excited to start my next TL. Also I am sorry that it took so long to answer your question. I have been busier than normal, and I have struggled finding time even to write chapters.

 

[Sceonn]

This TL wears the mask of a plausible CSA survival scenario to hide it's Confederate wankfest.

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Chapter Forty: The Battle of Golden Pond

A Currier & Ives depiction of the Battle of Golden Pond
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The Battle of Golden Pond would be the battle that decided the Confederate-American War. The seeds for the battle were planted in Sherman's capture of Nashville. With Nashville successfully in U.S. control, Sherman was in favor of an immediate push on to Chattanooga and Memphis, planning to send McPherson and the VI Corps to capture Memphis, while Sherman and the rest of the Army of the Cumberland moved to capture Chattanooga, which was the Confederacy strongest base in Tennessee after Nashville's fall. His plans, however, would be halted by President Conkling. Fearing a second CSA invasion of Pennsylvania following the Battle of Laurel, Conkling panicked and ordered Sherman to prepare his army to be transported east. Sherman, however, resisted this order, believing that a campaign into the Confederacy's heartland would be worth the risk of Jackson invading Pennsylvania. In arguing with Conkling over strategy, Sherman bought time for what he hoped would happen. Knowing that the Army of Tennessee was no longer a threat to him, and that the Army of the Susquehanna was no longer a threat to Jackson, he expected Jackson and his Army of Virginia to be transported West for a final showdown between the two victorious forces. Sherman's suspicion would prove correct, as in the aftermath of the Battle of Hickory Point, President Early and General Johnston were coordinating a movement of Jackson's forces west, while transporting the two weakest corps of the Army of Tennessee, the Florida and Mississippi, east to act as a garrison. The construction of railroad networks under the Breckinridge, Gordon, and Longstreet administrations were now being rewarded, as they allowed for this to happen. With this process in motion, Sherman was now able to point out to Conkling that the CSA was shifting its focus west.

An image of one of the CSA's trains and rail lines
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Sherman realized, however, that the combination of the Army of Tennessee and Army of Virginia that he expected would put them in a slight numerical advantage over his Army of the Cumberland. He had a plan, however. He knew that in Southern Indiana there was a Reserve Corps under General Darius Couch. Its purpose was to help slow down a CSA invasion if they were to happen to allow for the regular U.S. army to arrive. Sherman planned to retreat north into Kentucky in conjunction with the Reserve Corps moving south, luring the Confederates after him, before linking up with the Reserve Corps and delivering a devastating blow to whatever CSA force followed him before cutting off the supply and communication lines of the battered force, which, leaving them in U.S. soil, would likely lead to their surrender. With in plan mind, Sherman was ready for when Jackson's men reached Tennessee. Jackson, meanwhile, combined the Armies of Virginia and Tennessee into one, forming the Army of the Confederacy. As a result of this, General Richard Taylor, former commander of the Army of Tennessee, was sent back down to his Louisiana corps command, and the two Cavalry Corps of the two armies were merged into one eight brigade corps under General Forrest. With almost all of the CSA's regular forces combined into one force, Jackson, based in Chattanooga, eyed Sherman and the Army of the Cumberland and planned his offensive action to regain Nashville.

Darius Couch, Reserve Corps commander
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Sherman would move first, however, beginning his planned feigned retreat north on October 17, 1886. Jackson moved rapidly also, recapturing Nashville following Sherman's abandonment of the city, which had been gutted from a month of serving as a U.S. encampment. Jackson would continue to follow Sherman north, falling for Sherman's trap. When Jackson reached the Tennessee border, some of his corps commander voiced concerns about invading U.S. territory and the consequences of defeat, but an ever confident Jackson continued to spur his Army of the Confederacy north into Kentucky. Eventually, on November 1, Sherman linked up with the Reserve Corps and halted his advance near the Kentucky town of Golden Pond on a open field. On November 3, Jackson and the Army of the Confederacy reached the outskirts of Sherman's position, and the time had come for a decision. Jackson could either attack Sherman, who now outnumbered him, or retreat back into Tennessee. As Sherman had expected, Jackson's aggressive nature won out, and he ordered his men to prepare for battle the next day, November 4.

The U.S. Army of the Cumberland crossing a Tennessee River ford into Kentucky
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Both sides deployed their forces for battle. Sherman placed his inexperienced Reserve Corps in the center, with two veteran corps to the left, the VI and VII Corps and right, the VIII and IX Corps, of each of its sides, with the Cavalry Corps deployed behind it. Jackson, meanwhile, deployed six of his corps, the Arkansas, North Carolina, Alabama, Texas, Virginia, Georgia, into a column on his left supported by the Cavalry Corps, while the South Carolina, Tennessee, Maryland, and Louisiana corps held his center. Jackson planned to use his six corps column to envelope the U.S. right, while his four corps line held against any U.S. assaults. Sherman, meanwhile, predicted that Jackson would attack, and had his men prepare for another defensive battle. This time, however, the Confederacy would not charge into his front. Upon seeing Jackson's column, under the direct command of General D.H. Hill, approach his right flank, Sherman altered his plan, and ordered McPherson and Cox to pull back their corps and refuse their flank in conjunction with the movements of Hill's column. At first, this plan would succeed, with McPherson and Cox acting in conjunction with each other and responding appropriate to the Confederate movements. Eventually, as the Confederates drew nearly and continually shifted their men continue to threaten the U.S. flank, McPherson and Cox failed to coordinate properly, and gap appeared in the U.S. line between their corps when McPherson began shifting without Cox prepared for it. Upon seeing this, Hill would order his men to attack the gap, abandoning their goal of the U.S. right. With this, his men flooded into the gap, and separated McPherson's corps from the rest of the U.S. line, with McPherson's situation only worsening when Hill shifted Hood's Texas and Cleburne's Arkansas corps to drive in on his flank. For a moment, it seemed like the whole U.S. line might be rolled up.

A Daniel Troiani painting depicting Hill's attack on the U.S. gap
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McPherson's corps was doomed to near on destruction by the holding action they performed under attack from almost all sides, but it allowed for the rest of the U.S. forces to move into position and prepare. When the VI Corps finally collapsed and fled, the VII and Reserve Corps had managed to rotate to face in the direction Hill's column and had some time to prepare. But again disaster for the U.S. seemed to loom when Hood's Texas Corps seemed in prime position to attack the right of this new line. The savior of this line, however, would come from the men Sherman most likely least suspected, his Cavalry Corps under General Stanley. Seeing the new U.S. line in increasing danger, Stanley would order his Cavalry Corps to get around to the Confederate rear. Blocking his movement, however, was the legendary "Wizard of the Saddle" General Forrest. Stanley would none the less drive his forces right into Forrest's men, resulting in the largest cavalry action of the Confederate-American War. Surprised by the ferocity of the much maligned U.S. Cavalry, Forrest and his men were unprepared for Stanley and his men, with a charge from General Wilson's division breaking a hole through Forrest's line, sending half of his corps into retreat. Much enraged by this, Forrest would pull out the other half of his corps in an attempt to consolidate and rally his men. Ultimately, however, Forrest would find himself chasing the retreating half of his corps off the field, taking the CSA Cavalry Corps out of the battle and clearing the way for Stanley to attack the rear of Hood's Texans. The confusion caused by this bought Cox enough time to position his men in a way that Hood could not crush his flank. Stanley and his corps were only forced to pull out with the arrival of Cleburne's corps to the aid of Hood's, forcing Stanley to fall back to the main U.S. line.

General Stanley's Cavalry Corps attacking the unprepared rear of Hood's Texas Corps
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With Confederate efforts frustrated on the right of the new U.S. line and Sherman rapidly moving the VIII and IX Corps into the unplanned formation, the opportunity presented by the line was rapidly evaporating. Seizing their final chances for a decisive action, General Hill allowed General Gordon to bring his men in a charge against the left of the new U.S. line, which was composed of the Reserve Corps. Both Hill and Gordon expected the inexperienced men to melt under a serious strain, and at first, their belief were proven true when Gordon's charge routed a division of the Reserve Corps under General John M. Schofield. Once again, however, an unexpected hero would rise for the U.S. troops. This time, it would be another division commander in the Reserve Corps: General Don C. Buell. Labeled a failure in the Civil War, General Buell considered it lucky that he managed to attain command of one of the Reserve Corps' divisions. Now came his chance to redeem himself. With Schofield's men in rout, Buell's division was next in line of Gordon's attack. Buell would calmly turn his regiments that were directly in the line of Gordon's attack and order them to charge. Once again, a sacrifice of lives would save the U.S. line, with the men who fell in the charge Buell ordered buying time for General Parke and the the IX Corps to position itself into the new line.

A painting depicting the suicidal charge of one of Buell's regiments that would ultimately save the line
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With the failure of his assault, Gordon would fall back into line and soon engage with the rest of the former column in a brutal line battle with the U.S. line, as the VIII Corps arrived on the U.S. right and the IX Corps arrived on the U.S. left, while General Jackson sent the South Carolina, Tennessee, and Maryland corps to extend his lines to avoid them being flanked. Jackson, however, knew that in the line battle this was rapidly shaping up to be, the Confederacy could not outmatched the U.S., and that defeat was the likely result if no change were to occur. Jackson's decided that in order to win the battle, he was going to have to take his last reserve, the Louisiana Corps, and attack the left of the U.S. line in one final all out assault. Jackson decided to personally be with the men in the charge, with General Taylor being able to convince him that leading it from the front personally would be a bad idea. With this, Jackson and the Louisiana Corps charged towards the U.S. left. Again, it seemed that the Confederates were going to be able to wrap up the U.S. line, but in one final attack of bravery, General Stanley would again order his cavalry to charge, as they were the sole U.S. reserve, attacking the flank of Jackson attack. Unprepared for this, Jackson's assault was bogged down by this, buying time for Parke to turn some of his men and particularly some of his cannon into the Louisiana men and pound the corps into submission. With this, Jackson, whose hat and jacket were riddled with marks of bullets that had passed through them, ordered the Louisiana men to fall back, followed by a general order to his men with the same effect. The Battle of Golden Pond had narrowly gone in favor the U.S. forces.

A David Nance painting depicting the charge of the Louisiana corps
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With Sherman's army unable to stop and only able to harass them after the brutal battle, Jackson's beaten forces slipped back into Tennessee much worse for wear, having suffered over 49,000 causalities in the battle and subsequent retreat. Among the battle's killed were General Hood of the Texas corps, and Arkansas corps division commanders Dandridge McRae and William Cabell. Among the injured were Generals D.H. Hill, Gordon, Rodes, Cleburne, and division commanders William D. Pender of North Carolina, William Bate of Tennessee, Hiram Granbury of Texas, States R. Gist of South Carolina, George T. Anderson of Georgia, and all three of the Louisiana's corps division commanders: Alfred Mouton, St. John Liddell, and Leroy Stafford. Maintaining control of the field, Sherman's forces were also battered, having suffered 42,000 casualities in the terrible fighting, and having Generals Grenville Dodge and E.R.S. Canby killed with Generals McPherson, Thomas J. Wood, Lew Wallace, Thomas E.G. Ransom, and Christopher C. Augur all going down wounded. The Battle of Golden Pond would be the bloodiest of any battle in the Western Hempshire. In its aftermath, both sides were horrified by the tremendous causalities, and soon peace movements in both the U.S. and CSA were strong both in the general populace and the government.

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

United States
Army of the Cumberland
MG William T. Sherman
Chief of Staff: BG Daniel McCook Jr.

VI Corps: MG James B. McPherson
1st Division: MG Grenville Dodge
2nd Division: MG E.R.S. Canby
3rd Division: MG Lew Wallace
4th Division: MG Thomas E.G. Ransom

VII Corps: MG Jacob D. Cox
1st Division: MG Thomas J. Wood
2nd Division: MG Alfred H. Terry
3rd Division: MG John M. Brannan
4th Division: MG Francis J. Herron

VIII Corps: MG Edward O.C. Ord
1st Division: MG Peter J. Osterhaus
2nd Division: MG Christopher C. Augur
3rd Division: MG Absalom Baird
4th Division: MG Nathan Kimball

IX Corps: MG John G. Parke
1st Division: MG James B. Steedman
2nd Division: MG Andrew J. Smith
3rd Division: MG John MacArthur
4th Division MG Joseph A. Mower

Cavalry Corps: MG David S. Stanley
1st Division: MG George Crook
2nd Division: MG David M. Gregg
3rd Division: MG James H. Wilson

Confederate States
Army of the Confederacy
General Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson Commanding
Chief-of-Staff: BG Alexander "Sandie" Pendleton

Alabama Corps: LTG Robert E. Rodes
Battle's Division: MG Cullen A. Battle
Gracie's Division: MG Archibald Gracie
Oates' Division: MG John C. C. Sanders

Arkansas Corps: LTG Patrick Cleburne
Fagan's Division: MG James Fagan
Cabell's Division: MG William L. Cabell
McRae's Division: MG Dandridge McRae

Georgia Corps: LTG John B. Gordon
Anderson's Division: MG George T. Anderson
Doles' Division: MG George P. Doles
Thomas' Division: MG Edward L. Thomas

Louisiana Corps: LTG Richard Taylor
Mouton's Division: MG Alfred Mouton
Liddell's Division: MG St. John Liddell
Stafford's Division: MG Leroy A. Stafford

Maryland Corps: LTG Charles Winder
Steuart's Division: MG George H. Steuart
Johnson's Division: MG Bradley T. Johnson
Andrews' Division: MG Richard S. Andrews

North Carolina Corps: LTG Daniel H. Hill
Pender's Division: MG William D. Pender
Hoke's Division: MG Robert F. Hoke
Ramseur's Division: MG Stephen D. Ramseur

South Carolina Corps: LTG Stephen D. Lee
Kershaw's Division: MG Joseph B. Kershaw
Gist's Division: MG States R. Gist
Jenkins' Division: MG Micah Jenkins

Tennessee Corps: LTG Alexander P. Stewart
Bate's Division: MG William B. Bate
Wilcox's Division: MG Cadmus Wilcox
Polk's Division: MG Lucius E. Polk

Texas Corps: LTG John B. Hood
Gregg's Division: MG John Gregg
Archer's Division: MG James J. Archer
Granbury's Division: MG Hiram Granbury

Virginia Corps: LTG Ambrose P. Hill
Mahone's Division: MG William Mahone
Taliaferro's Division: MG Lewis Armistead
Heth's Division: MG Henry Heth

Cavalry Corps: LTG Nathan B. Forrest
Munford's Brigade: BG Thomas T. Munford
Rosser's Brigade: Thomas L. Rosser
Gordon's Brigade: BG James B. Gordon
Young's Brigade: Pierce M.B. Young
Wheeler's Brigade: BG Joseph Wheeler
Morgan's Brigade: BG Basil V. Duke
Wharton's Brigade: BG John A. Wharton
Armstrong's Brigade: BG Frank Armstrong

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Chapter Forty-One: The Second Battle of the Wilderness

A drawing depicting the Second Battle of the Wilderness
​

With the combined forces of the Virginia and North Carolina militias coming his way, General John B. Washington began to worry about the future of his rebellion. Since his last battle, the only substantial reinforcements that had come his directions was a unit of roughly 350 free African-Americans from the United States, known as the Free Men's Guard, under the command of Henry Steward, who had been part of the Corcoran-Patrick charge during the Union Assault on Washington while serving in the 54th Massachusetts. Washington knew that his previous tactic of a surprise attack on their marching column in the forest could not be duplicated again now that the militia forces were expecting it, forcing him to choose a different strategy. In the end, Washington decided the only choice he had was one final all or nothing attack. In the battle, Washington was counting on the strength and resolve of his men, who were almost all in the prime of their lives, against a numerically superior force of better trained men who were generally around the age of 50. With this in mind, Washington informed his officers of the plan, and waited for the militia.

Henry Steward, who was given the rank of colonel in Washington's army
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Meanwhile, the commanders of the militia were having problems of their own. Because of the nature of two, effectively allied forces, cracks began to show. From the start, Pettigrew was not in favor of removing the majority of North Carolina's militia from the state, sharing the general fear of slave insurrection or U.S. amphibious invasion. As such, he tended to favor more defensive measures, like guarding towns against any bands of slaves in rebellion. Virginia militia commander Charles W. Field, however, was determined to crush the revolt, and favored and immediate strike at the base of Washington's rebellion. Eventually, the governors of the two states intervened, and agreed with Field's plan of attack, ordering Pettigrew to support Field in his offensive maneuvers. Because of this, the friction between the two commanders grew.

Charles W. Field, Virginia militia commander
​

The attack was planned for November 25, Thanksgiving Day. Both Field and Pettigrew were expecting Washington's troops to be off-guard and celebrating. Instead, Washington had insisted on his troops being on-guard, even on a holiday. Because of this, he was ready for the battle that came that day. Field, who had been given overall control of the operation, planned for all the militia to sweep into the Wilderness at once, shooting at anything that moved and continuing to push until the Wilderness had been cleared. While a sound plan, Pettigrew disliked it because of the bitter mood he was in because of his force subordination. This would come to play a major role in the battle. With the plan ready, Field assembled his Virginia militia troops and prepared to advance with the North Carolinians at his side. Unfortunately for him, Pettigrew was slow in gathering and preparing his troops, almost certainly due to his anger, and thus Field began the advance by himself, which gave Washington a slight numerical advantage. Field had another disadvantage in that his plans had been brought to Washington by a slave acting as a spy. All of this led to Washington being completely prepared for Field's assault, even though he expected many more troops than were actually coming at the moment.

A post-war photograph known as "The Spy", reputedly an image of the man who informed Washington of Field's plans
​

With Field's Virginians advancing towards the Wilderness once more, Washington launched his own attack. Jumping out the brush and running towards the advancing column, the battle rapidly turned into a brutal hand-on-hand engagement. It was at this time that Field realized that Pettigrew's men were not as close as he had imagined them to be, and he quickly sent out desperate messages to Pettigrew to bring up his troops quickly. Surprised yet again, and facing a ferocity not even matched by the First Battle of the Wilderness, the Virginia militia began to crumble yet again. Field, however, was able to rally some men by sheer force of personality to stand and wait for the reinforcements. It would be a whole hour after the battle started that Pettigrew's troops finally reached the field and found the broken remnants of the Virginia militia still fighting. Seeing the chaos, Pettigrew wanted to fall back, and ordered his men to do so despite Field sending out yet another order to rescue them. The two brigades not under Pettigrew's direct supervision, under George B. Anderson and Lawrence Branch, decided to move to Field's support, however. With these new men in the fight, Field was able to withdraw the battered remains of the Virginia militia. The fighting that followed that followed this would be the hardest and bloodiest of the day, with both sides taking horrendous casualities. Eventually, however, a final charge of the Free Men's Guard was able to rupture the CSA line, causing the Confederates to fall back, giving the day to Washington's rebels.

George B. Anderson and Lawrence Branch
​

With this victory, Washington hoped his rebellion would be secure until the peace negotiations he was expecting, as both sides were clamoring for peace after the brutality of Golden Pond. Washington also knew he needed the war to end soon. The Second Battle of the Wilderness had taken a serious toll on his army. All four of his senior officers, Colonels Christian A. Fleetwood, Brent Woods, William Carney, and Henry Steward had been wounded in the fighting. Among the dead would be Lieutenant Colonel Henry O. Flipper, who had been serving as Washington's chief of staff. Flipper had first made a name for himself when he was among the first African-Americans to receive a West Point appointment, with him achieving this after his flight from CSA slavery sometime in the late 1860s. He would be among the U.S. African-American soldiers sent to aid Washington in his rebellion. Flipper would ultimately fall when he requested from Washington that he be allowed to help lead the final charge of the Free Men's Guard, as he was from the United States. Similar to another Washington fighting his most climactic battle, Washington would allow his staff officer to join in the decisive charge. Unlike Hamilton, however, Flipper would be shot down while leading from the front. He would be taken to the rear and brought to General Washington. Ultimately, Flipper would not survive long enough to learn of the success of the charge, with his final words being to his commanding officer, General Washington, at the height of the charge "Though I have fallen, the cause that I have fought for must not fall with me." The fighting had also been hard of his men, especially the Free Men's Guard, which had been in the center of the fight from the outset, and had suffered roughly 65% causalities. All Washington could do now was wait and hope for a peace conference between the U.S. and CSA.

Lieutenant Colonel Henry O. Flipper, 1856-1886​

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Chapter Forty-Two: The Second Treaty of Washington

The Arlington House, where the U.S. and CSA peace delegates meet to negotiate the end of war
​

With the devastation and destruction of the Battle of Golden Pond, it became clear that neither side really wanted to continue the war. Both armies had been spent in the battle, with neither in good enough shape to attempt an invasion of their rival country. With both countries' people clamoring for peace, Presidents Conkling and Early decided on December 1 to arrange a peace convention to end the Confederate-American War, with each side sending three delegates, similar to the end of the Civil War. Early's first choice to be his delegate was his Secretary of State, Thomas Clingman, who accepted the post. He next chose Roger Q. Mills, a senator from Texas who had replaced Richard Coke following the latter's ascendancy to the Vice-Presidency. Mills was known to be one of Early's greatest allies in the Senate. For his final choice, Early thought for a long time, nearly not having a person chosen by the deadline. It is reported that Early considered Generals Johnston and Jackson for the post, along with Senator John T. Morgan, another close ally, but he ultimately went with South Carolina Senator Matthew C. Butler, yet another close senatorial ally of his.

Early's Peace Commisioners: Thomas Clingman, Roger Mills, and Matthew Butler
​

President Conkling, meanwhile, faced a harder time in getting his peace commissioners together. Orginally, his proposed team was Secretary of State Thomas C. Platt, Secretary of War Robert Lincoln, and Attorney General Frederick T. Frelinghuysen. The Senate would approve Lincoln, who, despite being a War Republican, was not really offensive to anyone, and Frelinghuysen, as there were several legal disputes to settle, but rejected Platt's nomination. In the Senate, the Democrats and Peace Republicans had banded together to try and ensure a Peace Republican would be one of the peace commissioners. Many wanted former president and current Senator James Garfield to fill this post, but Conkling was absolutely unwilling to nominate him. Eventually, Conkling would decide on nominating the unexciting Indiana Senator and Peace Republican Benjamin Harrison, with Harrison being approved by the Senate to complete the team.

Conkling's Peace Commissioners: Robert Lincoln, Frederick Frelinghuysen, and Benjamin Harrison
​

When the two teams meet at the Arlington House on December 19, 1866, there were several majors disputes to solve. The first major debate to be held was if the United States or the Confederacy were going to have to give up anything as a result of the war. On one hand, the U.S. had started the war. On the other, the Confederates had lost the Battle of Golden Pond, and that, in theory at least, gave the Union the superior military position. Eventually, both sides agreed to the return of prisoners, and that the U.S. could have freely transport goods along the Mississippi River without having to pay the duties they previous had been paying for the next 20 years in exchange for a white peace in terms of territory. With that settled, the subject of the debate turned to the CSA's slave insurrections. The CSA accused the U.S. of having supplied and supported the rebels. Lincoln would vehemently deny the charges, which only added to his humiliation when the CSA peace commission presented irrefutable evidence of this, bring forth U.S. army belts and boots taken from captured rebels. Frelinghuysen and Harrison would be stunned by this revelation, as neither were aware of this prior to this revelation, with Lincoln being the only commissioner to know from his position as head of the War Department. The embarrassment that followed led to U.S. agreeing to hand over $3,000,000 to pay for damages and vowing to not further support the rebellions. The U.S. government refused, however, to abandon the slaves they had supported in the revolt, agreeing to pay an additional $500,000 to ensure that all members of John B. Washington's rebellion and their family would be safely transported to the U.S. and given their freedom.

A drawing depicting one of Washington's rebels returning home and informing his family that the U.S. government had bought their freedom
​

Another agreement that had to be made was concerning the forgotten theater, the Pacific Theater. Bored by being stationed away from home and not having much to do, many soldiers who served on this front acted mischievously. One thing that the U.S. soldiers frequently did was steal cattle to supplant their diet beyond their rations. This trend was so rampant that cattle baron Henry C. Hooker, who was formerly a U.S. citizen before he immigrated to the CSA as a result of his business, wanted some form of repayment for all the stolen cattle. This famously lead to the so-called "Cattle Commission", in which the U.S. government sent out three agents to determine the value of the stolen property. Ultimately, it the agreed upon value was $16,000, with it claiming that 400 cattle had been stolen and consumed with each valued at $40. With this and several other property matters settled, the Second Treaty of Washington would be signed on January 16, 1887, ending the Confederate-American War.

Henry C. Hooker​

 

[farmerted555]

I think it's about time for the US to call upon someone in Berlin.

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

The Confederate-American War​

Clockwise from top: U.S. soldiers inside Fort Donelson following its capture ca. 1886, two of John B. Washington's rebels ca. 1887, the charge of Stanley's Cavalry Corps during the Battle of Golden Pond, a CSA train transporting troops ca. 1886, a Alfred Waud drawing of the Battle of Laurel, three captured CSA troops following the charge of the Louisiana Corps during the Battle of Golden Pond ca. 1886​

Date: July 4, 1886 - January 16, 1887
Location: Northern Confederate States of America, Western Confederate States of America
Result: Inconclusive

• White Peace territorial
• U.S. agrees to not support any future CSA slave rebellions
• CSA gives U.S. free access to Mississippi River for 20 years
• U.S. purchases the freedom of Washington and his rebels
• U.S. agrees to reparations for stolen property

Belligerents​

United States John B. Washington's Rebels	Confederate States
Roscoe Conkling (Commander-in-Chief) William T. Sherman Benjamin Butler John B. Washington	Jubal A. Early (Commander-in-Chief) Joseph Johnston Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson Edmund Kirby Smith

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

I think it's about time for the US to call upon someone in Berlin.

Would that someone be the Iron Chancellor, or do you someone else in mind?

 

[PGSBHurricane]

A war fought between the USA and CSA occurring between the Civil War and WW1 and neither side wins? It's a miracle!! But seriously, a stalemate because neither side wants to fight anymore and leaving the outcome indecisive is a pretty original twist. But I still want a map of what the CSA looks like now. Good story, if a little bit of a CSA wank-fest in general. Keep it up.

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

A war fought between the USA and CSA occurring between the Civil War and WW1 and neither side wins? It's a miracle!! But seriously, a stalemate because neither side wants to fight anymore and leaving the outcome indecisive is a pretty original twist. But I still want a map of what the CSA looks like now. Good story, if a little bit of a CSA wank-fest in general. Keep it up.

If you are looking for a map of the CSA at the end of the Confederate-American War, than the map Coyote_Waits made a while back (post #95) still applies. It actually works out quite well that the CSA states as of right now are red, and their territories are blue. I'm glad you're enjoying this TL.

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Chapter Forty-Three: The U.S. Election of 1888

A Democratic political cartoon attacking Conkling for the charges of corruption associated with him ever since he took office.
​

With the Election of 1888 rapidly approaching, many were unsure as to whether or not Conkling would manage to be reelected. The Republicans could campaign on how the war had ended relatively favorably to the U.S., while the Democrats could campaign on the heavy toll in terms of lives. When the Republicans meet for their convention, the Peace and War Republicans had reconciled back into one party. This is not to say, however, that there were not rivalries anymore, or that all Peace Republicans had returned to the party by the time of the convention, with Senators Garfield, Blaine, Hoar, and Trumbull all not having returned to the Republicans by the time of the convention. When they met, incumbent Roscoe Conkling was the clear front runner for the presidential nomination, but some believed that the former Peace Republicans might be able to block his nomination. Ultimately, however, the lack of a complete return of the Peace Republicans to the party cleared the way for Conkling's nomination. His vice-presidential nomination was more up to debate. Among the front runners were President Pro Tempore and Senator Samuel J. Kirkwood of Iowa, Senator John Sherman of Ohio, Senator Benjamin Harrison from Indiana, and Ambassador to Austria-Hungary and former representative William W. Phelps. Schurz was not even considered for renomination due to his former vehement War Republican stance, which offended Peace Republicans already uneasy about a ticket with Conkling for president. Although Kirkwood and Phelps were both War Republicans, they had moderated their views well enough during the war as to not be offensive to the returning Peace Republicans. Ultimately, it would Kirkwood who would receive the nomination due to his former moderate War Republican stance. Phelps would be consoled in his loss by Conkling nominating him to the Supreme Court to replace Justice Thomas Hendricks, who had died slightly before the convention.

Roscoe Conkling and Samuel J. Kirkwood
​

Surprisingly, the Democratic convention was almost as divided as the Republican convention. Many people were considered for the nomination, including Speaker of the House Joseph C.S. Blackburn, Delaware Senator Thomas F. Bayard, former Speaker and current Pennsylvania representative Samuel J. Randall, Pennsylvania Senator Arthur P. Gorman, General John A. McClernand, Chair of the House Ways and Means Committee John G. Carlisle, New York Governor David B. Hill, and war hero and General George A. Custer. Slowly, one by one, the candidates dropped out. Custer was the first to go when he refused to be nominated. Next was Gorman, who suffered from an effective smear campaign that brought up his Maryland heritage. McClernand went out next when he failed to gain any support outside of the Illinois delegation. This left five men still in contention: Blackburn, Bayard, Randall, Carlisle, and Hill. Many viewed Bayard, who had previously ran as the Democratic presidential candidate in 1880, as an unwinnable candidate, weakening his support base. Blackburn and Carlisle also suffered from the fact that the delegates who would likely support either as the Democratic candidate were divided amongst themselves. All of this cleared the way for Randall to attempt to take the nomination. The support he would receive from his home state Pennsylvania attracted the Democrats, and when he struck a deal with Hill promising him the vice-presidency in exchange for his support, it pushed Randall over the top. In the end, Samuel J. Randall would receive the Democratic nomination for the presidency, with David B. Hill receiving the Democratic nomination for vice-president, beating out Donald M. Dickinson and Richard P. Bland for it.

Samuel J. Randall and David B. Hill
​

With the Election of 1888, the Gold and Silver Party saw opportunity. They hoped to gain more relevance outside of the Western United States, and thus began absorbing small third-parties under the banner. With this came a name change, switching from the Gold and Silver Party to the Reform Party. The largest party they would absorb would be the Prohibition Party, and party committed to ending the sale and consummation of alcohol within U.S. borders. The party would turn to their tried and true leader, Grover Cleveland, to again accept their presidential nomination. Cleveland, who by now was Governor of California, hesitated at first, as he was quite satisfied with his current position and was growing annoyed that the party was beginning to move away from the solid currency plank that it was founded on. Eventually, however, he was convinced to accept. His running mate would Neal S. Dow, a former general from the Civil War and a prominent prohibitionist from Maine, who had unsuccessfully ran for the governorship of his home state.

Grover Cleveland and Neal Dow
​

When the time for campaigning came, many believed that the results of the election would be decided by if the Republicans could effectively market the Confederate-American War as a success while also bringing the former Peace Republicans back into the fold. Many believed the former Peace Republicans might vote for their former allies in the Senate and House, the Democrats, instead of returning to their original party. In an attempt to bring back former Peace Republicans, Conkling would organize a meeting between himself and Senators Garfield and Blaine, the two foremost reconciled Peace Republicans in an attempt to convince them to support him. Also present was Pennsylvania's Governor, James A. Beaver, another Peace Republican who Conkling had invited in hopes of coordinating Republican efforts to win Pennsylvania. The result of this meeting would be a failure, as there was a known animosity between Conkling and Garfield and Blaine even before the meeting, and the two former leaders of the rival parties were unable to come to an agreement. Despite this, some still believed the Republicans still might be able to bring back enough Peace Republicans.

Roscoe Conkling's house, where he held the meetings, and Governor James Beaver
​

In the end, Conkling's failure to bring all the former Peace Republicans to his side would cost him the election. Conkling would receive 105 electoral votes from Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan, Ohio, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Vermont, New Hampshire, and Maine. Randall, meanwhile would barely get the needed 140 electoral votes by winning 144 coming from Missouri, Kentucky, Delaware, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Illinois. Cleveland, meanwhile, received 31 electoral votes from California, Oregon, Nevada, Colorado, Kansas, Nebraska. Conkling's defeat can likely be attributed to 4 states: New York, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Illinois. In these states, many former Peace Republicans either did not vote or voted Democratic, allowing the Democrats to get more popular vote in these states and win their electoral votes. The Reform Party also managed to garner more votes east of the Mississippi than in previous elections, showing to them that their strategy was effective.

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Chapter Forty-Four: The Showdown at McGowan

A scene from the hit Western film, McGowan, which, among other things, depicts the showdown at McGowan
​

In the aftermath of the Confederate-American War, an increase of crime was noticed. Part of this was due to some U.S. soldiers, now out of a job following the army returning to its pre-war size, moving into the CSA to continue their life of crime they had been living during the war, particularly stealing cattle. These men became known as "Bummers". The most famous of these "Bummers" would be an ex-army private named Henry McCarty, or more famously known as "Billy the Rustler" based on his pseudonym of William H. Bonney. McCarty made a name for himself by stealing cattle from cattle barron Henry C. Hooker. Faced with several people doing the same thing, Hooker could not do what he did in the aftermath of the Confederate-American War and demand repayment from the U.S. government, as McCarty and the other cattle rustler were now no longer under their control. Instead, Hooker decided to hire a police force of his own to arrest the thieves. For most of the cattle rustlers, this worked and they were arrested, such as Ike Clanton, while others, such as the McLaury brothers Frank and Tom, found their cattle raids brought to an end by a lawman's bullet. For McCarty, however, things went differently.

A photograph of Henry McCarty likely taken after the war ended but before he moved into the CSA and his life of crime
​

Hooker found an eager volunteer to try and arrest McCarty in the form of Pat Garrett. Garrett, who was serving as a sheriff in Davis County, Arizona, was interested in arresting the elusive McCarty, and eagerly signed on to the hunt when he was informed of the $5,000 prize from Hooker for McCarty's arrest. Searching from town to town, Garrett was eventually able to pin point McCarty's location. He then waited for McCarty to leave his two revolvers in his hotel before stalking McCarty to a local tavern and prepared to make the arrest. Unfortunately for Garrett, McCarty was carrying a third unseen revolver, and when Garrett was approaching him to make the arrest, McCarty pulled it out and mortally shot him twice in the stomach before escaping. Garrett would die roughly an hour later on the floor of the tavern. When news of this reached Hooker, he was enraged and prepared a search for a replacement for Garrett.

Pat Garrett: 1850-1888
​

Hooker would find his men in a set of three brothers: Virgil, Wyatt, and Morgan Earp. These three men had all been serving as sheriffs in Kansas during the Confederate-American War, as at that time, the counties they were serving were all held by Republicans, to which they were affiliated. With the war's end, the Republicans also fell out of power from these counties and were replaced by members of the Reform Party, who saw to it that all three were replaced. Now out of a job, the three brothers were approached by an agent of Hooker to replace the fallen Garrett. Seeing that they lacked a better choice, the Earps agreed to the deal and set out in pursuit of Bill the Rustler. Contrary to popular belief, however, the Earps were not the sole men hired to hunt down Billy the Rustler following Garrett's demise. Also on the prowl for him would be John Henry "Doc" Holliday, a maverick Georgian police officer who was an ex-dentist, hence his nickname, as well as Thomas J. Smith, an sheriff from the Indian Territory known for being a veteran of the Outlaw War, as well as being a fearless servant of justice who had survived many life-threatening scrapes in his day. These two men's involvement in the pursuit of Billy would be forgotten by history as they were not the men who would ultimately engage in the showdown at McGowan, although Smith would arrive a day afterwards and soon befriended the Earps, as well as Holliday, who would ultimately become Wyatt Earp's most trusted lieutenant, which ensured they would not be forgotten altogether.

Virgil, Wyatt, and Morgan Earp, Thomas Smith, and John "Doc" Holliday
​

To begin their pursuit of the McCarty, the Earp trio first tracked down Dick Brewer, another Bummer known to occasionally work with McCarty. They soon had Brewer detained, and with the agreement of Hooker, they offered him the following deal. If he would agree to accompany the Earp trio and successfully lead them to Billy the Rustler, Hooker would drop all charges he had against him following Billy's arrest or death. Brewer, with little other choice, agreed to the deal, and soon pinpointed McCarty's location to be somewhere in the town of McGowan, Arizona. With this is mind, the four men were off to arrest the CSA's most notorious Bummer.

Dick Brewer
​

Eventually, the Earps and Brewer reached the town, and were able to locate McCarty. McCarty, however, had caught wind that Brewer had betrayed him, and was prepared to take his revenge. Waiting for them to approach, McCarty eventually was able to sight the quartet. He then took aim at Brewer with his old army rifle, and fatally shot him through the heart, beginning the fight. Acting quickly following Brewer's death, the Earps quickly rushed into the relative safety of standing under the ledge McCarty had taken his shot from after firing a few unaimed shots to get McCarty away from the window. They then quickly entered the building, and rushed up the flight of stairs to the room where McCarty had shot Brewer. Opening the door, McCarty had a revolver drawn and fired at the Earps. The bullet would nick Wyatt's ear, but not do any serious harm. Before he could managed to even cock his revolver for a second shot, all three Earps had fired on McCarty, killing him. Thus ended the life of the most famous Bummer and launched to fame the three most famous lawmen of the CSA West. Following this, Hooker would give the Earp brothers the promised $5,000 prize, which they split three ways. The Earps eventually decided to settle in the CSA, and all managed to become sheriff of a county like they had in Kansas, with their brother James joining them in 1890 and establishing himself as sheriff of Davis County, Garrett's former job. The Earp brothers would go down in history as some of quintessential people of the CSA West.

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Chapter Forty-Five: The Presidency of Samuel J. Randall

Samuel J. Randall
​

Upon assuming office, Randall surprised many with his cabinet nominations. Randall was known to be an anti-corruption man, and had been one of Conkling's loudest critics in the House during the war due to his perceived corruption and cronyism. As a result, Randall decided to make it known he would not continue the precedent of his predecessor, and, following the footsteps of Lincoln and Garfield, nominated almost everyone who had opposed him during the Democratic convention to a position in his cabinet. He did this in the hopes of uniting his party, which was divided in the aftermath of that hard fought convention, and to try and gain as many opinions as possible. Many believed, however, that the cabinet was only held together by Randall's determination to keep it working, as factions formed within in it rapidly, and Randall had to work constantly to avoid its collapse. It was also under his administration that the first Secretary of Agriculture was appointed, with Randall giving the post to Richard P. Bland of Missouri.

Richard P. Bland, the first Secretary of Agriculture
​

While in office, Randall took interest in the ongoing "War of the currents", which pitted direct current (DC) electricity promoted by Thomas A. Edison against the alternating current (AC) electricity promoted by George Westinghouse. Interested in bring electricity to the Executive Mansion, Randall would personally meet with both men to help him decide what type of electricity to install. After meeting with both men, along with Nikola Tesla at the insistence of Westinghouse, Randall decided to use AC electricity to power the Executive Mansion. This move, while advertised by Westinghouse and other AC supporters as Randall's support from AC, was actually most likely a calculated attack by Randall on the powerful men behind Edison, including J.P. Morgan, who Randall saw as men having too much influence over the government. On March 10, 1890, Randall would witness the Executive Mansion lit up by electricity for the first time.

Thomas Edison, George Westinghouse, and Nikola Tesla
​

During his time in office, Samuel J. Randall would get to appoint one man to the Supreme Court. His choice would be noted lawyer Emile H. Lacombe of New York. A veteran of both the American Civil War and the Confederate-American War, serving as a private in the former and a colonel in the latter, he had served as a noted corporate lawyer before and after the second war. He was easily approved by the Senate.

Associate Justice Emile Lacombe
​

Randall would also show interest in expanding the sphere of American influence and enforcement of the Monroe Doctrine west instead of just east. As a result, he would send Secretary of State Joseph C.S. Blackburn to negotiate with British Governor of Hawaii Lorrin Thurston in an attempt to purchase this colony from Great Britain. Unfortunately for Randall, Thurston and his fellow higher ups in Hawaii society had quite the lucrative situation running off of Hawaii's sugar, and were hesitant to put this at risk. Eventually, Randall would direct Blackburn to bring his negotiations directly to the British government in London, in the hopes of better results. Before Blackburn could depart for London, however, President Randall had died of colon cancer on April 17, 1890. With this, the presidency passed into the hands of Vice President David B. Hill.

Randall and his cabinet:
President: Samuel J. Randall
Vice-President: David B. Hill
Secretary of State: Joseph C.S. Blackburn
Secretary of the Treasury: Thomas F. Bayard
Secretary of War: John A. McClernand
Attorney General: Arthur P. Gorman
Postmaster General: William F. Vilas
Secretary of the Navy: John G. Carlisle
Secretary of the Interior: Donald M. Dickinson
Secretary of Agriculture: Richard P. Bland

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Chapter Forty-Six: The CSA Election of 1891

Photograph of the Virginia State Capitol, which is where the Virginia state government met prior to the Civil War and which served as the meeting of the 1891 Liberty Party National Convention
​

With the election of 1891 looming, both sides prepared for a hard fought election. The aftermath of the Confederate-American War in the CSA is comparable to that of the U.S.A. after the War of 1812. While the war had not been won decisively, they CSA had managed to hold their ground against the U.S.A. and prove to the world that they were an independent nation which was going to last for a while. The Democratic propaganda machine supported this mentality, and the front covers of Democratic newspapers usually had images of happy citizens enjoying their life. The combination of the industrialization and war mobilization had helped bring the CSA economy out of the dangerous balancing act it had been in prior to the war, and unemployment was low. With this in mind, the Democrats gathered for their national convention. Originally, the convention started off with five people who seemed interested in the nomination: Vice President Richard Coke, Senator John T. Morgan, Senator Edmund Pettus, Senator Matthew C. Butler, and Senator Roger Q. Mills. At first, it appeared the convention was in a deadlock, and there were appeals to Secretary of State Thomas Clingman to put in his name if only to break it. Eventually, however, the bottom three candidates, Pettus, Butler, and Mills, dropped out the running, leaving Morgan and Coke for the delegates to choose from. Coke would receive the nomination, thanks in no small part due to Early endorsing him. For Vice-President, the Democrats would turn to South Carolina Senator William P. Miles. Once, during his prime in the antebellum days, Miles had been one of the South's loudest "Fire-Eaters". By now, however, Miles was tired by continuous service in the CSA Congress, and was eager to finish off his career with a quiet desk job, resulting in him receiving the nomination.

Richard Coke and William P. Miles
​

The Liberty Party, meanwhile, had an even more divided and divisive convention than the Democrats. Many people were interested in the post, including former Vice-President and former senator Wade Hampton of South Carolina, Governor James L. Kemper of Virginia, former Tennessee governor, senator, and general William B. Bate, senator, general, and railroader William Mahone of Virginia, former senator and general Patrick Cleburne of Arkansas, and former attorney general and current state attorney Lucius Q.C. Lamar of Georgia. Over the course of dozen ballots, none managed to gain a majority, with Hampton usually taking the largest amount. It was during that General-in-Chief Stonewall Jackson visited his friend former lieutenant general J.E.B. Stuart. During a small talk over dinner, Stuart brought up the possibility of Jackson running for president, followed by him pointing out the Liberty Party deadlock that maybe Jackson could break. Jackson would seize upon the idea, and right before the 17th ballot, he announced his candidacy, with both Cleburne and Kemper dropping out and throwing their support to him as soon as he announced. On this ballot, Jackson would take the lead, but still fall short of the needed number of delegates. Before the 18th ballot, another two candidates, Mahone and Bate, would drop out and throw their support to Jackson, who would again receive the most support, but not the necessary majority, just falling short due to some unfaithful Tennessee delegates casting their votes for Bate. Finally, on the 19th ballot, Jackson would receive the nomination. Jackson, who was known to be a radical on some questions like the future of slavery in the CSA following the ongoing, although minor, slave revolts, would cause some delegates to feel uncomfortable with another radical on the ticket. As a result, William Bate, a moderate, would be nominated as Jackson's running mate.

Stonewall Jackson and William Bate
​

The campaigning season soon began. Coke and the Democrats would claim that Jackson's solution to the slave revolt problem was immediate emancipation for all slaves, and that he was a great general who would become a bumbling president in the hands of Liberty Party bosses. Jackson, meanwhile, attacked the current Democratic administration for their failure to end the slave revolts completely, or even provide a solution, and the Liberty Party also made sure to capitalize that their candidates had been serving gallantly during the Confederate-American War, while the Democratic candidates had been sitting safely and comfortably in the offices immune to the voice of the people. The Democrats would call upon President Early to attack Jackson, but he refused, stating from the time he had spent with Jackson during the Civil War, he had only known him to be a great and respectable man, and that the nation's existence was in large part due to him, which Early refused to reject, if for no other reason than the memory of the men from the Civil War. When word of this reached the newspapers and eventually the public, it was a massive boon for the Liberty Party. With the election day arrived, the public was unsure if the Liberty Party would regain the Presidential Mansion with their war hero candidate, or if the fairly popularly current administration would effectively be continued.

A lithograph of Jackson that the Liberty Party helped popularize during the election, as the uniform harkened back to Jackson's victories. Jackson himself would comment that the Liberty Party papers treated him like he "was a God among generals". This quote would grow famous, and eventually help inspire the name for a famous painting of himself and several other CSA generals from the Civil War, which currently hangs in the Confederate White House
​

When the results came in, they were much closer than the Liberty Party had expected. Jackson had managed to win the election with 72 electoral votes, securing Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Maryland, Georgia, Louisiana, and Arizona, as opposed to Coke's 56 electoral votes from Texas, South Carolina, Arkansas, Alabama, Florida, and Mississippi. Gone were the days of the massive Liberty Party electoral victories like in 1873 and 1879. The Democratic Party was now a potent force to be reckoned with. Despite this, the Liberty Party would manage to regain small majorities in both House and Senate, which would ultimately prove crucial to Jackson's presidency.