Stefan IV Dusan - Constantine XI
- Thread starter Konstantin Paleolog
- Start date
CHAPTER XV - THE WEALTH OF NATIONS
On the 14th of August, 1386, the Sultan (or, more likely, Michael) convened his generals and personal advisers. News had come from the south of Timur's impending invasion of the Sultanate. Manuel had informed the Seljuks that he was sending ~2,000 Rhomanian soldiers to assist his allies in Konya, but this number was horribly insufficient against Timur's hordes. The Sultanate could field no more than 15,000 able men, perhaps a few thousand more if green boys were conscripted. This could not compare to the force Timur was rumored to lead - that day, the Sultan had received conflicting reports of enemy's number. One messenger reported 70,000, another came in later claiming that Timur's forces were 150,000 strong, and finally, an exasperated scouting party arrived, every man convinced that he saw a veritable sea of barbarians - over one million men.
Michael Aidinoglou must have worn out the floor of the war council chamber as he paced to and fro, considering the various ways to meet the Timurid threat. But that night, he had another worry, one far more immediate and personal. His wife was in labor, on the 15th she would give birth to healthy twin boys. Michael swiftly sent his wife and children to Constatinople. As he worked throughout day and night, drawing and redrawing battle plans, he must have at least had one consolation - if he died in the impending battle, his legacy, and his family, would survive.
I apologize to my readers for not properly covering the past ten years of the Roman Empire. We left Manuel II in 1376, as he subjugated the Bulgars and suppressed rebellion at home. To be truthful, the next ten years were a rather boring decade for the Rhomanians, as domestic peace turned into economic prosperity. Manuel II unfortunately fell into the trap of many Roman rulers before him (especially those based in Constantinople) and began a series of building projects throughout the City. He moved out of Blachernae Palace, a symbol of the traitorous Palaiologoi, and restored Boukoleon to its former glory. The Hippodrome, which had been allowed to fall into ruin in the previous centuries, was faithfully restored. Manuel, an enthusiast of Roman tradition, reintroduced the races. As interest picked up in the sport, businesses began to sponsor various teams - the old system of colored teams based on political affiliation was long gone. This renewal in Constantinople was a symptom of economic prosperity, fueled by discoveries of gold and trade - and as Rhomania finally gained economic and political stability, Rhomanians began to question Venetian hegemony in the Black Sea.
The doge of Venice sent a rather scathing letter along with his envoys to Constantinople in 1379. The issue was the Rhomanian port of Symbolon, then known as Yamboli. After the fall of Genoa, Rhomania had acquired this small town on the Crimea, it was the sole Rhomanian possession on the peninsula. Throughout the 1370s, Symboliote merchants directly competed with their Venetian counterparts without paying the due taxes. A concession to Venice made under the rule of Constantine Dusanes stipulated that the Venetians were to recieve all tax revenue for trade in the Black Sea, with the exception of goods that went through the port of Constantinople. Manuel II condemned Symbolon for refusing to pay the taxes, but we have no record of any serious action taken against the town. What we do know is that merchants flocked to this renegade port, as the local taxes were much lower than those imposed by Venice.
Symbolon's most important contribution to Rhomania was not its booming economy, but one man - Giorgios Allegri. The son of Apoulian peastants, Giorgios and his family moved from this Italian-controlled Roman land to Rhomania's newly reconquered Crimean port. Apoulian immigrants made up a majority of the port population by the 15th century. At the time, Allegri was only a boy of 14, yet he already showed great aptitude for trade. A few years after his family had moved to Symbolon, Giorgios and his father opened a ferry from Symbolon to other towns on the Crimean coast. Soon, this "ferry" began to transport illicit goods that had not been taxed by the Venetians. The Allegri family prospered, and when Symboliote trade boomed in the 70's, Giorgios was there to reap the rewards. He became a rich man, like so many of the other former Apoulian peasants in his town. He began to write prolifically about his trade, and in 1381 he finished one of the most important medieval texts - On Emporionics. Not only did this work catapult the field of emporionics, it questioned and criticized most of the assumptions that medieval states had made in economic policy.
Allegri fiercely criticized the tarrifs common throughout European ports at the time, and popularized the concept of elefthero emporio, or free trade. This is not to say that he supported trade without tarrifs or restrictions, it would be an anachronism to attribute these ideas to Allegri, but his idealized system was far more liberal than the command economies of his time. He had also proposed a system of paper money to supplement the cumbersome coinage common at the time. Unauthorized Symboliote paper money would appear in the next century. In his book, Allegri posited a primitive form of our modern Papouliote Theory[1], another tool he would use to expand Symbolon's economy once he was appointed governor of the colony in 1383 at the age of 32. The Allegris would become the Despotes of Crimea, and playing the loyal Rhomanian subjects, they would wage economic war on the Venetians for decades to come.
[1] OTL Law of Comparative Advanatage
On the 14th of August, 1386, the Sultan (or, more likely, Michael) convened his generals and personal advisers. News had come from the south of Timur's impending invasion of the Sultanate. Manuel had informed the Seljuks that he was sending ~2,000 Rhomanian soldiers to assist his allies in Konya, but this number was horribly insufficient against Timur's hordes. The Sultanate could field no more than 15,000 able men, perhaps a few thousand more if green boys were conscripted. This could not compare to the force Timur was rumored to lead - that day, the Sultan had received conflicting reports of enemy's number. One messenger reported 70,000, another came in later claiming that Timur's forces were 150,000 strong, and finally, an exasperated scouting party arrived, every man convinced that he saw a veritable sea of barbarians - over one million men.
Michael Aidinoglou must have worn out the floor of the war council chamber as he paced to and fro, considering the various ways to meet the Timurid threat. But that night, he had another worry, one far more immediate and personal. His wife was in labor, on the 15th she would give birth to healthy twin boys. Michael swiftly sent his wife and children to Constatinople. As he worked throughout day and night, drawing and redrawing battle plans, he must have at least had one consolation - if he died in the impending battle, his legacy, and his family, would survive.
I apologize to my readers for not properly covering the past ten years of the Roman Empire. We left Manuel II in 1376, as he subjugated the Bulgars and suppressed rebellion at home. To be truthful, the next ten years were a rather boring decade for the Rhomanians, as domestic peace turned into economic prosperity. Manuel II unfortunately fell into the trap of many Roman rulers before him (especially those based in Constantinople) and began a series of building projects throughout the City. He moved out of Blachernae Palace, a symbol of the traitorous Palaiologoi, and restored Boukoleon to its former glory. The Hippodrome, which had been allowed to fall into ruin in the previous centuries, was faithfully restored. Manuel, an enthusiast of Roman tradition, reintroduced the races. As interest picked up in the sport, businesses began to sponsor various teams - the old system of colored teams based on political affiliation was long gone. This renewal in Constantinople was a symptom of economic prosperity, fueled by discoveries of gold and trade - and as Rhomania finally gained economic and political stability, Rhomanians began to question Venetian hegemony in the Black Sea.
The doge of Venice sent a rather scathing letter along with his envoys to Constantinople in 1379. The issue was the Rhomanian port of Symbolon, then known as Yamboli. After the fall of Genoa, Rhomania had acquired this small town on the Crimea, it was the sole Rhomanian possession on the peninsula. Throughout the 1370s, Symboliote merchants directly competed with their Venetian counterparts without paying the due taxes. A concession to Venice made under the rule of Constantine Dusanes stipulated that the Venetians were to recieve all tax revenue for trade in the Black Sea, with the exception of goods that went through the port of Constantinople. Manuel II condemned Symbolon for refusing to pay the taxes, but we have no record of any serious action taken against the town. What we do know is that merchants flocked to this renegade port, as the local taxes were much lower than those imposed by Venice.
Symbolon's most important contribution to Rhomania was not its booming economy, but one man - Giorgios Allegri. The son of Apoulian peastants, Giorgios and his family moved from this Italian-controlled Roman land to Rhomania's newly reconquered Crimean port. Apoulian immigrants made up a majority of the port population by the 15th century. At the time, Allegri was only a boy of 14, yet he already showed great aptitude for trade. A few years after his family had moved to Symbolon, Giorgios and his father opened a ferry from Symbolon to other towns on the Crimean coast. Soon, this "ferry" began to transport illicit goods that had not been taxed by the Venetians. The Allegri family prospered, and when Symboliote trade boomed in the 70's, Giorgios was there to reap the rewards. He became a rich man, like so many of the other former Apoulian peasants in his town. He began to write prolifically about his trade, and in 1381 he finished one of the most important medieval texts - On Emporionics. Not only did this work catapult the field of emporionics, it questioned and criticized most of the assumptions that medieval states had made in economic policy.
Allegri fiercely criticized the tarrifs common throughout European ports at the time, and popularized the concept of elefthero emporio, or free trade. This is not to say that he supported trade without tarrifs or restrictions, it would be an anachronism to attribute these ideas to Allegri, but his idealized system was far more liberal than the command economies of his time. He had also proposed a system of paper money to supplement the cumbersome coinage common at the time. Unauthorized Symboliote paper money would appear in the next century. In his book, Allegri posited a primitive form of our modern Papouliote Theory[1], another tool he would use to expand Symbolon's economy once he was appointed governor of the colony in 1383 at the age of 32. The Allegris would become the Despotes of Crimea, and playing the loyal Rhomanian subjects, they would wage economic war on the Venetians for decades to come.
[1] OTL Law of Comparative Advanatage
This is very interesting stuff. From where has the idea of paper money come from? It really has the potential to advance economics by centuries.
How're things in the rest of the Empire?
How're things in the rest of the Empire?
Cuāuhtemōc
Banned
Once again you did amazingly and much so considering you're the inspiration to me.
Basileus Giorgios said:
During the early years of the Symboliote black market, a system of promissory notes (esentially, I.O.U's) arose as it was considered too dangerous to openly trade with bullion. If the Venetian or Rhomanian authorities stationed in the city discovered illicit trading, they would confiscate all the gold and silver involved. The scraps of paper and parchment were worthless to the authorities, but were used as pseudo-money by the Symboliotes. The notes could be exchanged for bullion in various small proto-banks throughout the town.
Allegri sought to standardize the use of this money, and it is no surprise that the first commercially successful paper mill in the Empire would be founded in Symbolon by the end of the century. Of course, quite a few Rhomanian beaurocrats would be appalled if they knew what the Symboliotes were really printing.
Generous bribes kept the port out of trouble for the time being.Sa'id Mohammed said:
Thanks!
Hmm I think the Byzantines are simply in too precarious a state for paper money to do anything but remain a local curiosity for some time.
Also in this period a LOT of the ready cash obtained by states was obtained via tariffs. Reducing tariffs is going to go over like a lead balloon unless you can find some way that you can supplement that income. So let's here some more on the details. What are exports and imports? Trading partners besides the obvious (Venice, Rum)?
Also in this period a LOT of the ready cash obtained by states was obtained via tariffs. Reducing tariffs is going to go over like a lead balloon unless you can find some way that you can supplement that income. So let's here some more on the details. What are exports and imports? Trading partners besides the obvious (Venice, Rum)?
Wow!Over 1 million men? Do the modern historians agree with that gigantic number?
I usually play fair but this situation is critic
. Why not send some assassins to take out Timur?Would the Theodosian Walls stop the ''Timurid Apocalypse''? And, what are the names of the twins?
It is nice to see the recovery of Constantinople. But what about the crown of the Queen City? What happened to Hagia Sofia during Constatine's and Manuel's reigns? New mosaics like the one you showed us on the first page, featuring Stephanos/Constantine XI Dusanes? And what about other ''minor'' churches like the Holy Apostles and the Hagia Irene? To recover the jewels and relics lost on the 4th Crusade to Venice would renew the Holy Apostles. This could be the perfect excuse for the Sack of Venice. I personally can't imagine the Hippodrome without the 4 horses
.And, finally, I see that in a near future the Allegri family (Happy family?
) will take its place on the Constantinopolitan Senate, along with the Doukai and others Good update!
The Byzantines have no navy, the Venetians on the other hand... The Venetian's should remain a major thorn in the empire's side, its eventual defeat always just out reach. Case in point, consider how long it took the much larger, wealthier ottoman empire to wear them down.
Defeating Venice...
.
However, we are forgetting that the Romans have the Bosporus and the Hellespont. I say take the Venetian navy on these points while they aren't navigating and use them against the Republic. And we should not forget the Greek fire...
And now with Genoa and Egypt out of the game it should be even more difficult to defeat a larger and more powerful Venice. Why don't take the Adriatic coastal cities of the Serenissima and than besiege Venice herself. A total attack wouldn't be possible since the city is an island, although it ddin't have walls. It could be something what Alexander did to Tyre? Or maybe a bridge made of ships like Xerxes? Well, better not regarding the Battle of Abydos on ''Isaac's Empire''
. However, we are forgetting that the Romans have the Bosporus and the Hellespont. I say take the Venetian navy on these points while they aren't navigating and use them against the Republic. And we should not forget the Greek fire...
Don't forget, the Ottomans originally jumped on a Venice that was heavily engaged against other European powers. If it's purely a Venice-Ottoman fight Venice is going to do better and the Grecco-Serbians are still not as strong as the Ottomans were at the time. Of course Venice is weaker as well but still.
MNPundit said:
Right, and what's more, a new monetary system is rarely adopted quickly. Paper money will remain a part of only the Crimean economy for over a century, or more.
Symbolon is the only city reducing tarrifs, and they are circumventing the emperor in doing so. Symboliote trading partners include Trebizond, Tana, Manacastro and the various Crimean towns and cities.
ByzantineCaesar said:
This was a gross exaggeration, modern historians agree that there couldn't have been much more than 100,000 men.
ByzantineCaesar said:
Let's leave off the first question.
As for the second, the children are Alexander and Sokratis. The latter will change his name to Osman later in life, though. ByzantineCaesar said:
A few minor rebuilding/renewal projects, and a few new mosaics of the Dusanes family.
Sa'id Mohammed said:
Venice is a better position than it was in OTL, though it will suffer the consequences of sacking Genoa, they will not go down easily. As people have mentioned, the Byzantines have a weak navy, just getting the troops to Venice by sea would be extremely difficult. However, the position of both nations as well as tensions in the Black Sea will eventually lead them to open conflict. We'll have to see about that later.
CHAPTER XVI - THE FALL OF RUM
Early on the morning of October 5th, 1386, Michael's young state was invaded for the first and the last time. At the head of his horde, Timur devastated the countryside around the city of Harput before capturing it and burning it to the ground. This he accomplishment in little over a week's time after departing from Syria. When the news arrived in Konya, Michael began to grow increasingly apprehensive. The army of Rum numbered under 20,000 men, and as the general watched these young recruits train, he was filled with a sense of dread. A short letter Michael sent to his wife in Constantinople around this time sums up his fears:
This will be the greatest undertaking of my career, dearest, to lead a band of green boys against the hordes of Timur. The southeast is already in chaos, I must march to meet this brute at Sivas. I send my love to little Romanos and Konstantinos, I fear I shall never see them, or you, again.
The messengers that delivered these letters must have run into difficulty when trying to enter Constantinople, for Manuel had already started a massive project to reinforce the Theodosian Walls perhaps a year before, enacting painful austerity measures in his personal and state spending. Already, refugees from the Sultanate were fleeing to Rhomania, and Manuel knew where to settle them - Thrace, a region that would later bear the name Turco-Thracian Theme. Manuel knew that it would be folly to send his armies to aid Michael and the Sultan, for even a combined force could not break Timur's barbarians in open combat. No, Manuel could only hope that Timur would face a setback, or perhaps die, before he made his way to Constantinople. The Romans watched with grim determination as they left Turkish allies to their fate against the Timurid tide.
Michael meant to meet Timur at Sivas, though before arriving in Kayseri, a messenger brought him some rather distressing news. Sivas was already under siege - and would fall within the week if relief did not come. It was late November, and the harsh Anatolian winter slowed Manuel's ascent. When the forces of Rum finally arrived at Sivas on November 23, Timur's men were burning and pillaging. Early in the morning, before dawn, Michael entered through the broken southern gates and flanked what he thought was the bulk of Timur's forces. It is not known what had caused Michael to make such an elementary mistake; perhaps he had truly believed that Timur's army was truly so small. In any case, the Timurids inside the city were caught mid-pillage and rapine, and though their numbers exceeded Michael's, they were summarily cut down. Thousands of them lay dead (compared to Michael's casualties of several hundred) when another army entered the southern gates. Through his deception, Timur had the Rumli right where he wanted them. It had cost him thousands of soldiers, yes, but now he had Michael in a pincer grip. The first to fall was the army of the general Orhan, Michael's trusted friend. He and his 5,000 men were at the rear, nearest to the gate, when Timur entered.
No proper defenses had been set up, and the burned-down husks of buildings were inadequate for shelter. Timur slew Orhan's forces nearly to a man, and once news had reached Michael of Timur's attack, panic broke out among the ranks. As Turk fell left and right, Michael managed to reach the northern gates. He and no more than 1,000 of his men escaped, leaving their comrades to the slaughter in Sivas. They found their way back to Kayseri, now certain of the Sultanate's doom.
Exasperated and broken, Michael awaited Timur's impending attack on Konya. Months passed, and it didn't come - Timur had not even marched on Kayseri. Bewildered, Michael sent scout after scout to determine Timur's movements. The news arrived in early February of 1387. Trebizond had fallen! After defeating Michael at Sivas, Timur had decided to conquer the small infidel state, as an overdue break from slaughtering his own coreligionists. The emperor John IV Komnenos was captured or dead, but his family had somehow managed to escape to Constantinople (after, or more likely, before the siege) and was under the protection of Manuel II. Michael must have guessed Timur's true motive; the impoverished and nearly-subjugated rump of the Sultanate had little to offer, but this Christian city had plunder for his soldiers. Exhausted by the constant warfare, the sack of a surprised Trebizond served to reinvigorate Timur's soldiers. During the next few months, Timur subjugated the rest of the small empire, and then continued south to finish the Sultanate. Kayseri fell in late May, and Eregli in early July. By August, Timur turned toward Konya.
Almost a year since Timur first marched into the Sultanate, he was nearing the gates of the capital. Michael, along with a force of 7,000-odd men, waited for his doom. A full month passed before Timur broke through the gates. Determined to go down bravely, the Rumli gave Timur a run for his money. They fought his soldiers street through street, and though they were starved they knew their environment well. The next few days saw incredible carnage, estimates of the casualties range from 20,000 to 40,000, a majority of them Timur's soldiers. Among the dead was much of the remaining civilian population (the rest of which had fled to safer places, mainly Thrace) and all of the garrison, including Michael himself. They say that the general personally slew over 100 Timurids personally, and after his right arm was hacked off at the shoulder, he continued swinging with his left. When he became immobilized after his hamstring was cut, he remained in place, cutting down any Timurid who dared to come near him. Finally, a spear to the chest ended his long career, as well as his life. The Urums say that their patron saint Michael of Ikonion died a martyr's death. With Michael gone, the Romans had lost a key ally in the lands of the Turks beyond their borders. More importantly, Timur's victory paved the way for something far more disastrous - a Timurid invasion of Rhomania.
Early on the morning of October 5th, 1386, Michael's young state was invaded for the first and the last time. At the head of his horde, Timur devastated the countryside around the city of Harput before capturing it and burning it to the ground. This he accomplishment in little over a week's time after departing from Syria. When the news arrived in Konya, Michael began to grow increasingly apprehensive. The army of Rum numbered under 20,000 men, and as the general watched these young recruits train, he was filled with a sense of dread. A short letter Michael sent to his wife in Constantinople around this time sums up his fears:
This will be the greatest undertaking of my career, dearest, to lead a band of green boys against the hordes of Timur. The southeast is already in chaos, I must march to meet this brute at Sivas. I send my love to little Romanos and Konstantinos, I fear I shall never see them, or you, again.
The messengers that delivered these letters must have run into difficulty when trying to enter Constantinople, for Manuel had already started a massive project to reinforce the Theodosian Walls perhaps a year before, enacting painful austerity measures in his personal and state spending. Already, refugees from the Sultanate were fleeing to Rhomania, and Manuel knew where to settle them - Thrace, a region that would later bear the name Turco-Thracian Theme. Manuel knew that it would be folly to send his armies to aid Michael and the Sultan, for even a combined force could not break Timur's barbarians in open combat. No, Manuel could only hope that Timur would face a setback, or perhaps die, before he made his way to Constantinople. The Romans watched with grim determination as they left Turkish allies to their fate against the Timurid tide.
Michael meant to meet Timur at Sivas, though before arriving in Kayseri, a messenger brought him some rather distressing news. Sivas was already under siege - and would fall within the week if relief did not come. It was late November, and the harsh Anatolian winter slowed Manuel's ascent. When the forces of Rum finally arrived at Sivas on November 23, Timur's men were burning and pillaging. Early in the morning, before dawn, Michael entered through the broken southern gates and flanked what he thought was the bulk of Timur's forces. It is not known what had caused Michael to make such an elementary mistake; perhaps he had truly believed that Timur's army was truly so small. In any case, the Timurids inside the city were caught mid-pillage and rapine, and though their numbers exceeded Michael's, they were summarily cut down. Thousands of them lay dead (compared to Michael's casualties of several hundred) when another army entered the southern gates. Through his deception, Timur had the Rumli right where he wanted them. It had cost him thousands of soldiers, yes, but now he had Michael in a pincer grip. The first to fall was the army of the general Orhan, Michael's trusted friend. He and his 5,000 men were at the rear, nearest to the gate, when Timur entered.
No proper defenses had been set up, and the burned-down husks of buildings were inadequate for shelter. Timur slew Orhan's forces nearly to a man, and once news had reached Michael of Timur's attack, panic broke out among the ranks. As Turk fell left and right, Michael managed to reach the northern gates. He and no more than 1,000 of his men escaped, leaving their comrades to the slaughter in Sivas. They found their way back to Kayseri, now certain of the Sultanate's doom.
Exasperated and broken, Michael awaited Timur's impending attack on Konya. Months passed, and it didn't come - Timur had not even marched on Kayseri. Bewildered, Michael sent scout after scout to determine Timur's movements. The news arrived in early February of 1387. Trebizond had fallen! After defeating Michael at Sivas, Timur had decided to conquer the small infidel state, as an overdue break from slaughtering his own coreligionists. The emperor John IV Komnenos was captured or dead, but his family had somehow managed to escape to Constantinople (after, or more likely, before the siege) and was under the protection of Manuel II. Michael must have guessed Timur's true motive; the impoverished and nearly-subjugated rump of the Sultanate had little to offer, but this Christian city had plunder for his soldiers. Exhausted by the constant warfare, the sack of a surprised Trebizond served to reinvigorate Timur's soldiers. During the next few months, Timur subjugated the rest of the small empire, and then continued south to finish the Sultanate. Kayseri fell in late May, and Eregli in early July. By August, Timur turned toward Konya.
Almost a year since Timur first marched into the Sultanate, he was nearing the gates of the capital. Michael, along with a force of 7,000-odd men, waited for his doom. A full month passed before Timur broke through the gates. Determined to go down bravely, the Rumli gave Timur a run for his money. They fought his soldiers street through street, and though they were starved they knew their environment well. The next few days saw incredible carnage, estimates of the casualties range from 20,000 to 40,000, a majority of them Timur's soldiers. Among the dead was much of the remaining civilian population (the rest of which had fled to safer places, mainly Thrace) and all of the garrison, including Michael himself. They say that the general personally slew over 100 Timurids personally, and after his right arm was hacked off at the shoulder, he continued swinging with his left. When he became immobilized after his hamstring was cut, he remained in place, cutting down any Timurid who dared to come near him. Finally, a spear to the chest ended his long career, as well as his life. The Urums say that their patron saint Michael of Ikonion died a martyr's death. With Michael gone, the Romans had lost a key ally in the lands of the Turks beyond their borders. More importantly, Timur's victory paved the way for something far more disastrous - a Timurid invasion of Rhomania.
A very stirring end for Michael- how come he didn't make his escape though? He seems to have been an intelligent man, and it seems a bit strange that he sat in Ikonion and passively awaited his demise. Can't wait to see how Timur's invasion of the Empire as a whole goes- will he be able to cross the Straits, or will the Romans put together an anti-Timurid coalition to block him?
Very nice update KP! At least Michael afflicted heavy casualities in Timur's army. A Timurid Invasion of the Empire of the Romans... I don't know what I expect. But one is for sure - the Romans will face it biggest threat since Attila and the Turks.
I think he would rather die in a noble battle than flee like a coward to Constantinople.
That one seems easy to me: there's nothing for him to escape to. He made his name as a military commander of non-Christian state's military. Now he's been humiliated by Timur and he's been around a long time, probably pretty old and concerned about his legacy. So dying bravely might have appeal than living as a man without an army who was just one more person out-classed by Tamerlane.