Stars in Their Eyes - The Whitlam Dismissal

18 May 1974

Gough Whitlam stood watching the television as the ABC News announced the election results. The parliament had been dissolved in a double dissolution after the Liberal-Country Coalition refused to pass six bills in the Senate. With a hostile Senate, Whitlam’s government was paralysed, and he hoped to win a renewed mandate for social progression and economic recovery following the crippling oil crisis that had sparked recession.

“And with five seats left to count, Gough Whitlam looks set to retake the office of Prime Minister by a very narrow margin.”

19 May 1974

“While we didn’t win, we didn’t lose either,” said Billy Snedden as addressed a press conference. “We may not have been elected into government, but Leader of the Country Party Doug Anthony and I are committed to retaining dominance in the Senate. Without support in the Senate, Whitlam’s government is stuck. I count that as a victory for the Coalition.”
 
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Counting Down to Crisis

21 March 1975

Mr Fraser announced earlier this morning that he intends to challenge Mr Snedden for leadership of the Liberal Party.

Malcolm Fraser, flanked by his supporters, marched through the halls of Parliament. It was do or die. The Coalition was being dominated by Gough Whitlam in the House and Snedden was doing nothing to stop it. Fraser intended to take the leadership and bring down Whitlam’s government, once and for all.

“This ballot is for the leadership of the Liberal Party. All members of the party caucus will write down the name of their preferred leader; Mr Snedden or Mr Fraser.”

Fraser sat on the opposite side of the room from Snedden. The look on Snedden’s face gave away the fact he knew how fragile his position was. He wasn’t getting out of this one. In November last year, Fraser had challenged Snedden and lost. One by one, the members of the party caucus, made up of party MPs and Senators made their vote. After all votes were made, the Party Whip began to count the votes.

Malcolm Fraser has defeated Billy Snedden for leadership of the Liberal Party and is now Leader of the Opposition by consequence.

28 June 1975

Whitlam watched with intent as the news came in. His head dropped and his hand rubbed the bridge of his nose.

The by-election in the seat of Bass, Tasmania, has been won by Liberal candidate Kevin Newman. The by-election came as a result of the resignation of former Deputy Prime Minister Lance Barnard, who was defeated in a challenge for his position just after the election last year by Jim Cairns.”

The loss of the seat itself was not so bad. The ALP still held a majority in the House. But Barnard had held that seat since 1954. It was a symbolic loss for the Labor Party.

The end was beginning for Gough Whitlam.

July 1975

“We need to gain a majority back in the Senate. I don’t care if it’s by one bloody seat, we need to regain that control,” snapped Whitlam.

“Calling a Senate half-election would not work, it would position us as weak,” stated Frank Crean, the new Deputy Prime Minister. Cairns had been fired for misleading parliament after the disastrous Loans Affair.

“We are weak Frank,” Whitlam sighed, “we need to be back in a position that is strong for us. And fast, before fucking Fraser makes a play for my job.”

“The joint sitting,” stated Lionel Murphy, Attorney-General, “may reveal a result in our favour. If the High Court rules the motion as valid, then we may have the chance to get a 33-31 majority over the Coalition.”

Whitlam sat. “When is the latest we could get that election?”

“December. At the latest. With luck, Kerr will agree.”
 
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Supply Blocked

10 October 1975
The Prime Minister’s Office


The High Court ruled that the motion passed in at April’s joint sitting of Parliament to allow two Senators for both the Northern Territory and the Australian Capital Territory is valid.

“There are now four vacant seats for the Territories,” stated Crean.

“Yes, I do understand that Frank,” sighed Whitlam, “but we don’t hold them yet. If we can win them we will hold 33 seats in the Senate to the Coalition’s 31, I get this. But those seats go up for election at the next half-Senate election. And that is scheduled for next year.”

“Gough we cannot wait that long,” said Crean, despairingly. “We are about to run out of supply with the bills stuck in the Senate.”

“Fraser won’t budge. He aims to thwart you at every turn Gough.”

“Chances of Kerr agreeing to call a half-Senate election before the end of the year?” Gough asked. “We have discussed this before, but I want to know our chances.”

“It’s risky.”

Malcolm Fraser’s Office

“So now that the Territories get two seats each, they will need to be elected. Labor have support in the Territories, so they will win at least one seat from each,” stated Fraser, “but they would also need to win the seats that Field and Bunton are contesting and have Gorton win the second ACT seat.”

Now that the High Court had passed the motion, Fraser needed a game plan. If Gough won this one, then Labor would have an advantage at the next election. The electoral redistribution laws were still stuck in the Senate – along with supply.

“But that requires a grave deal of chance,” replied Doug Anthony, “and for Kerr to take his side and allow the election.”

“We need to drive a wedge between Kerr and Whitlam and back support the motion that the Governor-General can dismiss the government if it fails to achieve supply.”

“It’s a massive risk Malcolm.”

“You and I didn’t get here by taking the sidelines and sitting things out because they were risky, Doug. You and I both know that Whitlam needs to go for the good of the country. We are in recession because of how he handled the fucking Arab oil embargo. And that whole business with the Pakistani and Cairns and the Loan Affair. He’s a cancer on the country’s economy. And I intend to cure this country once and for all.”
 
On Matters of the Constitution

16 October 1975
Reception for the Prime Minister of Malaysia

“Prime Minister Razak, it is a pleasure to welcome you to Australia,” Whitlam said before shaking hands with his Malaysian counter-part. Razak shook Whitlam’s hand and then proceeded to shake hands with Sir John Kerr, Governor-General of Australia. As the reception went on, Whitlam and Kerr eventually came head to head over the brewing crisis.

“If Fraser continues on his current path and allows the crisis to continue, it could be a question of whether I get to the Queen first for your recall, or whether you get in first with my dismissal,” Whitlam stated with a forcefully nature.

Parliament House

Bob Ellicott walked out of Parliament House to address the waiting press conference. Once Whitlam’s solicitor-general, he was now a member of the House of Representatives. For the Liberal Party. An expert in legal affairs, his condemnation of Whitlam’s actions would be instrumental in Fraser’s next move.

“The Governor-General does, in fact, have the power to dismiss the Prime Minister, and should do so forthwith if the Prime Minister cannot state how he will achieve supply. The Prime Minister is treating the Governor-General as if he has no discretion but to follow the advice issued to him by the Prime Minister, when in fact the he can and should dismiss a ministry that cannot achieve supply. The Governor-General should ask the Prime Minister if the Government is prepared to advise him to dissolve the House of Representatives and the Senate or the House of Representatives alone as a means of assuring that the disagreement between the two Houses is resolved. If the Prime Minister refuses to do either, it is then open to the Governor-General to dismiss his present Ministers and seek others who are prepared to give him the only proper advice open. This he should proceed to do.”

21 October 1975

Whitlam sat in his office when his phone began to ring. He answered only to hear the voice of Kerr on the other end.

“Hello Gough,” Kerr stated, “this is just in regards to Ellicott’s presser the other day. It’s all bullshit isn’t it?”

“I do agree John,” Whitlam replied.

“In that case, Gough, my office is totally prepared to ignore the statement, but I will need a written legal opinion rebutting it if I could.”

“Of course, I’ll get Enderby onto it immediately.”

“Thank you, Gough. I do hope we find a solution.”

“As do I John, as do I.”
 
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Posturing and Planning

30 October 1975
Government House (Residence of the Governor-General)

Whitlam watched as his car pulled into the driveway of Government House. Lunch with the Governor-General always meant business. Kerr had also invited Jim McClelland, the Minister for Labour and a prominent member of the Senate. The door of the car opened and Whitlam stood out, and proceeded to climb the steps of Government House.

“I must admit Gough to why a truly did invite here,” Kerr said between wiping his mouth as the entrée plate was removed from in front of him. “I have a compromise for the current crisis.”

Whitlam gave McClelland a telling look before turning to face Kerr. McClelland knew that face of disapproval.

“Do go on John,” Whitlam said, making a small gesture with his left hand.

“The Opposition passes supply and you do not make advice for the calling of a half-Senate election until May or June 1976 at the latest. This way the Senate does not convene until 1 July of that year, averting a temporary Labor majority in the Senate.”

Whitlam sat back in his chair. He didn’t approve.

“John, I have made my mark by not compromising. Never will I give the enemy anything. I will not give Fraser anything he could use to give ammunition to my firing squad.”

The Prime Minister’s Office

“What did Kerr say?” asked Crean as he entered the room. Whitlam looked up from the desk.

“He wants to mediate a compromise,” Whitlam sighed disparagingly, “Fraser allows supply through and in return I don’t advise a half-Senate election until June next year.”

“Well it reinforces the government’s position.”

“It doesn’t get us a friendly Senate. So Fraser let’s through supply. Then he blocks another bill, and another, and another. This isn’t about supply, it’s about the position of my government.”

6 November 1975
Government House, 11:00am

Kep Enderby made quick work of the front steps of Government House. The newly appointed Attorney-General was on his way to meet with the Governor-General to discuss what the government could do to achieve supply, and what was to happen should supply run out. He also had the written rebuttal to the statement made by Ellicott. Enderby had relegated the task to his Solicitor-General Maurice Byers. When he received the rebuttal, Enderby noticed several things that he felt were wrong. Firstly the rebuttal recognised the Senate’s right to block supply and that the reserve powers held by the Governor-General were still extant.

“Nice to see you again John,” Enderby said as he was let into the Governor-General’s main office.

“Likewise Kep,” said Kerr as he looked up from his desk and gestured for Enderby to sit. “Plans for if you cannot get supply?”

Kerr didn’t waste time in getting down to the business at hand.

“Well, vouchers are to be issued instead of cheques. These vouchers can then be redeemed by the banks once supply has been passed and the crisis has concluded,” Enderby stated calmly.

“That should work if you can get a friendly Senate.”

“One step at a time there John,” Enderby joked. He reached for his briefcase and removed the rebuttal and handed it over to Kerr. “The written rebuttal to Ellicott’s statement you asked the Prime Minister for.”

“Ah, thank you,” Kerr replied.

“You will notice that Byers’ signature has been crossed out. It is because personally I do not agree with this statement. It is only, after all, to serve as background for further advice from the Prime Minister.”

“Thank you for your concern Kep,” Kerr said as he stood and walked around the desk towards the door.

Government House, 2:30pm

Malcolm Fraser walked up the steps of Government House with purpose and confidence. He was here at the Governor-General’s request, but he had another motive. He was to kick his plan into motion.

“Mr. Fraser, thank you for coming at such short notice again,” Kerr said, extending his hand.

Fraser took Kerr’s hand and gave it a polite shake, “Always a pleasure Your Excellency.”

Fraser was a stickler for formalities.

“I’m going to get straight to the point,” Fraser said as he sat down, “the Prime Minister is not giving you the proper advice. The government is going to collapse, parliament is deadlocked and supply cannot and will not be achieved.”

Kerr sat back in his chair. “Go on,” he invited.

“If you do not dismiss Whitlam, the Opposition is going to criticise you in the House and Senate for failing to do your job.”
 
And All the Talking

6 November 1975
Government House

John Kerr sat in his office talking to one of his chief aides.

“The issue is, that neither side is willing to compromise. Whitlam isn’t going to allow Fraser to make any kind of political headway. Fraser will not allow Whitlam any more continuing political position. The system is completely blocked. And supply will run out by the end of the month,” Kerr explained. “Neither side is going to yield, supply will run out and the government will shut down.”

“So what are we going to do?” asked his aide.

Kerr sighed, “I have a responsibility to this country. As the highest representative of the Queen, I have to serve the country in the interests of the country. Not in the interests of the government.”

“So that means–“

“Yes, it does. We are going to have to follow Fraser’s advice. Whitlam has to go, in the best interests of Australia. Fraser will not allow him to get supply, and he will advise me to call an election of the House or and Double-Dissolution, then he is no longer fit to hold office.”

Kerr stood from his chair and walked to his desk. Picking up his phone, he asked his aide, “Please put me through to Chief Justice Barwick.”

“John,” said Garfield Barwick as he entered the Governor-General’s office, “Pleasure to see you.”

“Garfield, I must admit this is not a personal invitation,” replied Kerr.

“I figured. What can I do for you?” Garfield asked as he sat.

“I need your opinion on a matter of the constitution. Do I have the power to dismiss a government that fails to achieve supply?”

“Yes, I do believe so. A government cannot govern without supply. So in such a situation the Governor-General can dismiss the government and appoint a care-taker government that can achieve supply or recommend a solution. In this situation an election. The Prime Minister should have either resigned or advised an election by this point.”

“Thank you Garfield,” Kerr stated. “However, the Prime Minister must never know of this plan. If he finds out that I plan to dismiss him, then he will contact the Queen and advise my dismissal before I can do the same to him.”

9 November 1975
Government House

John,” said the voice of Sir Anthony Mason, a High Court Justice, “While I understand the situation you are in, formalities dictate that you must notify the Prime Minister of you intention to move to dismissal.

“If I inform Whitlam that I am moving to dismiss him, he will advise the Queen to remove me before I can sack him. He will not relinquish the office easily.”

You are the Governor-General John, you must do as you see fit.
 
Aw man I need to catch up on 1970s Australian politics, I'm much more up-to-date 1980s on. Nevertheless I am deeply intrigued by this. Much (all?) of this is pretty close to OTL, no?
 
Aw man I need to catch up on 1970s Australian politics, I'm much more up-to-date 1980s on. Nevertheless I am deeply intrigued by this. Much (all?) of this is pretty close to OTL, no?

Pretty much everything that I've posted so far is basically OTL, even down to a few quotes. The actual PoD is going to be the day of the dismissal and its going to change everything.
 
May We Say...

9 November 1975
The Prime Minister’s Office

“Mr. Prime Minister,” said Whitlam’s private secretary as he entered the room, “Urgent communique from Mr. Fraser’s office.” The secretary thrust a piece of paper towards Whitlam, who stood from his desk to grasp it.

“Thank you,” Whitlam said as he sat back down. The paper read: Mr. Prime Minister. We need to resolve this crisis as soon as we can. I propose negotiations between ALP and Coalition leaders.

Whitlam rolled his eyes and picked up the phone. “For God sake Fraser, you could have just phoned me,” Whitlam sneered when Fraser answered.

Nice of you to respond to my message Mr. Prime Minister.”

“What do you want?”

We need to meet. This situation cannot go on.”

“Fine. We are both in Melbourne tomorrow, but there is no chance of any kind of meeting there. So how about 9am on the eleventh here at Parliament?”

I’ll have my people set it up,” Fraser replied gleefully.

Whitlam’s aide looked confused. “Why the eleventh Mr. Prime Minsiter?”

“It’s the last day I can call for a half-Senate election before Christmas. The government can only last so long without supply.”

10 November 1975
Lord Mayor of Melbourne’s Banquet

Whitlam stood in the corner of the room to avoid any awkward conversations with the people mulling around in the centre of the room. He gestured for his aide to join him.

“Do you know Mr. Fraser’s plans to return to Canberra this evening?”

“Ah, I’m afraid I don’t Mr. Prime Minister.”

“Bring them back on my VIP jet for the meeting tomorrow morning.”

11 November 1975
The Cabinet Room, 9:00am

Gough Whitlam had decided that the cabinet room was the easiest place to host the meeting with Fraser and other Opposition Leaders, but also to remind them who was in charge of the country. Whitlam was flanked by Frank Crean, the Deputy Prime Minister and Fred Daly, the Leader of the House. One of Whitlam’s aides opened the door and Fraser and Doug Anthony, Leader of the Country Party shuffled in and took their seats. The Labor leaders refused to stand.

“Let’s just cut to the chase here Malcolm,” Whitlam said, leaning into the table, “supply must be passed.”

Fraser, still adjusting to his seat replied, “Not as far as my party is concerned.”

“We need to stop playing politics and put the country first Malcolm,” Daly snapped.

Fraser, finally settled, let out a sly grin. “Mr. Daly,” he began, “from my position, me playing politics is putting the country first. I have watched as your government led Australia into a recession. That is my main concern. Your socialist-inspired government has damaged the government and you can no longer fund yourself – the Loans Affair proved that. I believe that it is within the best interests of the country to ensure that your government collapses.”

Whitlam stood before speaking. “Well it is clear that you have no interest in a meaningful negotiation Mr. Fraser. I will be advising the Governor-General to call a half-Senate election for 13 December.”

“I do not believe the Governor-General will grant an election without supply. He might make his own mind Mr. Prime Minister,” Fraser said as he rose.

“Oh, I highly doubt that Mr. Fraser.”

The Prime Minister’s Office, 9:30am

Ah, Gough,” said the Governor-General over the phone, “how can I help?

“I need to meet with you John. Formal advice and such,” Whitlam replied.

I see. When is the earliest convenience for you? Being Remembrance Day, I have several duties to attend to.

“Of course, Remembrance Day, I had almost forgotten. I have a caucus meeting in half-an-hour and a censure motion in the house to deal with later on. Say around 1 o’clock p.m.?”

That should work. I shall see you then Gough,” Kerr stated, before Whitlam hung up the phone.

Government House, 9:40am

Having just spoken to Whitlam, John Kerr dialed the number of a different parliamentarian.

Malcolm Fraser’s office,” came the voice of an aide on the other end.

“The Governor-General Sir John Kerr for Malcolm Fraser please,” Kerr replied. After a few moments of waiting, Fraser picked up the phone.

Ah, Your Excellency, how may I help?” Fraser said.

“I have just spoken with the Prime Minister. He is going to advise an election, one assumes, but I must consider all alternative options. If I dismiss the government and commission you as Prime Minister, would you be able to secure supply, immediately thereafter advise a double-dissolution and refrain from new policies and investigations of the Whitlam government pending the election?” Several moments elapsed before Fraser’s response.

Yes. I can agree to that Your Excellency,” Fraser stated calmly.

“Excellent,” Kerr stated, “I feel I will be talking to you later on, Mr. Fraser.”
Labor Party Caucus, 10:00am

“I shall advise the Governor-General to call a half-Senate election for 13 December of this year. This should return with a majority in our favor in the Senate. The government will run on interim supply and payment vouchers as advised by the Treasury.” Whitlam’s address to the party caucus was short and succinct. Unsurprisingly, the caucus voted in favor of the advising of an election.

The Prime Minister’s Office, 10:30am

The phone rang on the desk of Whitlam’s personal aide, who answered quickly.

“The Prime Minister’s office,” he said.

I am calling from the Office of the Governor-General,” stated the voice on the other end, “I am calling to confirm the Governor-General’s meeting with the Prime Minister for 12:45p.m. this afternoon.”

“Of course,” Whitlam’s aide replied, “I will inform the Prime Minister at once.” The aide hung up the phone and scribbled down on a piece of paper: “Meeting with GG moved – 12:45” and handed it to another aide to deliver to the Prime Minister.

The note never arrived.

----------------------------------------------------------

This timeline is entering the final stretch. And yes, the PoD hasn't actually occurred yet, but it will become obvious when it arrives. The next few posts are all set on 11 November. Hopefully I can post those two 'chapters' if you like, on the same day in honour of the 40th anniversary of the most controversial chapter of Australian political history.

I am thinking of continuing this timeline to explore the implications of the dismissal into the 80s, so let me know if you are interested in that :D

And God Save The Queen
 
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I'm thinking of the possibilities as to the POD:

- Whitlam learns of Kerr's intentions and tries to sack him.
- Kerr folds, and gives Whitlam the Senate dissolution.
- Kerr sacks Whitlam, Whitlam gets the House to revoke the supply bills, thereby essentially giving Fraser a taste of his own medicine and forcing Kerr to reappoint Whitlam.
- Kerr sacks Whitlam, but Whitlam refuses to go. Result is chaos.
 
...God Save the Queen...

Parliament House, 12:30pm

Malcolm Fraser walked out of his office and along the halls of Parliament.

“Mr. Fraser, I am afraid I haven’t organised a car,” said one of his aides trailing behind.

“That’s fine,” Fraser said, “grab be a car from the pool. It won’t arouse suspicion if our path crosses with Whitlam.”

His aide ducked down another hallway, while Fraser continued his own way. Fraser pushed open a door and walked down a few stairs as a white Ford LTD pulled up. Fraser opened the left side passenger door and got in. He was due at Government House at 1 o’clock, though now it appeared he was earlier.

Parliament House, 12:45pm

Whitlam had been delayed in getting out of Parliament, but now was on his way with a written advice for the Governor-General to call the election Whitlam needed. Whitlam was quick in getting into his private car.

Government House, 1:00pm

Whitlam jumped out of his car and walked up the stairs of Government House. Whitlam was led into the office of the Governor-General. Kerr was sitting, waiting. He stood and held out his hand.

“Gough,” he said, “let’s get this over with.”

Whitlam took his hand and sat. “Yes, let’s just get this over with.” Whitlam opened his briefcase and reached for the note that would advise the election. As he stretched out his arm to hand it to Kerr, the Governor-General stopped him.

“I am sorry Gough,” he said, “but I am afraid the election is not the reason I called you here.” Whitlam sat back in his seat. “I am sorry. I am revoking the commission of you and your government under Section 64 of the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia. Here is a letter which outlines my reasons for doing so. I am sorry, Gough.”

Whitlam took the letter and stood. He took a quick look at the phones in the office. “I must get in touch with the Palace.” He quickly looked back to Kerr. “Was the Palace consulted on this?”

“I did not need to on this matter. I consulted Garfield Barwick on matters of the Constitution. I am sorry Gough but I needed to resolve your posturing and planning with Fraser, all the talking wasn’t helping. Gough we are both going to have to live with this.”

You certainly will,” Gough replied.

Kerr held out his hand. “I wish you luck in the coming election Gough.”

Whitlam took his hand and left.

Government House, 1:05pm

After Whitlam left, Kerr called in his aide. “Bring in Mr. Fraser, please.”

Kerr sat as his aide brought in Fraser. Kerr gestured to Fraser to sit.

“I have just dismissed the government. Would you be willing and or able to form a caretaker government under the pre-agreed arrangements?”

“Yes, Your Excellency.”

Fraser left to return to Parliament. Kerr returned to a luncheon party.

“Where were you John?” asked one of the guests.

“Busy dismissing the government,” Kerr chuckled as he sat.

The Lodge (Residence of the Prime Minister), 1:15pm

Whitlam returned to The Lodge, where he informed his aides that the Governor-General had decommissioned the government.

“Mr. Prime Minister,” said one of his aides, “ALP Senators are going to introduce a motion to pass the supply bills in the Senate. If we coordinate the motion with a motion of no confidence against the Coalition government, then supply passes and Kerr has to re-commission your government.”

“And then I replace Kerr with a man who will take my advice. Very good. Phone Wriedt and the Chief Whip and prepare the motions.”

“Very good, Prime Minister.”
 
...Nothing Can Save the Governor-General

Senate Chamber, 1:30pm

Manager of ALP Business in the Senate Doug McClelland walked quickly towards the Senate Chamber to introduce a new motion to pass the supply bills. He had just met with the Prime Minister and the Speaker of the House to introduce motions that would result in the collapse of the Fraser caretaker government. As he approached the Senate Chamber, he saw Liberal Leader in the Senate Reg Withers.

“Senator Withers,” McClelland said, “good thing I’ve run into you. I am going to let you know that the ALP is going to introduce a motion to obtain supply.”

What McClelland didn’t know is that Withers had just been informed of the dismissal of the Witham government.

“Very well, Senator McClelland.”

Office of Malcolm Fraser, 1:35pm

“Reg,” Fraser stated, “can we obtain supply?”

“With ease. The ALP are going to introduce a motion to pass the supply bill.”

Fraser leaned back in his chair. “Whitlam must not have informed his party of his sacking yet. Let them introduce the motion. The ALP can vote it to pass and sign Whitlam’s death warrant.”

Senate Chamber, 1:45pm

Ken Wriedt, Labor Leader in the Senate, stood. “I move that the Senate pass the appropriation bills without any further delay in the interests of the Australian people.”

“Does anyone second this motion?” asked the President of the Senate. McClelland stood. “I second the motion, Mr. President.”

“Very well, we shall vote on the matter in 40 minutes time.”

Office of the Prime Minister, 1:50pm

“The motion has been introduced, the vote will take place in about half an hour,” stated Whitlam’s chief aide.

“Ask the Chief Whip if he has to votes in the House,” Whitlam replied

Senate Chamber, 2:24pm

The vote on Wriedt’s motion took place. The Liberal-National Senators were confused to see the Labour Party Senators raising their hands in favour of the motion.

“Surely they still don’t know about the dismissal,” Withers stated to another Senator.

The President of the Senate counted the votes. “And with 59 votes in favour and one dissention, the motion introduced by Senator Wriedt passes. Due to the nature of the motion, the government’s appropriation bills are also passed.”

With the vote passed, Wriedt and McClelland shook hands. Their part had been played.

“Might I ask something Senators?” asked Withers.

“Be out guest Senator Withers,” replied McClelland.

“Surely you know about the sacking of your government by the Governor-General and hour ago. Why did you vote in favour of the motion?”

“Because of what happens next,” replied Wriedt.

House of Representatives, 2:32pm

Malcolm Fraser stood. “Honorable Members, I regret to inform you that the government of Gough Whitlam was dismissed by the Governor-General Sir John Kerr at 1pm this afternoon and that I was commissioned as caretaker Prime Minister.”

There was some uproar by the Labor side and some uproar from the Coalition side. However, Whitlam who had raced back to Parliament, stood calmly.

“Mr. Speaker. My government was dismissed. But even a caretaker government must survive the confidence of the House. Mr. Speaker, I move that confidence should not be shown in the caretaker government of Malcolm Fraser.”

House of Representatives, 2:38pm

“With 66 votes for, and 61 against, a motion of no-confidence in the caretaker government of Malcolm Fraser has taken placed successfully. The House will adjourn for the remainder of the day for me to advise the Governor-General,” stated House Speaker Gordon Scholes.

Whitlam took the opportunity to give Scholes the head start in getting to Kerr, and jumped up to confront Fraser.

“Did you really think that was going to work, Malcolm?” Whitlam asked passive-aggressively.

“Oh it still can,” Fraser stated, “I just need to get to Kerr before Scholes does.”

“Good luck with that, Mr. Fraser.”

Parliament House, 2:40pm

“Mr. Scholes,” called Whitlam’s aide, “the Prime Minister has a car for you, if you would like to follow me.” The aide then gesture his arm.

“Yes of course,” said Scholes, “this better bloody work you know.” Scholes was led down a corridor and to a side door. A car was, as promised, waiting to carry the Speaker off to Government House.

Government House, 2:57pm

“Your Excellency,” stated Scholes as Kerr entered his office, “thank you for meeting with me on such short notice.”

“My aide said it was urgent,” Kerr said, “you better hurry, I have a meeting in a few minutes.”

“With Mr. Fraser, I know. I have to formally advise you to re-commission the government of Gough Whitlam as a motion of no confidence just passed in the House of Representative against the caretaker government of Malcolm Fraser. As Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Australia, it is my duty to give you this advice, Your Excellency.”

Kerr sat slowly. “Whitlam still won’t have the supply. Even if he advises the election, his government won’t have the supply.”

Scholes, who remained standing, replied, “I’m afraid you are wrong. The Labor Party introduced a motion to the Senate, calling for the passing the appropriation bills. Supply was passed. You have no justification for a second dismissal, Mr. Kerr.”

“I guess I need to phone the Palace and tender my resignation. There is no way Whitlam will let me stay on after this.”

Government House, 3pm

As Fraser ran up the stairs of Government House, he saw it was too late. Scholes had beaten him. He had failed. Whitlam had fought back, and now there was nothing he could do to stop it.

Office of the Prime Minister, 3:05pm

Whitlam sat in his office, waiting for the call. He knew it was coming. When the phone finally rang, he answered with a sly glee.

“The Prime Minister’s office,” Whitlam answered smugly.

Yes, I guess that is the situation.” Kerr replied. “Well done Gough, you won. Scholes has advised me to re-commission your government, and seeing as his advice reached me before Fraser’s did, you win.

“Thank you John,” Whitlam replied, “we both know this is the right choice for you to make.”

You coordinated well, I must say. But anyway. You and I both know that I cannot stay on after this. I am about to phone the Palace and tender my resignation, effective immediately. I do wish you luck.

And with that, Whitlam was Prime Minister once more.

12 November 1975

Whitlam stood on a podium in front of a large crowd in Canberra. The aim was both a press conference and a party rally.

“Yesterday, the Governor-General dismissed me and my government for failing to achieve supply. However, I can inform you that a motion of no confidence was passed against Malcolm Fraser and his caretaker government only ten minutes after supply passed the Senate. The Governor-General has resigned. Well may we say, God Save the Queen, because nothing can save Malcolm Fraser!”

And the crowd roared.

14 November 1975
Government House

Whitlam was led into the office of the Governor-General. The new Governor-General was sworn in the day before.

“Eric,” said Whitlam, “congratulations on your appointment as Governor-General.” Eric Reece was the former Labor Premier of Tasmania, having lost the post after being forced to resign due to his age.

“Thank you for the appointment, Gough,” he replied.

“Let’s just get down to business.” Whitlam said, “This is my formal advice for the calling of a half-Senate election for 6 January next year.”

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And there we go! Do let me know if you want to see more, like the aftermath, the election and other things!
 
Fantastic. It would be interesting to see the productive chaos of the Whitlam years extended into the late '70s - although I would definitely fear a conservative backlash and neoliberal takeover in the Thatcheresque mould by the '80s.
 
Fantastic. It would be interesting to see the productive chaos of the Whitlam years extended into the late '70s - although I would definitely fear a conservative backlash and neoliberal takeover in the Thatcheresque mould by the '80s.

On the flip side, Whitlam could be considered the great-granddaddy of "Third Wayism", considering that he was the first to use the term "economic rationalism" (the Australian term to refer to Third Way policies), and he pursued policies like tariff cuts which didn't really fit the traditional socialist mould...

And his political successors, Hawke and Keating, are widely seen as the forefathers of Third Way...Tony Blair got his major inspiration from them...
 
Small problem - Fraser losing the vote in the House means he simply advises the Governor-General to call an election.

One of two things happens - Kerr refuses Fraser and re-appoints Whitlam (this timeline), where you're left with a bizarre situation of the Governor-General ignoring not one but two Prime Ministers, or (I think more likely), Kerr agrees to Fraser's request, in which case you have a full-scale constitutional nightmare of Whitlam arguing for his immediate reappointment and the Palace inevitably getting involved.
 
Fantastic. It would be interesting to see the productive chaos of the Whitlam years extended into the late '70s - although I would definitely fear a conservative backlash and neoliberal takeover in the Thatcheresque mould by the '80s.

I'll have to do some more research and ask my ALP friends where they think Whitlam would have gone, but I've got a couple of ideas. Of course, the first issue is dealing with Malcolm Fraser.

On the flip side, Whitlam could be considered the great-granddaddy of "Third Wayism", considering that he was the first to use the term "economic rationalism" (the Australian term to refer to Third Way policies), and he pursued policies like tariff cuts which didn't really fit the traditional socialist mould...

And his political successors, Hawke and Keating, are widely seen as the forefathers of Third Way...Tony Blair got his major inspiration from them...

Whitlam will have to do something about the recession that effectively poisoned his government and was the major factor behind Fraser' scheming.

One of two things happens - Kerr refuses Fraser and re-appoints Whitlam (this timeline), where you're left with a bizarre situation of the Governor-General ignoring not one but two Prime Ministers, or (I think more likely), Kerr agrees to Fraser's request, in which case you have a full-scale constitutional nightmare of Whitlam arguing for his immediate reappointment and the Palace inevitably getting involved.[/QUOTE]

Yes and that's what happened OTL. The ALP passed a motion of no confidence and the Speaker couldn't get to Kerr first. So what happens here is that because Whitlam had a coordinated parliamentary strategy, Scholes was prepared to get to Kerr and advise the re-commissioning before Fraser could arrive and advise the election. In this situation, Kerr would have had to follow the first advise received.

Scholes did write to the Palace asking for the Queen to override Kerr, but the Palace refused stating that:

As we understand the situation here, the Australian Constitution firmly places the prerogative powers of the Crown in the hands of the Governor-General as the representative of the Queen of Australia. The only person competent to commission an Australian Prime Minister is the Governor-General, and The Queen has no part in the decisions which the Governor-General must take in accordance with the Constitution. Her Majesty, as Queen of Australia, is watching events in Canberra with close interest and attention, but it would not be proper for her to intervene in person in matters which are so clearly placed within the jurisdiction of the Governor-General by the Constitution Act.
 
Whitlam himself is quoted as saying it would have been smarter of speaker Scholes to take the appropriation bills with him when going to see Kerr. Instead he foolishly had them sent ahead.
 
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