Soviets in the Sun: A Timeline
- Thread starter Comisario
- Start date
Subscribed. I keep thinking I should try to do a timeline like this, but clearly I can't do the amount of detailed research like this.
Book I- The Spanish War of Liberation
Chapter 2
Conquerors and Commissars
The grand offensive had been successful. The Republic had a resurgence of hope amongst the civilians, soldiers and government ministers all. Enrique Líster and Valentin Gonzalez became known as the "Saviours of Madrid", even garnering respect from the CNT-FAI for their heroic victory over the Nationalists. The Communist Party numbers swelled again at this great victory, as they had planned it and executed it with great conviction. From 30,000 members in July 1936, they had grown to over 100,000 members by the spring of 1937. Now, those numbers grew again to 175,000. The prestige for the PCE gained from Brunete would never be diminished [1]. Morale amongst the International Brigades hit an exuberant high as the Republic's propaganda machine spread thrilling (and sometimes exaggerated accounts) of their bravery in the face of Madrid's fascist besiegers. Varela, under guard by NKVD agents and International Brigadiers, was still recovering, dreading the day when the Soviet agents would want to interrogate him.
The "Saviours of Madrid" (left to right): Enrique Líster and Valentin Gonzalez
In the Nationalist camp, Franco feared for an even more devastating battle: the battle between the Falangists and the Carlists [2]. With news of Colonel Yagüe's abandonment of General Varela, the Carlists began demanding compensation. Some voices called for Yagüe's execution as a traitor. Others, such as the Carlists' political leader, Manuel Fal Condé, simply wished for Yagüe's dismissal from frontline command. The Carlist regent and commander-in-chief, Prince Javier of Bourbon-Parma, expressed some disagreement with Fal Condé, but didn't force his position on General Franco. In response, the Caudillo planned for a meeting between Falangist and Carlist leaders in Burgos to decide on Yagüe's fate [3]. This was to be held on the 15th July. Members of the Spanish Falange had praised Yagüe for his tactical sense, preferring to condemn Varela for his lack of success in battle and supposed willingness to hand himself over to the Republicans. Some Falangists, especially those on the left-wing of the party, accused Varela of deliberate sabotage, and even collaboration with the Republic [4]. The Falangists called for an official denouncement of General Varela. Franco was determined to keep Yagüe at the front and also keep the Nationalist factions together [5]. The 15th July arrived, bringing the extremities of the Nationalist political spectrum with it. Prince Javier, Manuel Fal Condé and Tomás Domínguez Arévalo represented the Carlists at Burgos. Ramon Serrano Suñer, Raimundo Fernández-Cuesta and Dionisio Ridruejo represented the Falange. The Carlists called for Yagüe's dismissal, claiming he was actually a communist and should be subject to a military trial for disobeying General Varela [6]. Franco was intelligent enough to select his brother-in-law and FET-JONS president, Ramon Serrano Suñer, as the primary Falangist delegate [7]. Ramon was fiercely loyal to Franco and, without any hesitation, executed the orders he was given prior to the Burgos Meeting. He agreed with the Carlists, confusing his fellow Falangists. But, to quell any of their dissent, he argued that Yagüe's dismissal would "... leave a gaping wound in the Nationalist party. One that would not heal, should either side get their way". Serrano Suñer would not allow the Republic to gain from Nationalist sectarianism [8]. All those in attendance were given reassurances of comradeship between all factions within in the FET-JONS. Alongside this dissent, Mussolini and Hitler lost all faith in ending the war quickly. Franco had to abandon Madrid, even if it meant losing some support from the fascists of Europe. The Nationalists stood together, but nobody could guarantee for how long.
The Burgos Meeting- 1937
The Falangists (left to right): Ramon Serrano Suñer, Dionisio Ridruejo and Raimundo Fernández-Cuesta
The Carlists (left to right): Prince Javier of Bourbon-Parma, Tomás Domínguez Arévalo and Manuel Fal Condé
A report from General Kléber to Marshal Kliment Voroshilov noted "... an optimistic mood and the resurgence of confidence in victory (the latter has especially strengthened since the operation at Brunete)" [9]. Reports such as this flooded back to Moscow, where Stalin was cautiously preparing for war with Hitler. To achieve such ends, Stalin had given minimal support to the Republic in the hope that the Western Allies would not isolate him in anticipation of war with Germany. Thus, Soviet agents and advisors acted independently and against the wishes of Stalin whilst in Spain. They had pushed for greater communist control at all levels of the Spanish state. To Stalin, Spain was a sideshow compared to Hitler and his ever-expanding Third Reich. This changed with the offensive at Brunete [10]. The Republic had proved itself militarily capable in the face of fascism. Stalin was intrigued by the Spanish situation and called upon the records of the Soviet Union's trade with the Republic. He was horrified to find that government officials and accountants were trying to profit from the Republic. They had been using unscrupulous methods when changing Spanish gold into roubles, roubles into dollars, and then dollars into pesetas. The rouble-dollar exchange rate was fixed at 5.3:1, whilst the Soviet bureaucrats were using 2.5:1 to profit from the desperate Spanish Republic. Stalin had many of them forced from office and from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union [11]. Stalin had new officials put in charge of the trade with Spain, putting the proper fixed rate of roubles-dollars into practice and cutting the prices of armaments and materials for the Republic. In Spain, Stalin saw the chance to strike at fascism and steal a victory from Hitler and Mussolini.
Poster of Stalin outside of the PCE's headquarters in Madrid.
On the 18th July, another new surprise came for the Republic: the Pyrenean crossings were open [12]. French arms would be crossing into Spain for the first time since the civil war started.
***
[1] In OTL, Brunete was a disaster for the PCE.
[2] These two factions would come to blows more than once in OTL. ITTL, you'll see an even greater divide.
[3] Burgos was the seat of Franco's government during the Spanish Civil War.
[4] A mirror of the accusations made between the communists and anarchists on the Republican side.
[5] A mirror of the fears of the Republican government.
[6] Equating the Falange with the Communist Party was common amongst the right-wing monarchists and Carlists on the Nationalist side.
[7] "FET-JONS" stands for "Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista". This was the single party of the Nationalists, formed by Franco as a merger of the Spanish Falange, the Carlists, and various other small parties on the Nationalist side.
[8] As Franco did at the expense of the Republic in OTL.
[9] This quote is the complete opposite of one of Kléber's reports to Voroshilov in the aftermath of Brunete.
[10] As the Republic hoped it would, and was logical to expect. Until then, the Republic had won no major offensives.
[11] You didn't believe he'd be lenient, did you?
[12] As the Republic had hoped and came close to getting.
Chapter 2
Conquerors and Commissars
The grand offensive had been successful. The Republic had a resurgence of hope amongst the civilians, soldiers and government ministers all. Enrique Líster and Valentin Gonzalez became known as the "Saviours of Madrid", even garnering respect from the CNT-FAI for their heroic victory over the Nationalists. The Communist Party numbers swelled again at this great victory, as they had planned it and executed it with great conviction. From 30,000 members in July 1936, they had grown to over 100,000 members by the spring of 1937. Now, those numbers grew again to 175,000. The prestige for the PCE gained from Brunete would never be diminished [1]. Morale amongst the International Brigades hit an exuberant high as the Republic's propaganda machine spread thrilling (and sometimes exaggerated accounts) of their bravery in the face of Madrid's fascist besiegers. Varela, under guard by NKVD agents and International Brigadiers, was still recovering, dreading the day when the Soviet agents would want to interrogate him.
The "Saviours of Madrid" (left to right): Enrique Líster and Valentin Gonzalez
In the Nationalist camp, Franco feared for an even more devastating battle: the battle between the Falangists and the Carlists [2]. With news of Colonel Yagüe's abandonment of General Varela, the Carlists began demanding compensation. Some voices called for Yagüe's execution as a traitor. Others, such as the Carlists' political leader, Manuel Fal Condé, simply wished for Yagüe's dismissal from frontline command. The Carlist regent and commander-in-chief, Prince Javier of Bourbon-Parma, expressed some disagreement with Fal Condé, but didn't force his position on General Franco. In response, the Caudillo planned for a meeting between Falangist and Carlist leaders in Burgos to decide on Yagüe's fate [3]. This was to be held on the 15th July. Members of the Spanish Falange had praised Yagüe for his tactical sense, preferring to condemn Varela for his lack of success in battle and supposed willingness to hand himself over to the Republicans. Some Falangists, especially those on the left-wing of the party, accused Varela of deliberate sabotage, and even collaboration with the Republic [4]. The Falangists called for an official denouncement of General Varela. Franco was determined to keep Yagüe at the front and also keep the Nationalist factions together [5]. The 15th July arrived, bringing the extremities of the Nationalist political spectrum with it. Prince Javier, Manuel Fal Condé and Tomás Domínguez Arévalo represented the Carlists at Burgos. Ramon Serrano Suñer, Raimundo Fernández-Cuesta and Dionisio Ridruejo represented the Falange. The Carlists called for Yagüe's dismissal, claiming he was actually a communist and should be subject to a military trial for disobeying General Varela [6]. Franco was intelligent enough to select his brother-in-law and FET-JONS president, Ramon Serrano Suñer, as the primary Falangist delegate [7]. Ramon was fiercely loyal to Franco and, without any hesitation, executed the orders he was given prior to the Burgos Meeting. He agreed with the Carlists, confusing his fellow Falangists. But, to quell any of their dissent, he argued that Yagüe's dismissal would "... leave a gaping wound in the Nationalist party. One that would not heal, should either side get their way". Serrano Suñer would not allow the Republic to gain from Nationalist sectarianism [8]. All those in attendance were given reassurances of comradeship between all factions within in the FET-JONS. Alongside this dissent, Mussolini and Hitler lost all faith in ending the war quickly. Franco had to abandon Madrid, even if it meant losing some support from the fascists of Europe. The Nationalists stood together, but nobody could guarantee for how long.
The Burgos Meeting- 1937
The Falangists (left to right): Ramon Serrano Suñer, Dionisio Ridruejo and Raimundo Fernández-Cuesta
The Carlists (left to right): Prince Javier of Bourbon-Parma, Tomás Domínguez Arévalo and Manuel Fal Condé
A report from General Kléber to Marshal Kliment Voroshilov noted "... an optimistic mood and the resurgence of confidence in victory (the latter has especially strengthened since the operation at Brunete)" [9]. Reports such as this flooded back to Moscow, where Stalin was cautiously preparing for war with Hitler. To achieve such ends, Stalin had given minimal support to the Republic in the hope that the Western Allies would not isolate him in anticipation of war with Germany. Thus, Soviet agents and advisors acted independently and against the wishes of Stalin whilst in Spain. They had pushed for greater communist control at all levels of the Spanish state. To Stalin, Spain was a sideshow compared to Hitler and his ever-expanding Third Reich. This changed with the offensive at Brunete [10]. The Republic had proved itself militarily capable in the face of fascism. Stalin was intrigued by the Spanish situation and called upon the records of the Soviet Union's trade with the Republic. He was horrified to find that government officials and accountants were trying to profit from the Republic. They had been using unscrupulous methods when changing Spanish gold into roubles, roubles into dollars, and then dollars into pesetas. The rouble-dollar exchange rate was fixed at 5.3:1, whilst the Soviet bureaucrats were using 2.5:1 to profit from the desperate Spanish Republic. Stalin had many of them forced from office and from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union [11]. Stalin had new officials put in charge of the trade with Spain, putting the proper fixed rate of roubles-dollars into practice and cutting the prices of armaments and materials for the Republic. In Spain, Stalin saw the chance to strike at fascism and steal a victory from Hitler and Mussolini.
Poster of Stalin outside of the PCE's headquarters in Madrid.
On the 18th July, another new surprise came for the Republic: the Pyrenean crossings were open [12]. French arms would be crossing into Spain for the first time since the civil war started.
***
[1] In OTL, Brunete was a disaster for the PCE.
[2] These two factions would come to blows more than once in OTL. ITTL, you'll see an even greater divide.
[3] Burgos was the seat of Franco's government during the Spanish Civil War.
[4] A mirror of the accusations made between the communists and anarchists on the Republican side.
[5] A mirror of the fears of the Republican government.
[6] Equating the Falange with the Communist Party was common amongst the right-wing monarchists and Carlists on the Nationalist side.
[7] "FET-JONS" stands for "Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista". This was the single party of the Nationalists, formed by Franco as a merger of the Spanish Falange, the Carlists, and various other small parties on the Nationalist side.
[8] As Franco did at the expense of the Republic in OTL.
[9] This quote is the complete opposite of one of Kléber's reports to Voroshilov in the aftermath of Brunete.
[10] As the Republic hoped it would, and was logical to expect. Until then, the Republic had won no major offensives.
[11] You didn't believe he'd be lenient, did you?
[12] As the Republic had hoped and came close to getting.
Meticulous and detailed research is incredibly rewarding. You'll find so much surprising information with just a little more effort. But then again, I've always enjoyed it anyway.
Can I ask what sort of timeline you would go for? What POD?
Razgriz 2K9
Banned
Sir, I am subscribing. This timeline is quite interesting and, while I am unsure on how a Communist Spain would work out...I'd be interested inhow it plays.
Well, I'm definitely taking this until the end of World War 2. But, I have also planned some post-WW2 and post-Cold War updates as well. So, it all depends if people want to see the entirety of Spain's fate or not.
Yes Please!
We're a long way off but because of your politeness, I've begun writing up some drafts for future updates set even in the 21st century. I hope I can deliver
Razgriz 2K9
Banned
I too would look forward to seeing how far you can take this towards the 21st century.
All of this interest for 21st century updates and we're not even done with the civil war yet!
Haha, I really hope I can deliver now.By the way, I've been reading "The Empire Means Peace", and through I'm not up to date with it, I've enjoyed it thus far.
I apologise for that. It's just that half of the maps I could find either gave too little detail and a good overview, or they gave plenty of detail and were incredibly specific.
But, for your pleasure
(it's in Spanish, but it's the best I could find)
Book I- The Spanish War of Liberation
Chapter 3
War in the North
The Army of the North had been in constant retreat since the fall of Bilbao on June 19th. Falling back along the Cantabrian coastline had significantly weakened the morale of General Ulibarri's Army of the North. But, with Madrid and its outlying areas consolidated under Republican control, the Army of the North was given more time to retreat and prepare for the eventuality of a Nationalist attack. Because of Mussolini's discontent with Brunete's outcome and the dissent from the Italian- and German-backed Falangists within the FET-JONS, Franco felt that pursuing an offensive in Cantabria and the Basque Country would (where most of Italy's volunteer forces were concentrated) would have put undue strain on Franco's alliance with Mussolini [1]. Ulibarri's forces had completely retreated behind the Cantabrian Mountains by July 17th, settling in Santander in expectation of a lengthy siege. The vulnerable Escudo Pass was reinforced as Ulibarri arranged his divisions along the Cantabrian mountain range. He waited for an offensive that wasn't coming any time soon.
General Ulibarri on horseback, leading his Army of the North to Santander.
With the opening of the Pyrenean borders, huge amounts of war matériel poured into the Republic. Artillery, small arms, trucks and ammunition bought for the Republc flooded into Spain from nations such as the Soviet Union, France, Poland and the United Kingdom. One Soviet ship, ordered to Santander due to reports from the Ministry of National Defence, came to the aid of Mariano Gamir Ulibarri's soldiers. Artillery, ammunition and food rations made up a major part of this shipment due to the expectation of a protracted siege. Material aid grew over the next week until a surprise announcement from France. The border would close again on the morning of the 25th July, meaning supplies and aid had to be rushed through at a considerable pace [2]. This threw a great part of the Republican administration into disarray as they struggled to bring deliveries through the Pyrenees before the border shut. Some deliveries were lost behind the border, but a majority of them made it through. This radical French action against the Republic was actually the work of Britain's Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden. Eden believed in appeasement to Hitler, presuming Germany would serve the capitalist nations of Europe as a bulwark against Soviet communism [3]. With the increase in support to the Republic, Eden saw the Soviet Union turning to a more aggressive policy in exporting the revolution in Europe. With France inadvertently facilitating Stalin's new plans, Eden felt forced to act and bring the French government's policies back in line with the Non-Intervention Committee.
On the 26th July, troops under Enrique Líster were deployed to Aragon in order to disband the CNT-dominated Council of Aragon [4]. Joaquín Ascaso, the President of the Council, had been subject to a campaign denouncing him as a criminal and a mafia boss [5]. One-hundred members of the Council were imprisoned in the town of Caspe. The anarchist and socialist collectives of Aragon were to be disbanded, yet only after Líster ordered their harvests to be collected. Mariano Vásquez, the Secretary-General of the CNT, demanded action be taken against Líster, but nothing was done. Nothing was done because Líster was to be instrumental in the coming offensive against Zaragoza.
Joaquín Ascaso. He would not survive the end of the Spanish Civil War.
Many of the divisions who took part in the Battle of Brunete were now being called up for a new offensive. The Republican Chief of the General Staff, Vicente Rojo Lluch, was determined to push through Aragon and relieve the Army of the North in time for a Nationalist assault on Santander, and so planned an attack on Zaragoza. There was also a political reason for the Zaragoza Offensive. The Republican government sought to establish control over Catalonia and Aragon following the anarchy of the past year [6]. The offensive was headed by General Sebastián Pozas and his chief of staff, Colonel Antonio Cordón. There were six divisions under their command. Líster's 11th Division, the 26th Division, the 27th Division, General Walter's 35th Division, the 43rd Division, and Kléber's 45th Division would all take part. At several strategic points along the 100-kilometre stretch of land between the towns of Zuera and Belchite, the divisions would strike quickly, supported by new Soviet tanks and artillery brought in from before the Pyrenees were closed off. There was to be no aircraft bombings or artillery fire in the preceding days, so as to give the Army of the East the advantage of surprising the enemy. It began on the 4th August, starting with the swift capture of Zuera by the 27th Division. Kléber's 45th Division joined the attack at midday, reaching Villamayor de Gállego without much resistance. He halted his advance due to a lack of intelligence on the enemy's defences at Zaragoza. The 35th and the 43rd Divisions were called in for an attack on Codo in an effort to block the road between Mediana and Belchite, so that the easily defensible Belchite could be cut off from supporting the main Nationalist troops by the Ebro River. Codo was only taken from its Carlist defenders by the evening. Having learnt to take advantage of undefended and clear parts of the enemy's defences from his experiences at Brunete, Líster took no time in taking Fuentes de Ebro [7]. The next day, the 27th Division descended upon Villanueva de Gállego. The initial struggle there would be short, but the small town would continue to resist throughout the afternoon. Walter's 35th Division moved north to take the lightly-defended Mediana and then to advance to El Burgo de Ebro. August 7th came and Líster, supported by Soviet artillery, General Walter, and the International Tank Regiment, began advancing onwards to Zaragoza. The initial attack was unsuccessful, only being able to advance to within two kilometres from Zaragoza before the Nationalist lieutenant general, Miguel Ponte, dispatched the 51st and 52d Divisions to meet Líster. But, as Líster battled by the banks of the Ebro, the 27th Division was moving further south along the Gállego River. Also, by the afternoon of the 7th, General Kléber had crossed the Gállego River to regroup with the 27th Division and strike from behind Zaragoza. The city was held by no more than eleven-thousand men, all of them unprepared for an attack from the rear. As a street by street battle ensued, Miguel Ponte held a tenuous grip on his 50th Division, who stood as the last defence of Zaragoza. Ponte recalled the 51st and 52nd Divisions, sending a group of Heinkel bombers after them so as to slow a prospective advance of the 11th and 35th Divisions into the beating heart of the Aragon Front. Zaragoza would hold.
T-26 tank accompanied by International Brigadiers on the road to Zaragoza.
But then, on the 8th August, news arrived from the Army of the North. Messerschmitts and Heinkel bombers were seen over the Cantabrian Mountains. The Battle of Santander had begun.
***
[1] As he never worried about in OTL. Mussolini was all too willing to support any of Franco's ideas.
[2] As in OTL, but a few days later.
[3] Oh how wrong he was...
[4] As in OTL.
[5] Accusations from OTL.
[6] Some groups will be supplanting the CNT in these areas in the future. These groups will make new friends out of old enemies.
[7] In OTL, these lessons would go unlearnt and these opportunities would be missed as a result.
Chapter 3
War in the North
The Army of the North had been in constant retreat since the fall of Bilbao on June 19th. Falling back along the Cantabrian coastline had significantly weakened the morale of General Ulibarri's Army of the North. But, with Madrid and its outlying areas consolidated under Republican control, the Army of the North was given more time to retreat and prepare for the eventuality of a Nationalist attack. Because of Mussolini's discontent with Brunete's outcome and the dissent from the Italian- and German-backed Falangists within the FET-JONS, Franco felt that pursuing an offensive in Cantabria and the Basque Country would (where most of Italy's volunteer forces were concentrated) would have put undue strain on Franco's alliance with Mussolini [1]. Ulibarri's forces had completely retreated behind the Cantabrian Mountains by July 17th, settling in Santander in expectation of a lengthy siege. The vulnerable Escudo Pass was reinforced as Ulibarri arranged his divisions along the Cantabrian mountain range. He waited for an offensive that wasn't coming any time soon.
General Ulibarri on horseback, leading his Army of the North to Santander.
With the opening of the Pyrenean borders, huge amounts of war matériel poured into the Republic. Artillery, small arms, trucks and ammunition bought for the Republc flooded into Spain from nations such as the Soviet Union, France, Poland and the United Kingdom. One Soviet ship, ordered to Santander due to reports from the Ministry of National Defence, came to the aid of Mariano Gamir Ulibarri's soldiers. Artillery, ammunition and food rations made up a major part of this shipment due to the expectation of a protracted siege. Material aid grew over the next week until a surprise announcement from France. The border would close again on the morning of the 25th July, meaning supplies and aid had to be rushed through at a considerable pace [2]. This threw a great part of the Republican administration into disarray as they struggled to bring deliveries through the Pyrenees before the border shut. Some deliveries were lost behind the border, but a majority of them made it through. This radical French action against the Republic was actually the work of Britain's Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden. Eden believed in appeasement to Hitler, presuming Germany would serve the capitalist nations of Europe as a bulwark against Soviet communism [3]. With the increase in support to the Republic, Eden saw the Soviet Union turning to a more aggressive policy in exporting the revolution in Europe. With France inadvertently facilitating Stalin's new plans, Eden felt forced to act and bring the French government's policies back in line with the Non-Intervention Committee.
On the 26th July, troops under Enrique Líster were deployed to Aragon in order to disband the CNT-dominated Council of Aragon [4]. Joaquín Ascaso, the President of the Council, had been subject to a campaign denouncing him as a criminal and a mafia boss [5]. One-hundred members of the Council were imprisoned in the town of Caspe. The anarchist and socialist collectives of Aragon were to be disbanded, yet only after Líster ordered their harvests to be collected. Mariano Vásquez, the Secretary-General of the CNT, demanded action be taken against Líster, but nothing was done. Nothing was done because Líster was to be instrumental in the coming offensive against Zaragoza.
Joaquín Ascaso. He would not survive the end of the Spanish Civil War.
Many of the divisions who took part in the Battle of Brunete were now being called up for a new offensive. The Republican Chief of the General Staff, Vicente Rojo Lluch, was determined to push through Aragon and relieve the Army of the North in time for a Nationalist assault on Santander, and so planned an attack on Zaragoza. There was also a political reason for the Zaragoza Offensive. The Republican government sought to establish control over Catalonia and Aragon following the anarchy of the past year [6]. The offensive was headed by General Sebastián Pozas and his chief of staff, Colonel Antonio Cordón. There were six divisions under their command. Líster's 11th Division, the 26th Division, the 27th Division, General Walter's 35th Division, the 43rd Division, and Kléber's 45th Division would all take part. At several strategic points along the 100-kilometre stretch of land between the towns of Zuera and Belchite, the divisions would strike quickly, supported by new Soviet tanks and artillery brought in from before the Pyrenees were closed off. There was to be no aircraft bombings or artillery fire in the preceding days, so as to give the Army of the East the advantage of surprising the enemy. It began on the 4th August, starting with the swift capture of Zuera by the 27th Division. Kléber's 45th Division joined the attack at midday, reaching Villamayor de Gállego without much resistance. He halted his advance due to a lack of intelligence on the enemy's defences at Zaragoza. The 35th and the 43rd Divisions were called in for an attack on Codo in an effort to block the road between Mediana and Belchite, so that the easily defensible Belchite could be cut off from supporting the main Nationalist troops by the Ebro River. Codo was only taken from its Carlist defenders by the evening. Having learnt to take advantage of undefended and clear parts of the enemy's defences from his experiences at Brunete, Líster took no time in taking Fuentes de Ebro [7]. The next day, the 27th Division descended upon Villanueva de Gállego. The initial struggle there would be short, but the small town would continue to resist throughout the afternoon. Walter's 35th Division moved north to take the lightly-defended Mediana and then to advance to El Burgo de Ebro. August 7th came and Líster, supported by Soviet artillery, General Walter, and the International Tank Regiment, began advancing onwards to Zaragoza. The initial attack was unsuccessful, only being able to advance to within two kilometres from Zaragoza before the Nationalist lieutenant general, Miguel Ponte, dispatched the 51st and 52d Divisions to meet Líster. But, as Líster battled by the banks of the Ebro, the 27th Division was moving further south along the Gállego River. Also, by the afternoon of the 7th, General Kléber had crossed the Gállego River to regroup with the 27th Division and strike from behind Zaragoza. The city was held by no more than eleven-thousand men, all of them unprepared for an attack from the rear. As a street by street battle ensued, Miguel Ponte held a tenuous grip on his 50th Division, who stood as the last defence of Zaragoza. Ponte recalled the 51st and 52nd Divisions, sending a group of Heinkel bombers after them so as to slow a prospective advance of the 11th and 35th Divisions into the beating heart of the Aragon Front. Zaragoza would hold.
T-26 tank accompanied by International Brigadiers on the road to Zaragoza.
But then, on the 8th August, news arrived from the Army of the North. Messerschmitts and Heinkel bombers were seen over the Cantabrian Mountains. The Battle of Santander had begun.
***
[1] As he never worried about in OTL. Mussolini was all too willing to support any of Franco's ideas.
[2] As in OTL, but a few days later.
[3] Oh how wrong he was...
[4] As in OTL.
[5] Accusations from OTL.
[6] Some groups will be supplanting the CNT in these areas in the future. These groups will make new friends out of old enemies.
[7] In OTL, these lessons would go unlearnt and these opportunities would be missed as a result.
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Guess the Anarchists have to be persecuted as OTL.
I won't contradict you, but don't expect clear lines in the Republic's "civil war within a civil war".
Anyway, purges and politics will be dealt with in tomorrow's update-
WAR IN THE SHADOWS...
*cue dramatic music*