Chapter Twenty One: Thoughts and Perspectives (part one)
Geon
Donor
Chapter Twenty-One: Thoughts and Perspectives:
As the year 1963 came to an end, for three men, looking back on their actions of the past year there was much to consider. In the year to come many of their decisions would influence not just themselves but the whole nation.
John Connally:
November 22, 1963 would haunt John Connally to the day he died. And it was not just because of the pain of his wounds, or the haunting nightmares he had of that day, but the political consequences brought on by what happened both in the motorcade and later on Air Force One.
At the start of November there was little or no question how Texas would vote in the November election next year. Kennedy, the charismatic president, and Johnson, a son of Texas, were practically assured a win come November. The trip to Texas in late November had simply been to shore up support and encourage the President’s supporters.
All of that had come crashing down come November 22nd. Although it didn’t seem so at first. Sympathy for both J.F.K. an L.B.J. seemed to promise that whoever ran in ’64 on the Democratic ticket would most likely win the presidency.
But things had quickly changed in the past month. The botched investigation by the DPD of what happened, the growing anger in Washington, the rumors of a possible coverup and finally the mass arrest of twenty-five Dallas police officers including the chief of police had radically altered the situation
Texas was very much a law-and-order state. For the most part the people of Texas supported their local police departments. To have Washington send the F.B.I. in and arrest over two dozen members of the Dallas Police force smacked of interference by the Federal government. And Texans did not appreciate that one bit!
The release of ten of the two dozen officers on insufficient evidence had helped cool tempers somewhat. But fire/police unions in every major city of Texas were still threatening a walk-out if the remaining officers went to trial.
The sympathy factor which had been strong at the end of November was fast waning considering the arrests and threat of potential police strikes. The fact that the arrests were ordered by the Attorney General, Robert Kennedy, were seen more and more by some as revenge for the death of his brother. The Kennedy name was becoming less and less popular in Texas.
And that meant trouble for Connally. If he were honest with himself, he had been thinking of a presidential run practically from the moment he had gotten out of the hospital. Someone had to pick up the torch and Connally had initially hoped that sympathy for the death of a favorite son of Texas (Johnson) would be a real advantage to him.
George Wallace’s announcement of his candidacy had forced Connally’s hand. He was not going to allow Wallace to grab the nomination. A Wallace presidency to his mind would be a disaster both for the Democratic party and for the nation.
But a Wallace nomination seemed more likely now given the changing political climate. If Connally couldn’t prevent a strike by the police and fire departments in every major Texas city, he would be seen as weak. But, if Connally cracked down, as some were advising him to do, by firing strikers and sending in the National Guard, then he would be seen as harsh and authoritarian. Either way his candidacy would be dead before it even started.
Connally knew he needed to act quickly if he were to save his campaign. First, he had scheduled a meeting with President McCormack early in January. He had requested that the Attorney General also be present.
Second, he also had scheduled a conference with the leaders of the respective police/fire unions who were threatening to strike. Perhaps some compromise or agreement could be reached without the threat of draconian measures.
For Connally January might well be a make-or-break month.
George Wallace:
If Governor George Wallace were asked, he would state reluctantly perhaps that yes, he was a political opportunist. The deaths of both President Kennedy and Vice President Johnson had opened a door Wallace did not think would be opened to him until ’68.
His own campaign had gotten off to a good start. Given the situation in Texas most early polls had shown Wallace a clear leader in most southern states.
But the Grace Baptist Church bombing as well as the arson attack on the Woolworth’s in Selma had thrown a monkey wrench into what had so far been a successful campaign.
Wallace had billed himself as a law-and-order candidate. But a church bombing worse than the Birmingham incident earlier in the year was a serious threat to that claim.
Governor Wallace did not consider himself a racist. When he had been a judge, he had tried to treat everyone regardless of race as equal. It was noted for instance that he referred to any black people in his court courteously for the most part calling them sir or ma’am.
But the game of politics required compromise with one’s own personal beliefs at times. Wallace had learned that if you didn’t at least appear to be giving the majority what they wanted you could forget ever being elected anytime anywhere to any office.
And so, Wallace had played the race card throughout his candidacy for governor. And that meant he had to stand by his promises once he became governor.
But, more and more, Wallace’s conscience was bothering him.
The deaths of four little girls in Birmingham earlier in the year, who had simply been in the wrong place at the wrong time, and the deaths of seven people at Grace Baptist Church, had weighed on him. What was he willing to pay to sit in the White House?
The bombing at Grace Baptist convinced Wallace that if he was to remain a credible candidate and be able to look himself in the mirror each morning, he needed to act. He had already ordered a full investigation launched into the bombing and had made it clear to the local attorney general’s office that he expected them to seek the maximum penalty for those responsible.
The bombing had also made Wallace realize that he needed to start a dialogue with the one man who might be able to help him keep the present situation under control.
His secret meeting with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. had been a pleasant surprise. Dr. King was clearly an idealist, but he understood what was possible and what was not.
Wallace knew he could not, at present, drop his opposition to desegregation of schools and keep his base of voters in Alabama. Perhaps given time, and Dr. King’s efforts that would change, but for now he had to stick by his statement of ‘segregation now and forever’.
But there might be some ways to work around that. Dr. King was scheduled to lead a march in Selma to support the Woolworth’s manager who had broken ranks with other businesses and seated black people at the lunch counter. Wallace decided he needed to go to Selma first to speak personally with the police chief there and second to arrange another secret meeting with Dr. King.
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