Sir John Valentine Carden Survives. Part 2.

25 October 1941. Singapore.
25 October 1941. Singapore.

Lieutenant-General Percival finally had a chance to sit down and talk about the first couple of months of having tanks under his command with Lt-Col Michael Hedderwick (CO 11th Bn RTR). Hedderwick was happy to report that his men and machines were coping with the climate, and had begun exercising with both Australian and Indian troops.

During September, Hedderwick and his Squadron Commanders had gone on a lengthy tour of the area looking at the terrain. With Percival’s pre-war work on defending Malaya, the RTR officers concentrated on the most likely routes that a Japanese force might take to attack Singapore from the north. With some help from the Royal Engineers Survey Depot, the Battalion now had a fairly good set of maps of the whole area. These maps would allow the tanks to avoid bridges that would collapse under the weight of the Matilda II tanks, something the Royal Engineers were quite keen on. They also were fairly realistic about the kind of terrain that the tanks could use off-road. The expectation of the RTR officers was that Malaya would consist mostly of impassable jungle. The reality they’d found was quite different. Large areas of the countryside were set aside as rubber plantations. While a tank might knock down a few trees here and there, the plantations weren’t completely unsuitable ground for tanks.

Hedderwick noted that the conditions of the roads were always going to be a factor in the mobility of the tanks. He expressed his disappointment at how few tank transporters he had to move his tanks around. The tracks on a Matilda would always have a negative impact on road surfaces, but usually there was a verge on the side of the road that the tanks could use.

Having looked over the ground, Hedderwick had re-evaluated his request to keep the whole Battalion together in the event of an attack. Having a central depot where the tanks could be serviced was clearly important, and the RASC were happy to offer to expand one of their workshops for the RTR. The suggestion that Hedderwick now wanted to make was to offer to keep his HQ Squadron at Singapore itself. A, B and C squadrons could be parcelled out, one to each of the three Infantry Divisions (9th & 11th Indian, 8th Australian). Having 18 Infantry Tanks at the disposal of the Divisional General would allow sufficient flexibility.

Percival wanted to know Hedderwick’s evaluation of the plans for Operation Matador. Major Tom McBride, CO B Squadron, had been able to drive up to Bangkok and back in a civilian car with his driver ‘on leave’. They’d taken lots of photographs to let the intelligence officers get an idea of what might be possible.

Getting to it in a timely manner however was always going to be the problem. The speed of the Matilda II would be an issue for the infantry commander to have to take into account. The journey to Songkla, at about 140 miles, would put the tanks under a lot of strain. Pattani, which was half the distance, would be a more realistic prospect, if the tanks were to get there, fight and get back. The RTR officer was also concerned with Japanese forces outflanking that kind of move northwards in Thailand. His own assessment, which chimed with McBride’s, was that the RAF base in Kota Bharu would be a prime target for the Japanese. Any British force sent into Thailand could well find itself having to fight its way back.

Percival was pleased with Hedderwick’s assessment. It confirmed what he thought was the weakness of Operation Matador. He would be relying on two Brigades of 11th Indian Division to both hold Jitra in the west and move into Thailand in the east. Until the next wave of reinforcements arrived, and had time to acclimatise and train, Percival was concerned that his forces would be open to defeat in detail if they were spread out too much. The question about whether the Thai army and police would cooperate or resist an incursion was a matter of debate.

There were two routes leading from South Thailand into North Malaya—the main road from Singora via Haad’yai Junction into Kedah and a secondary road from Patani via Yala to Kroh in North Perak where it branched, the better road going west into Province Wellesley and the other, which reported to be fit only for light transport, turning south to join the main north-south road west of the Perak River.

McBride had noted that on his travels he had regularly bumped into Japanese men, obviously army, who seemed to be doing exactly the same kind of reconnaissance as he was. He particularly noted that on one of his stops a group of Japanese had stayed in the same rest house. The two parties then proceeded to meet again on the road to Kroh. There was a feature on the road, known as the Ledge, where the road was cut into the hillside, with a steep descent to a river below. If that road was destroyed, movement south would be severely hampered. If it were open, it would allow a force to move into the rear areas of the Indian Division around Jitra.

Percival took careful note of this. Reports of Japanese ‘tourists’ were rampant, and they were obviously planning something. To counter whatever the Japanese had in mind, a fleet was being assembled for Singapore. The Battlecruiser HMS Repulse was currently working out of Mombasa. It would set sail for Trincomalee in November. The aircraft carrier HMS Indomitable, after she had worked up in the West Indies, was going to Gibraltar to replace HMS Ark Royal. HMS Ark Royal, with HMS Nelson, would sail to Singapore, via Alexandria, after they’d escorted a convoy to Malta. Admiral Cunningham, C-in-C Mediterranean, was being asked to send another battleship (most likely HMS Barham), with a Cruiser Squadron and two Destroyer flotillas. HMS Prince of Wales was currently escorting a convoy towards South Africa, and then onwards to Trincomalee to rendezvous with HMS Repulse, HMS Nelson, HMS Barham and HMS Ark Royal. With her experience of flying off Hurricanes, HMS Ark Royal would receive two Naval Air Squadrons, each with 12 Hurricane Ibs, in addition to one of her Fulmar squadrons, leaving half of her Swordfish squadrons on Malta, along with the other Fulmar squadron.

The Royal Australian Navy’s Cruisers and destroyers were the obvious choices to send as the basis for the Cruiser Squadron and Destroyer flotillas. The Australian destroyers HMAS Vampire, Vendetta, Voyager, Waterhen, Napier, Nestor, Nizam, would be much missed by Cunningham, but sending them home was a reasonable request from Australia. HMAS Stuart had already been detached and was being converted to an Escort Destroyer at Williamstown, Victoria. The sloop HMAS Parramatta would also return to strengthen her sister ships. The new destroyer, HMAS Norman, would follow from Home Fleet.

As for Cruisers, HMAS Perth was already being refitted in Sydney. HMAS Hobart was undergoing a refit in Colombo and now wouldn’t be returning to the Red Sea. HMAS Australia and HMAS Canberra’s work in the Indian Ocean would likely end and two RN Cruisers (HMS Gloucester and Dido) would be deployed to replace them. Admiral Cunningham was also going to release HMS Carlisle, the AA Cruiser, and HMS Fiji to add to the Australian Cruisers. HMS Greyhound, Ilex, Imperial and Juno would be the British Destroyers to join their Royal Australian Navy comrades.

The new Australian Prime Minister, John Curtin, had finally persuaded Winston Churchill to allow the Australian I Corps (6th and 9th Divisions AIF) to be shipped home from the Middle East. Since both Divisions had suffered in the fighting in Greece and North Africa, Curtin was keen on giving the men some home leave. Once they were up to full strength, he planned sending them to Malaya. This would mean that I (Australian) Corps (6th, 8th and 9th Divisions) would be available to Percival. There were questions about whether the 23rd Brigade, spread over Rabaul, Timor and Ambon, would be better off if a Brigade Group as in each of those locations, this might mean splitting up some of the Brigades returning from the Middle East.

The Australian First Armoured Division were still at a relatively early phase of their development. The good news was that they were beginning to receive the first of 365 Stuart M3 Light Tanks. These Lend-Lease tanks, originally for the British Army, had been transferred over to the Australians. They expected that the full order that would be complete by the end of December. The expectation was for them to be available in the spring of 1942. Lieutenant-General John Lavarack, GOC I Corps, had already flown to Canberra to be consult with Curtin. Lavarack, despite Blamey’s objections, would take command of 2nd Australian Imperial Forces in the Far East. Already some of his staff were making their way to Singapore to begin the process of setting up a Corps HQ.

Percival had been informed by the War Office that 18th Infantry Division were about to embark directly for Singapore, with the hope that they would arrive in time for Christmas. A large Canadian contingent would be shipped on American vessels to Liverpool, to allow the direct transport to the Far East of the 18th Division. Along with this British Division, the RAF had shipped 96 crated Tomahawk IIbs, with ground-crew and some pilots to reinforce the squadrons defending Malaya. This had been done despite a protest from the Prime Minister who wanted to send as much as possible to the Soviet Union. He was informed that this was in fact a planned reinforcement of Middle East Command, which Generals Wavell and Auchinleck had agreed ship onwards to Singapore personally. Ninety-six Hurricanes had gone to the Soviet Union instead. The first shipment of P40s directly from the United States to the Soviet Union had been shipped in September.

The Brewster Buffaloes that the RAF, RAAF and RNZAF were being equipped with were, to quote one Australian pilot, ‘pathetic’. What the British Purchasing Commission had ordered, and what Brewster had delivered wasn’t exactly the same. The engine, often a second-hand refurbished Cyclone was underpowered, while the British requirements meant it was much heavier, reducing its underwhelming performance even more. The Tomahawks, when they arrived, and were rebuilt, and the pilots trained on them would be big improvement. But Air-Vice Marshall Pulford still worried that it could well be January before the Tomahawks were ready for action.

General Auchinleck, as C-in-C India, had looked again at the Indian troops who had gone to Iraq and Iran. He was aware that General Slim’s men should have gone to Malaya, and that their deployment had left Percival short. General Wavell, with some reluctance, agreed to Auchinleck’s request for 5th Indian Division to be returned firstly to India to take on new drafts to replace casualties. Auchinleck was in two minds about sending the 5th Indian Division to Malaya, to augment III (India) Corps, or to beef up the defences in Burma. Percival argued, convincingly, that Burma’s best defence was holding Malaya and Singapore. Lieutenant-General Heath (GOC III Corps) was delighted that his old Division was coming under his control. If Operation Matador was still being considered, 5th Indian Division would be an invaluable asset to move into southern Thailand.
 
Well, the Japanese will find Malaya a very different beast than what was OTL. And Force Z will be larger and hopefully have air cover this time!
It was interesting looking at the various plans for Force Z. The two Nelson Class were meant to go, but Rodney's crew were on a leave cycle and Nelson was damaged on one of the club runs to Malta. The Admiralty wanted to send the four R Class, but Winston wanted a modern ship, so POW and Repulse ended up going. The problems with the damage to HMS Indomitable shouldn't affect the decision to send Ark Royal, via the Med, as both Illustrious and Victorious aren't badly damaged ITTL. Some of the thinking is from here: Notice also the commitment to send Hurricanes to Singapore, and the 200 Tomahawk fighters going to Stalin, now going, instead of Hurricanes to Singers.
Before he left London, Menzies knew it was impossible to secure ships for Singapore. However, Menzies did secure a promise from Churchill to supply Hurricane fighters to Singapore.

[In August 1941, Churchill pledged 200 Hurricane fighters to Stalin, on top of the forty that had been delivered already, along with 200 Tomahawk fighters. This pledge negated the effects of Churchill's earlier promise to Menzies to send Hurricanes to Singapore.]

In July 1941 following the German attack on the Soviet Union the Japanese deployed forces to southern Vichy French Indochina. This placed Japanese aircraft within reach of Singapore, and use of the Kamranh Bay naval base from which they could control the whole of the South China Sea.

In August 1941, during his discussions with Roosevelt, Churchill cabled the Admiralty to inform them that the US was shortly to present a note to the Japanese making plain that any further southward advance would probably mean war. The Chiefs of Staff considered what steps Britain could take, particularly to reinforce the Eastern Fleet. Their conclusion was that by mid September 1941 either BARHAM or VALIANT should be sent east from the Mediterranean and at the end of the year the four R class battleships should follow.

[The first part of the plan was delayed then scuppered when BARHAM was sunk on 25/11/41. The chance of sending VALIANT was lost, when on 19/12/41 the VALIANT and QUEEN ELIZABETH were immobilised in Alexandria harbour]

On 20/8/41, Pound, stated there was no use in sending a fleet to Singapore, unless it was of sufficient strength to wage effective war against the Imperial Japanese Navy, Though if the present situation made this impossible, Pound felt it imperative that an Eastern Fleet should be based at the more secure location of Trincomalee to offer protection to vital trade routes.

Two weeks later, Churchill issued a long memorandum informing the Admiralty that he wouldn't approve the despatching of such a large Fleet. He deemed it more appropriate, to use a small number of the best ships to cope with a superior hostile force. Churchill envisaged these warships would serve as an immediate deterrent against Japanese aggression, operating in an area encompassing the triangle of, Simonstown, Singapore and Aden, forming a fast raiding squadron capable, in his opinion, of inflicting a paralysing effect on the Imperial Fleet, comparable to that yielded by the TIRPITZ on the Royal Navy in the Atlantic. He also stated as and when deemed appropriate the four R Class Battleships should be sent to the Far East, primarily as convoy escorts.

Pound disagreed and It proved impossible to reconcile the two points of view and the matter was not discussed again until mid-October, when the Foreign Office drew attention to certain ominous signs of Japanese intentions and asked for the question of capital ship reinforcement to be discussed by the Defence Committee.

At the meeting on the 17/10/41 Churchill repeated his previous arguments; the First Lord demurred at his proposal to send out the PRINCE OF WALES, while the Foreign Office considered that her arrival would, from the point of view of deterring Japan from entering the war, have a far greater effect politically than the presence in those waters of a number of the last war's battleships. The discussion ended by Churchill inviting the First Lord to send as quickly as possible one modern capital ship, together with an aircraft carrier, to join up with the REPULSE at Singapore. He added that he would not come to a decision on this point without consulting the First Sea Lord, but in view of the strong feeling of the Committee in favour of the proposal, he hoped that the Admiralty would not oppose this suggestion.

On 20/8/41, Pound, stated there was no use in sending a fleet to Singapore, unless it was of sufficient strength to wage effective war against the Imperial Japanese Navy, Though if the present situation made this impossible, Pound felt it imperative that an Eastern Fleet should be based at the more secure location of Trincomalee to offer protection to vital trade routes.

Two weeks later, Churchill issued a long memorandum informing the Admiralty that he wouldn't approve the despatching of such a large Fleet. He deemed it more appropriate, to use a small number of the best ships to cope with a superior hostile force. Churchill envisaged these warships would serve as an immediate deterrent against Japanese aggression, operating in an area encompassing the triangle of, Simonstown, Singapore and Aden, forming a fast raiding squadron capable, in his opinion, of inflicting a paralysing effect on the Imperial Fleet, comparable to that yielded by the TIRPITZ on the Royal Navy in the Atlantic. He also stated as and when deemed appropriate the four R Class Battleships should be sent to the Far East, primarily as convoy escorts.

Pound disagreed and It proved impossible to reconcile the two points of view and the matter was not discussed again until mid-October, when the Foreign Office drew attention to certain ominous signs of Japanese intentions and asked for the question of capital ship reinforcement to be discussed by the Defence Committee.

At the meeting on the 17/10/41 Churchill repeated his previous arguments; the First Lord demurred at his proposal to send out the PRINCE OF WALES, while the Foreign Office considered that her arrival would, from the point of view of deterring Japan from entering the war, have a far greater effect politically than the presence in those waters of a number of the last war's battleships. The discussion ended by Churchill inviting the First Lord to send as quickly as possible one modern capital ship, together with an aircraft carrier, to join up with the REPULSE at Singapore. He added that he would not come to a decision on this point without consulting the First Sea Lord, but in view of the strong feeling of the Committee in favour of the proposal, he hoped that the Admiralty would not oppose this suggestion.

On the 20/10/41 the proposal was again discussed by the Chiefs of Staff with the Prime Minister in the chair, and the First Sea Lord then developed the Admiralty's case more fully. He said that the deterrent which would prevent the Japanese moving south would not be the presence of one fast battleship, because they could easily afford to detach four modern ships to protect any southward-bound invasion force. But if the two NELSON's and four R Class were at Singapore they would have to detach the greater part of their fleet and thus uncover Japan to the American Navy; on whose active co-operation in the event of a Japanese attack the First Sea Lord relied.

The views of the First Sea Lord were plainly irreconcilable with those of the Prime Minister and of the Foreign Office. He therefore yielded so far as to suggest that the PRINCE OF WALES should be sent to Cape Town at once, and that her final destination should be decided after she had arrived there.

The new aircraft carrier INDOMITABLE, who at the time was working up in the West Indies, was also earmarked to join the PRINCE OF WALES in the Far East. However, on 3/11/41 she was put out of action by accidental grounding in Jamaica and had to go to the US for repairs)
 
I wondered at why a full four battleships and maybe two carriers were being sent to Singapore, but then remembered that North Africa has all but wrapped up, freeing naval assets to present a strong front to the Japanese (clearly the Aussies were loud enough at how there was nothing between them and 'the Japs' to get the extra ships and the 1 Australian into the area).

Normally I'd roll my eyes at every wartime TL thread getting a groundswell to 'fix' Malaya, but this one's pretty reasonable. If nothing else, it affirms my opinion about Force Z (that carriers are essential defensive units in the fleet in the early war). Having the extra hulls survive is going to make evacuation of Singapore a tenable option, so that's a bonus.
 

Garrison

Donor
I wondered at why a full four battleships and maybe two carriers were being sent to Singapore, but then remembered that North Africa has all but wrapped up, freeing naval assets to present a strong front to the Japanese (clearly the Aussies were loud enough at how there was nothing between them and 'the Japs' to get the extra ships and the 1 Australian into the area).

Normally I'd roll my eyes at every wartime TL thread getting a groundswell to 'fix' Malaya, but this one's pretty reasonable. If nothing else, it affirms my opinion about Force Z (that carriers are essential defensive units in the fleet in the early war). Having the extra hulls survive is going to make evacuation of Singapore a tenable option, so that's a bonus.
The thing is hat it doesn't take that much to change the outcome radically. A slightly higher priority for men and equipment, proper aircover for Force Z. The Japanese invasion ran on very thin margins, derail the OTL timetable and it can easily fall apart, which doesn't mean they won't keep trying.
 
Damn Force Z is going to be a lot stronger than it was OTL, on top of this as well there is a lot more going into Singapore if they can hold on then it will be a much different campaign,
 
25 October 1941. Singapore.

Lieutenant-General Percival finally had a chance to sit down and talk about the first couple of months of having tanks under his command with Lt-Col Michael Hedderwick (CO 11th Bn RTR). Hedderwick was happy to report that his men and machines were coping with the climate, and had begun exercising with both Australian and Indian troops.

During September, Hedderwick and his Squadron Commanders had gone on a lengthy tour of the area looking at the terrain. With Percival’s pre-war work on defending Malaya, the RTR officers concentrated on the most likely routes that a Japanese force might take to attack Singapore from the north. With some help from the Royal Engineers Survey Depot, the Battalion now had a fairly good set of maps of the whole area. These maps would allow the tanks to avoid bridges that would collapse under the weight of the Matilda II tanks, something the Royal Engineers were quite keen on. They also were fairly realistic about the kind of terrain that the tanks could use off-road. The expectation of the RTR officers was that Malaya would consist mostly of impassable jungle. The reality they’d found was quite different. Large areas of the countryside were set aside as rubber plantations. While a tank might knock down a few trees here and there, the plantations weren’t completely unsuitable ground for tanks.

Hedderwick noted that the conditions of the roads were always going to be a factor in the mobility of the tanks. He expressed his disappointment at how few tank transporters he had to move his tanks around. The tracks on a Matilda would always have a negative impact on road surfaces, but usually there was a verge on the side of the road that the tanks could use.

Having looked over the ground, Hedderwick had re-evaluated his request to keep the whole Battalion together in the event of an attack. Having a central depot where the tanks could be serviced was clearly important, and the RASC were happy to offer to expand one of their workshops for the RTR. The suggestion that Hedderwick now wanted to make was to offer to keep his HQ Squadron at Singapore itself. A, B and C squadrons could be parcelled out, one to each of the three Infantry Divisions (9th & 11th Indian, 8th Australian). Having 18 Infantry Tanks at the disposal of the Divisional General would allow sufficient flexibility.

Percival wanted to know Hedderwick’s evaluation of the plans for Operation Matador. Major Tom McBride, CO B Squadron, had been able to drive up to Bangkok and back in a civilian car with his driver ‘on leave’. They’d taken lots of photographs to let the intelligence officers get an idea of what might be possible.

Getting to it in a timely manner however was always going to be the problem. The speed of the Matilda II would be an issue for the infantry commander to have to take into account. The journey to Songkla, at about 140 miles, would put the tanks under a lot of strain. Pattani, which was half the distance, would be a more realistic prospect, if the tanks were to get there, fight and get back. The RTR officer was also concerned with Japanese forces outflanking that kind of move northwards in Thailand. His own assessment, which chimed with McBride’s, was that the RAF base in Kota Bharu would be a prime target for the Japanese. Any British force sent into Thailand could well find itself having to fight its way back.

Percival was pleased with Hedderwick’s assessment. It confirmed what he thought was the weakness of Operation Matador. He would be relying on two Brigades of 11th Indian Division to both hold Jitra in the west and move into Thailand in the east. Until the next wave of reinforcements arrived, and had time to acclimatise and train, Percival was concerned that his forces would be open to defeat in detail if they were spread out too much. The question about whether the Thai army and police would cooperate or resist an incursion was a matter of debate.

There were two routes leading from South Thailand into North Malaya—the main road from Singora via Haad’yai Junction into Kedah and a secondary road from Patani via Yala to Kroh in North Perak where it branched, the better road going west into Province Wellesley and the other, which reported to be fit only for light transport, turning south to join the main north-south road west of the Perak River.

McBride had noted that on his travels he had regularly bumped into Japanese men, obviously army, who seemed to be doing exactly the same kind of reconnaissance as he was. He particularly noted that on one of his stops a group of Japanese had stayed in the same rest house. The two parties then proceeded to meet again on the road to Kroh. There was a feature on the road, known as the Ledge, where the road was cut into the hillside, with a steep descent to a river below. If that road was destroyed, movement south would be severely hampered. If it were open, it would allow a force to move into the rear areas of the Indian Division around Jitra.

Percival took careful note of this. Reports of Japanese ‘tourists’ were rampant, and they were obviously planning something. To counter whatever the Japanese had in mind, a fleet was being assembled for Singapore. The Battlecruiser HMS Repulse was currently working out of Mombasa. It would set sail for Trincomalee in November. The aircraft carrier HMS Indomitable, after she had worked up in the West Indies, was going to Gibraltar to replace HMS Ark Royal. HMS Ark Royal, with HMS Nelson, would sail to Singapore, via Alexandria, after they’d escorted a convoy to Malta. Admiral Cunningham, C-in-C Mediterranean, was being asked to send another battleship (most likely HMS Barham), with a Cruiser Squadron and two Destroyer flotillas. HMS Prince of Wales was currently escorting a convoy towards South Africa, and then onwards to Trincomalee to rendezvous with HMS Repulse, HMS Nelson, HMS Barham and HMS Ark Royal. With her experience of flying off Hurricanes, HMS Ark Royal would receive two Naval Air Squadrons, each with 12 Hurricane Ibs, in addition to one of her Fulmar squadrons, leaving half of her Swordfish squadrons on Malta, along with the other Fulmar squadron.

The Royal Australian Navy’s Cruisers and destroyers were the obvious choices to send as the basis for the Cruiser Squadron and Destroyer flotillas. The Australian destroyers HMAS Vampire, Vendetta, Voyager, Waterhen, Napier, Nestor, Nizam, would be much missed by Cunningham, but sending them home was a reasonable request from Australia. HMAS Stuart had already been detached and was being converted to an Escort Destroyer at Williamstown, Victoria. The sloop HMAS Parramatta would also return to strengthen her sister ships. The new destroyer, HMAS Norman, would follow from Home Fleet.

As for Cruisers, HMAS Perth was already being refitted in Sydney. HMAS Hobart was undergoing a refit in Colombo and now wouldn’t be returning to the Red Sea. HMAS Australia and HMAS Canberra’s work in the Indian Ocean would likely end and two RN Cruisers (HMS Gloucester and Dido) would be deployed to replace them. Admiral Cunningham was also going to release HMS Carlisle, the AA Cruiser, and HMS Fiji to add to the Australian Cruisers. HMS Greyhound, Ilex, Imperial and Juno would be the British Destroyers to join their Royal Australian Navy comrades.

The new Australian Prime Minister, John Curtin, had finally persuaded Winston Churchill to allow the Australian I Corps (6th and 9th Divisions AIF) to be shipped home from the Middle East. Since both Divisions had suffered in the fighting in Greece and North Africa, Curtin was keen on giving the men some home leave. Once they were up to full strength, he planned sending them to Malaya. This would mean that I (Australian) Corps (6th, 8th and 9th Divisions) would be available to Percival. There were questions about whether the 23rd Brigade, spread over Rabaul, Timor and Ambon, would be better off if a Brigade Group as in each of those locations, this might mean splitting up some of the Brigades returning from the Middle East.

The Australian First Armoured Division were still at a relatively early phase of their development. The good news was that they were beginning to receive the first of 365 Stuart M3 Light Tanks. These Lend-Lease tanks, originally for the British Army, had been transferred over to the Australians. They expected that the full order that would be complete by the end of December. The expectation was for them to be available in the spring of 1942. Lieutenant-General John Lavarack, GOC I Corps, had already flown to Canberra to be consult with Curtin. Lavarack, despite Blamey’s objections, would take command of 2nd Australian Imperial Forces in the Far East. Already some of his staff were making their way to Singapore to begin the process of setting up a Corps HQ.

Percival had been informed by the War Office that 18th Infantry Division were about to embark directly for Singapore, with the hope that they would arrive in time for Christmas. A large Canadian contingent would be shipped on American vessels to Liverpool, to allow the direct transport to the Far East of the 18th Division. Along with this British Division, the RAF had shipped 96 crated Tomahawk IIbs, with ground-crew and some pilots to reinforce the squadrons defending Malaya. This had been done despite a protest from the Prime Minister who wanted to send as much as possible to the Soviet Union. He was informed that this was in fact a planned reinforcement of Middle East Command, which Generals Wavell and Auchinleck had agreed ship onwards to Singapore personally. Ninety-six Hurricanes had gone to the Soviet Union instead. The first shipment of P40s directly from the United States to the Soviet Union had been shipped in September.

The Brewster Buffaloes that the RAF, RAAF and RNZAF were being equipped with were, to quote one Australian pilot, ‘pathetic’. What the British Purchasing Commission had ordered, and what Brewster had delivered wasn’t exactly the same. The engine, often a second-hand refurbished Cyclone was underpowered, while the British requirements meant it was much heavier, reducing its underwhelming performance even more. The Tomahawks, when they arrived, and were rebuilt, and the pilots trained on them would be big improvement. But Air-Vice Marshall Pulford still worried that it could well be January before the Tomahawks were ready for action.

General Auchinleck, as C-in-C India, had looked again at the Indian troops who had gone to Iraq and Iran. He was aware that General Slim’s men should have gone to Malaya, and that their deployment had left Percival short. General Wavell, with some reluctance, agreed to Auchinleck’s request for 5th Indian Division to be returned firstly to India to take on new drafts to replace casualties. Auchinleck was in two minds about sending the 5th Indian Division to Malaya, to augment III (India) Corps, or to beef up the defences in Burma. Percival argued, convincingly, that Burma’s best defence was holding Malaya and Singapore. Lieutenant-General Heath (GOC III Corps) was delighted that his old Division was coming under his control. If Operation Matador was still being considered, 5th Indian Division would be an invaluable asset to move into southern Thailand.

Threadmark is missing
 
Regardless of whether the British can hold in Malaya in the long term, the fall will be much slower. I also notice that they're due 365 Stuarts? That will put a serious crimp in Japan's plans above and beyond what was already happening, as they're better armed and armoured than the Type 97 Chi-Ha medium tank the Japanese are putting up.

I wonder how that will appear in America, that Britain has (assuming they do actually hold) yet again pulled off a victory, while the Americans can't say the same.
 
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The Malaya operation from the Japanese army relied on everything working on time. A single submarine sinking 2 or 3 transports would derail the operation. Singapore having adequate air defences removes the panic mentality. The Army having sufficient combat experienced soldiers to recognise the weaknesses in Japanese army tactics ends the advances.

The addition of 24 Hurricanes and 16 or so Fulmars to the escorting of Force Z makes the 80 Japanese bomber strike a very expensive proposition. I have no doubt the Japanese pilots would still sink ships due to their professionalism and training, the question becomes "at what cost". The Fulmar is uniquely positioned for this kind of defensive battle against bombers because of it's sheer quantity of ammunition and loiter capability. The attack was literally in 3 waves with around an hour between so the possibility of effective defence is high. The Zero fighters would have been sent as escorts if the carrier had been detected and that may well change things. Mind you the Hurricanes would have been higher than the Zero's for initial intercept.

With Force Z having integral aerial scouting the odds of finding a convoy or two is high. The odds of savaging one or two convoys or escort groups is again high. I also put odds of severe damage to a RN heavy unit as high but worthwhile.
 

Orry

Donor
Monthly Donor
The Malaya operation from the Japanese army relied on everything working on time. A single submarine sinking 2 or 3 transports would derail the operation. Singapore having adequate air defences removes the panic mentality. The Army having sufficient combat experienced soldiers to recognise the weaknesses in Japanese army tactics ends the advances.

The addition of 24 Hurricanes and 16 or so Fulmars to the escorting of Force Z makes the 80 Japanese bomber strike a very expensive proposition. I have no doubt the Japanese pilots would still sink ships due to their professionalism and training, the question becomes "at what cost". The Fulmar is uniquely positioned for this kind of defensive battle against bombers because of it's sheer quantity of ammunition and loiter capability. The attack was literally in 3 waves with around an hour between so the possibility of effective defence is high. The Zero fighters would have been sent as escorts if the carrier had been detected and that may well change things. Mind you the Hurricanes would have been higher than the Zero's for initial intercept.

With Force Z having integral aerial scouting the odds of finding a convoy or two is high. The odds of savaging one or two convoys or escort groups is again high. I also put odds of severe damage to a RN heavy unit as high but worthwhile.

Also force Z will not have to phyzically chase down rumers of landings

So do not have to be so exposed to air attack

If they are attacked it will not be in the same place time and fasion as OTL
 
Even a flight of Buffaloes over the fleet would have probably saved it

It might have been a porcine aircraft but it was still a fighter plane capable of shooting down G3 and G4 bombers

But most importantly any fighter presence over the fleet denies the IJN bomber formations the luxury of forming up and attacking as they please with only AAA to oppose them.

Any attack is going to be a far more hurried and as a result less effective.
 
The Malaya operation from the Japanese army relied on everything working on time. A single submarine sinking 2 or 3 transports would derail the operation. Singapore having adequate air defences removes the panic mentality. The Army having sufficient combat experienced soldiers to recognise the weaknesses in Japanese army tactics ends the advances.

The addition of 24 Hurricanes and 16 or so Fulmars to the escorting of Force Z makes the 80 Japanese bomber strike a very expensive proposition. I have no doubt the Japanese pilots would still sink ships due to their professionalism and training, the question becomes "at what cost". The Fulmar is uniquely positioned for this kind of defensive battle against bombers because of it's sheer quantity of ammunition and loiter capability. The attack was literally in 3 waves with around an hour between so the possibility of effective defence is high. The Zero fighters would have been sent as escorts if the carrier had been detected and that may well change things. Mind you the Hurricanes would have been higher than the Zero's for initial intercept.

With Force Z having integral aerial scouting the odds of finding a convoy or two is high. The odds of savaging one or two convoys or escort groups is again high. I also put odds of severe damage to a RN heavy unit as high but worthwhile.
Zero's cannot actually escort as such, the range, different cruising speeds and starting bases etc means they can try and get to an area at the same time but not really join up for long. Given the state of the art, not so good radios etc, coordination would be pure luck as would guessing where to try and meet.
 
If the Japanese fail to take Malaya in the first attack, their entire plan unravels, having to either reassign troops from other angles of advance (presumably the rest of Western Force, and most of the Borneo troops), or grab the DEI and hope to mop up Malaya/Singapore later, once they have it 'surrounded'.
 
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If the Japanese fail to take Malaya in the first attack, their entire plan unravels, having to either reassign troops from other angles of advance (presumably the rest of Western Force, and most of the Borneo troops), or grab the DEI and hope to mop up Malaya/Singapore later, once they have it 'surrounded'.
Yes, this is a vital point. So much of the Japanese plan of attack consisted of "Use Force A to attack Point One. Then use Force A to attack Point Two, garrisoning Point One with Force B. Then use What's left of Force A to take Point Three, garrisoning Point Two with Force C. Then juggle whatever's left of the landing units and continue until exhaustion."
If any link in the chain comes to grief then the whole thing falls apart.
 
Yes, this is a vital point. So much of the Japanese plan of attack consisted of "Use Force A to attack Point One. Then use Force A to attack Point Two, garrisoning Point One with Force B. Then use What's left of Force A to take Point Three, garrisoning Point Two with Force C. Then juggle whatever's left of the landing units and continue until exhaustion."
If any link in the chain comes to grief then the whole thing falls apart.
Yep. All the worse for the Japanese, if Singapore survives as a naval base, they'll have to deal with not just American submarines, but British ones too, and the British torpedoes are a lot more reliable. And I suspect that, if asked, the British could test the Mark 14 torpedoes and confirm that, yes, they do run deep, no the magnetic exploders don't work like they're supposed to, and yes, the firing pins do seem to jam if you hit the target dead on.
 
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HMS Nelson in Force Z....well, if the Royal Navy forces a surface engagement. The only hope that the Japanese have at sinking her is hitting her with torpedoes.
 
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