The United Argentinean Provinces in 1830
Regarding Portugal, yes, Pedro's death will have butterflies there. But since my knowledge of Portugese history is close to nothing, I have no idea on how to elaborate.
Enough bloodshed for the time being. For now, a boring update on this ATL Argentina's economy and politics, and a few things I've been thinking.
*I've been calling OTL Uruguay, ATL province of "Banda Oriental" with the translated name ("Eastern Bank"), but I'm having second thoughts about sticking with the Spanish name instead. Province names, unlike countries, are seldom translated and, besides, "Eastern Bank" sounds weird.
*Previously I've written that the new constitution declares the vote universal, secret and mandatory for men. However, IITL there is no reason whatsoever to make it mandatory, so it would really follow the American way and be universal and secret (at least in theory), but optional.
*As immigration wasn't a political issue in the 1820's as it was by the 1840's and 50's, there is no article nor anything in the 1829 constitution about it. However, that won't stop the different governments from encouraging it. BTW, which nationalities are likely to inmigrate in this timeframe, other than Irish and Spanish? I guess Russians might show up, but I'm not sure
*Without a civil war and with two ports this ATL Argentina will evolve without that much of rivalry between the provinces and the city of Buenos Aires and, at least some sociologists claim, less pronounced divisions along political lines. That won't mean more political stability by itself, but it would mean less hatred for those who have a different ideology. In other words, strong divisions such as those facing peronist and anti-peronist (and that was one of the many OTL divisions) would be less likely and less extreme. In OTL Argentina's national identity was born in the middle of a long civil war, which is not the case ITTL
*With the non violent downfall of the Unitarian party (and the commercial and intellectual elite) in importance but, at the same time, a more democratic country where the opposition doesn't need to go to exile or be brutally repressed(as long as they don't try to shoot governors, that's it) and can present to elections - and be discredited - I think a slightly less europhile elite - or at least mentality - might form. Plus, they won't be wishing for the illuminated european inmigrants for decades, they'll see them soon enough. And they won't like them. That of course, would have pros and cons. Plus, with more political stability and less need to fight Rosas' dictatorship (as there isn't one), upcoming events would have a more lasting cultural impact.
*Tango is, of course, butteflied away. Local musics, however, might mix with Irish music as well as some others. The results of that are far beyond my imagination.
Anyway. Here comes the bloodless update and MAPS! (Well, one map really). I'll see if I can add the next update sooner, but exams have a way of demanding priority (and I have a way of hating them for that)
The Argentinean economy, with the exception of the Eastern Bank, recovered somewhat fast from the war andwas flourishing in some areas but collapsing in others. In the old days of the viceroyalty a large portion of the country was living in great measure thanks to the transportation of silver from the Altoperuvian mines. Now, however, those mines were barely productive, as current technology could barely continue to exploit them and, in any case, the new nation of Bolivia had no reason whatsoever to export through the River Plate. The United Argentinean Provinces main exports were wool, leather and salted meat, all activities concentrated in the Pampas. The “ten ranches” minus Córdoba saw little income from those activities while their own economies faced direct competition from European industrial products. In fact, protectionist measures were the only thing keeping their economies afloat. That, in return, assured conflict with the powerful European countries – essentially the UK and France – looking for a market to export their products. And in an age where markets were opened by force if necessary, protectionist measures weren’t a nice path. A few sectors such as Mendoza’s wineries, Tucuman’s sugar plantation and salt exploitation in Cordoba would remain profitable and relative safe investments in the coming decades. A few other small scale “industries”, craftsmanship in reality, served the internal market, but those were precisely the most threatened by foreign imports. Other than that – and probably among the most important – the other activity to shield profits was the exploitation of the silver mines of Famatina, in La Rioja. That was the main source of income of Facundo Quiroga and one of the reasons why he would become a reference for so many other governors as well as one of the most important politicians of the period. His military skill would prove one of the other reasons.
Because, while the federal constitution had forbidden the provinces to have their own armies, it was well known that most rich landowners armed their workers and, under the excuse of the Indian raids, many of them kept their own private armies that, in some cases, could match the numbers of the national army’s garrison in the province. Quiroga in La Rioja, Lopez in Santa Fe and especially Rosas in Buenos Aires were some of those caudillos whose forces, albeit irregular weren’t intimidated by the army. Even the province of Corrientes’ senators defended in the Congress the right to arm their police… with artillery! The United Argentinean Provinces were, in those times, in an armament race with itself.
I was thinking in an earlier regency. Although I've been also liking the idea of Brazil turning into a constitutional monarchy as a compromise solution, but it seems an unlikely outcome.Very nice Juan!
I wonder if Brazil will keep the monarchy ITTL now that Pedro is dead. Also, now his brother Miguel will have can more easily become king of Portugal (although I don't know if you want do develop this TL in Europe too or just keep the focus on South America).
Agreed! We want maps!
Regarding Portugal, yes, Pedro's death will have butterflies there. But since my knowledge of Portugese history is close to nothing, I have no idea on how to elaborate.
Enough bloodshed for the time being. For now, a boring update on this ATL Argentina's economy and politics, and a few things I've been thinking.
*I've been calling OTL Uruguay, ATL province of "Banda Oriental" with the translated name ("Eastern Bank"), but I'm having second thoughts about sticking with the Spanish name instead. Province names, unlike countries, are seldom translated and, besides, "Eastern Bank" sounds weird.
*Previously I've written that the new constitution declares the vote universal, secret and mandatory for men. However, IITL there is no reason whatsoever to make it mandatory, so it would really follow the American way and be universal and secret (at least in theory), but optional.
*As immigration wasn't a political issue in the 1820's as it was by the 1840's and 50's, there is no article nor anything in the 1829 constitution about it. However, that won't stop the different governments from encouraging it. BTW, which nationalities are likely to inmigrate in this timeframe, other than Irish and Spanish? I guess Russians might show up, but I'm not sure
*Without a civil war and with two ports this ATL Argentina will evolve without that much of rivalry between the provinces and the city of Buenos Aires and, at least some sociologists claim, less pronounced divisions along political lines. That won't mean more political stability by itself, but it would mean less hatred for those who have a different ideology. In other words, strong divisions such as those facing peronist and anti-peronist (and that was one of the many OTL divisions) would be less likely and less extreme. In OTL Argentina's national identity was born in the middle of a long civil war, which is not the case ITTL
*With the non violent downfall of the Unitarian party (and the commercial and intellectual elite) in importance but, at the same time, a more democratic country where the opposition doesn't need to go to exile or be brutally repressed(as long as they don't try to shoot governors, that's it) and can present to elections - and be discredited - I think a slightly less europhile elite - or at least mentality - might form. Plus, they won't be wishing for the illuminated european inmigrants for decades, they'll see them soon enough. And they won't like them. That of course, would have pros and cons. Plus, with more political stability and less need to fight Rosas' dictatorship (as there isn't one), upcoming events would have a more lasting cultural impact.
*Tango is, of course, butteflied away. Local musics, however, might mix with Irish music as well as some others. The results of that are far beyond my imagination.
Anyway. Here comes the bloodless update and MAPS! (Well, one map really). I'll see if I can add the next update sooner, but exams have a way of demanding priority (and I have a way of hating them for that)
The United Argentinean Provinces in 1830
The decade of 1830 begun, then, with the presidency of Manuel Dorrego which begun with too many expectations but was ultimately somewhat controversial and was seen, more than a century after its end, with a negative light by some revisionist historians. It has to be understood the shaky foundations that marked the second president of the United Argentinean Provinces. Dorrego has ascended to power in the province of Buenos Aires with the support of a few powerful and rich landowners as Juan Manuel de Rosas and, specially, the support of the lower classes, the so called “descamisados”. This had already discredited him in many circles of the dominating Buenos Aires’ business class, who saw the “descamisados” with disdain. To add further conflict with that group, by mid-1830 begun the trials against those involved in the “Unitarian conspiracy” which attempted to co-opt high ranking officers of the army to launch a revolution against the, by then, governor Dorrego. Many rich and respected businessmen and politicians, as well as a fair number of condecorated officers were found guilty. Generals Lavalle, Paz and Olazabal were convicted, and notorious politicians like Martin Rodriguez, Salvador Maria del Carril and Valentín Alsina along with many other less renown Unitarians were also found guilty. Prison sentences weren’t that hard, averaging between 5 and 10 years at most, but they were enough to enrage many upper-class citizens. Luckily for Dorrego Rivadavia and Alvear had left the country and the Unitarian party was barely trying to keep afloat and find a new leadership (and fighting among themselves for that last reason). The second power group that would mark the country in the decades to come were the Eastern businessmen, commercial rivals (although sometimes partners) of those from Buenos Aires. They didn’t trust Buenos Aires’ commercial elite and, that way, they could have become important supporters of Dorrego. However, by 1830 their province was still trying to recover from the war and their only political asset was a fair number of representatives in the Congress, number that might change once the 1831 census was done. That, however, proved crucial in those early years. Dorrego’s most important support came from the third power group. That one was the heterogeneous combination of the center and western provinces’ caudillos: those of Mendoza, San Juan, San Luis, Catamarca, Tucuman, Salta, Jujuy, Santiago del Estero, reluctantly Cordoba, all loosely led by Facundo Quiroga, the caudillo from La Rioja. This group, contemptuously nicknamed “The ten ranches” by rich porteños, was the weaker of the three and only held more or less together precisely for that reason. Those provinces were sparsely populated and held little economic activity, in contrast with the other five: Buenos Aires, the Eastern Bank, Santa Fe, Entre Ríos and Corrientes. The governors from the those last three provinces didn’t really ally with anyone and just kept following whoever suited their business best.
The Argentinean economy, with the exception of the Eastern Bank, recovered somewhat fast from the war andwas flourishing in some areas but collapsing in others. In the old days of the viceroyalty a large portion of the country was living in great measure thanks to the transportation of silver from the Altoperuvian mines. Now, however, those mines were barely productive, as current technology could barely continue to exploit them and, in any case, the new nation of Bolivia had no reason whatsoever to export through the River Plate. The United Argentinean Provinces main exports were wool, leather and salted meat, all activities concentrated in the Pampas. The “ten ranches” minus Córdoba saw little income from those activities while their own economies faced direct competition from European industrial products. In fact, protectionist measures were the only thing keeping their economies afloat. That, in return, assured conflict with the powerful European countries – essentially the UK and France – looking for a market to export their products. And in an age where markets were opened by force if necessary, protectionist measures weren’t a nice path. A few sectors such as Mendoza’s wineries, Tucuman’s sugar plantation and salt exploitation in Cordoba would remain profitable and relative safe investments in the coming decades. A few other small scale “industries”, craftsmanship in reality, served the internal market, but those were precisely the most threatened by foreign imports. Other than that – and probably among the most important – the other activity to shield profits was the exploitation of the silver mines of Famatina, in La Rioja. That was the main source of income of Facundo Quiroga and one of the reasons why he would become a reference for so many other governors as well as one of the most important politicians of the period. His military skill would prove one of the other reasons.
Because, while the federal constitution had forbidden the provinces to have their own armies, it was well known that most rich landowners armed their workers and, under the excuse of the Indian raids, many of them kept their own private armies that, in some cases, could match the numbers of the national army’s garrison in the province. Quiroga in La Rioja, Lopez in Santa Fe and especially Rosas in Buenos Aires were some of those caudillos whose forces, albeit irregular weren’t intimidated by the army. Even the province of Corrientes’ senators defended in the Congress the right to arm their police… with artillery! The United Argentinean Provinces were, in those times, in an armament race with itself.