Shattered Stars- An American Revolution Timeline

Shattered Stars: An American Timeline (Take Two)


Post #1


‘On the death, or life, of a single insect turns the fate of nations. William Tweed. A Yellow Ship: The Yellow Fever Epidemic of 1787.


It was the greatest gathering of North American men and minds since the fabled Continental Congress. Gathered in Philadelphia, it was the cream of the new nation- the brightest minds of the fledgling Republic called together to save the United States of America. That nation, a patchwork of former colonies and stitched together by war, was fraying apart.


The new Republic was supposedly governed by the states operating within the Articles of Confederation, a constitution formulated and ratified by the Second Continental Congress in 1777. While the document had served the nation well during the Revolution, it had many deep flaws that were increasingly plaguing the nation. It, by nature, only created a weak confederation of states with very little central authority. While this had appealed to the liberty minded former colonists, it made running an actual nation a nightmare.


The Articles made no mention of some of the largest issues of the day, including settling new Western lands, how to deal with the many outstanding war debts, or providing a mechanism to negotiate with foreign powers. Indeed, the Articles even deprived the central government ofthe fundamental right of taxation. These flaws, along with many others, had led to the states bickering over every issue, with the federal government unable to establish a common good. It seemed that while the Americans had won the war, they were going to lose the peace.


Against this already uneasy and divided backdrop rose Shay’s Rebellion. Veterans, led by a former Revolutionary soldier named Daniel Shay, had risen up in Massachusetts against “unfair taxes”, levied by the state during an economic downturn. Taking over courthouses and other state buildings, they had dusted off the old war cries of the Revolution and had marched on several cities, seizing old armory stocks. The nation had panicked at the sight of these grizzled, battle-hardened men turning on the government, but lacked the means to stop them. The Articles provided no means for a united American Army, the means to pay them or an officer class to lead them. The revolt had eventually been stopped by loyalist militia, but the event had shaken the nation's elites and renewed calls for as yet-undefined “reform” of the Articles.


While this movement had taken time to coale, by 1787 it was backed by three powerful voices. Talented New York writer and speaker Alexander Hamilton, Virginian Statesmen James Madison, and the former General of the Continental Army itself, George Washington.


With this powerful support, calls for reform had reached a critical mass and a “Grand Convention” was planned and organized. To take place in Philadelphia, recalling the Continental Congress, this Convention was tasked by the states to reform and improve the Articles. It was an open secret, however, that many of the more ambitious attendees intended to replace it entirely with a new and much stronger Constitution.


So that was why these men had found themselves gathered here: to address the problem of running a bankrupt, war-weary nation filled with power hungry states. No one can say the states were stingy however, and all sent their best. The names still ring in history. Roger Sherman. Edmund Randolph. James Madison. Benjamin Franklin. Even the great George Washington himself, hero of the Revolution, came to preside over the gathering. Despite the great obstacles set before them, they may well have succeeded if there hadn’t been another visitor to the City of Brotherly Love that summer.


Yellow Fever.


The disease was not unknown in the city, with the first recorded cases dating back to the 17th century. A dreaded scourge, no one yet knew how “yellow jack” was spread or where it originated. All the people knew was that when yellow fever entered a city thousands would die. While it was a constant specter in the South, (with New Orleans nearly always under assault), it came and went in Northern cities. It was only by the worst luck that just as the delegates for the Convention began their deliberations, some unknown ship, (probably from the French Caribbean), brought in this pestilence.


The plague ripped through the city, overwhelming the futile efforts of the city’s seemingly helpless medical community. Unable to understand it, there was little to be done except comfort the sick and the dying. There were many of these, as the causality list climbed into the thousands. The speed at which the sickness spread was dizzying, and the city laid prostrate under the blows. Entire streets were filled with the ill, and the poor sections of town groaned with the dead. Due to the fragile nature of the Republic, mistrust between delegates and a sense of duty, few delegates fled the stricken city. This resolve cost the nation dearly as one after another would fall ill.


Even under this cloud, the gathered delegates began the acrimonious debate on what direction the United States would be directed. Most of the debate centered around the strength the central government would have versus the states. The states, widely diverse in population and size, were unsure how to create a government that would represent them fairly. Two broad factions formed in those hectic and sweltering summer days, formed around rival views of what the United States should look like.


One was the “big state men”, formed around Virginian Edmund Randolph who wanted a strong national government dominated by the largest states. His proposal, dubbed the “Virginia Plan”, consisted of a bicameral legislature. Each of the states would be represented in proportion to their “Quotas of contribution”, or to the number of free inhabitants. States with a large population, like Randolph’s Virginia, (which was the most populous state at the time), would thus have more representatives than smaller states.


Instantly a rival faction, the “small state men” formed in opposition to such plans, which threatened to subdue the smaller states to the will of the large. In contrast Elbridge Gerry, a delegate from Massachusetts, proposed his own plan dubbed the “Massachusetts Plan”. His plan had a unicameral legislative body, with all states having equal representation, as well as an executive made of a panel of people selected by the unicameral body. In general it was a proposal for a weak but even central government, as opposed to the strong but uneven “Virgina Plan”.


Debate deadlocked as neither group could sway the other and the tension mounted, even as the yellow fever epidemic grew outside. Several delegates became ill, which slowed discussion even further, as whole committees stood empty for days.


Alexander Hamilton, tired of inaction and perhaps hoping to shock the Convention into a decision, proposed a radical plan mimicking Britain's. The plan featured a bicameral legislature, the lower house elected by the people for three years. The upper house would be elected by electors chosen by the people and would serve for life. The plan also gave the governor, an executive elected by electors for a life-term of service, an absolute veto over bills. State governors would be appointed by the national legislature, and the national legislature had veto power over any state legislation.

This plan had no serious support among the Convention, many of whom were horrified that it virtually removed all state power, as well as creating an executive office that seemed very reminiscent of the royalty they just fought against. Despite it being a minor plan, by chance, it was this scheme that escaped the closed doors and was widely repeated throughout the Republic as the basic plan being proposed at the Convention.

Before the Convention could move much further however, the growing pressure of yellow fever halted proceedings. No matter the political stakes, the delegates could not withstand the increasing danger of the epidemic raging just outside.


Of the 55 men who attended a full two dozen caught the illness, with several prominent men becoming unable to attend meetings or even succumbing to the sickness during the proceedings. It was the twin death of Benjamin Franklin, (aged and in poor health), and, far more importantly George Washington, that finally heralded the end of the Convention. The other delegates fled in panic from the city, desperate to escape the death that lurked there. The nation mourned the passing of its greatest leader and statesman, seemingly struck down by some divine judgement.


For three months yellow fever gripped the still suffering city. By that time, the men had returned home and the last chance for reform was lost.
 
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Installment Two: Reaction and Action



“The best laws cannot make a constitution work in spite of morals; morals can turn the worst laws to advantage”. Alexis Tocqueville


As the news traveled out of Philadelphia, reactions to the newly named “Failure at Philadelphia” were mixed in late 1787. Rumors and reports ran far ahead of the tired and slow moving delegates, and they had little ability to craft the new narrative forming. Even as the elaborate state funerals for both Washington and Franklin began, events began to move forward very quickly.

Tensions had already been running high as news of the Hamilton Plan had leaked out months before, during the summer. The news that the Convention in Philadelphia was not only wildly surpassing their jurisdiction by forming a totally new government, but was a considering such a rigid and nearly monarchical plan as Hamilton’s stoked fears of blatant power grabs by the newly branded “Federalists”. What had the Revolution been fought for, to replace King George with an American copy? Were the states themselves to be dissolved or subsumed?

In several areas these tensions reflected a growing concern that the delegates were taking power that rightfully belonged to the states, and therefore the people. This feeling manifested most strongly in New England, where several states expressed open fears about the proceedings in Philadelphia. In Rhode Island the concerns even prompted the creation of a new party called the Country Party, dedicated to “preventing the perversion of civil liberties”, by this they meant a strong central government. In the land that had produced Shay’s Rebellion, such rhetoric was heeded.

Such sentiment was not isolated to New England however, and soon Anti-Federalist Clubs began sprouting up all over the country, clustering not only in New England but also Virginia and around New York City. These clubs were filled with famous and influential Revolutionary names including such famed orators as Samuel Adams and Patrick Henry and respected statesmen such as New York Governor George Clinton and Richard Henry Lee. Indeed, even some former delegates joined these clubs, themselves worried at what the next Convention might formulate. These “Dissidents” were a great legitimizing force for the Anti-Federalists, and included such men as Elbridge Gerry from Massachusetts and Luther Martin of New Jersey. Indeed, for the Dissidents, they worried that without the guiding influence of Washington or Franklin, the next Convention may be an even more obvious power play for a strong centralized, monarchical government.


It should be noted that these voices against reform were the minority in nearly every section however, with the possible exception of New England. The failings of the Articles was evident and grew more so with every passing month as commerce floundered, foreign relations soured and internal trade nearly came to a stop. For every voice expressing concern at the Convention, there were three expressing support for reform.

While logistically planning another Convention seemed out of reach, most state governments settled on the fact it would need to be done. This resolved centered around two people, both who had been central at Philadelphia, Alexander Hamilton and James Madison. However, while both were committed to reforming the government of the United States, they had taken different lessons from the failed Convention.

James Madison had been convinced the main problem had been the diversity of interests and outlooks at the Convention. The new Republic was very large and heterogenous, and this had been shown in Philadelphia. How could New England merchants, Southern planters and Western farmers all agree on a single system of government that would serve everyone fairly? Madison was being convinced it was impossible. Instead he was beginning to conceive of local ‘compacts’ made of four or five regional states, that had similar interests. While not yet proposing an unraveling of the nation, he thought these local compacts would then go and establish a national government.

Hamilton, on the other hand, had taken the very opposite lesson. His view was that it the state’s fault reform had been stymied time and time again. Clearly relying on special delegates chosen by the state would never work, as each would jealously guard their own interests. Instead Hamilton decided the best approach would be for the current government to draft and create the measures needed and then circulate them for state approval. This fait accompli might go over better than endless wrangling by the states. It is clear Hamilton was inspired by this path by sharing a city with the Congress of Confederation, the very body under discussion.

Both Madison and Hamilton went to work however, trying to turn the diverse reactions over the Convention into a desire for another attempt. While they varied in approach, with Hamilton promulgating letter after endless letter and Madison preferring persona meetings with other influential people, both reacted to the Convention with a re-doubled desire to do something, and most Americans felt the same way.


Internationally the reaction to the failed Convention was mixed. British observers shook their heads and wondered, again, how this disorganized rabble had defeated them. The cannier were glad at this colonial setback, which would allow them to play the states off against each other. John Adams, American plenipotentiary minister to London, noted that many of the lords he met “rejoiced” at the signs of American failure, often directly to his face. The show of American disunity also emboldened British efforts to maintain British forts in the American claimed Northwest as well as continuing to supply Native Americans.

France was being consumed by internal strife, but they were disappointed by the American missteps. Perhaps it had been a mistake to back the young nation, to support them so strongly when France needed every livre, every bushel of wheat, every gun at home? The British seemed hardly troubled and America would seem to be poor ally, unable to even put their own house in order.

Other nations simply despaired that the United States would never become organized enough to pay their debts. At the time, the states barely paid their interest, let alone the loans themselves. While America was potentially a very lucrative market, the weak financial laws and lack of governmental power made it too much of a risk to truly trade with. European merchants watched and waited, most hoping for more rational government to arise, while colonizers wondered how the new Republic could be manipulated. It was clear the former colonies were not quite ready to truly be recognized as equal partners.
 
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Shattered Stars- Installment #3


“Our cannon balls exhausted, our artillery-men all slain, Our musketrymen and riflemen, their fire did sustain; Three hours more we fought like men, and they were forced to yield, While three hundred bloody warriors lay stretched upon the field.”- lyrics from the song, Sinclair's Defeat


As the debates over reform grew louder, more and more eyes turn to the Congress of the Confederation in New York. It was this body that had been given the unenviable task of governing the rambunctious and disunited States of America, and yet little power to do so. It lacked the power to make war, raise taxes or even regular inter-state commerce. The weak and nearly powerless Confederation Congress turned to a joke, with many delegates considering an appointment an honorarium post and rarely attending. Without even the power to compel delegate attendance, the simple task of gathering a legal quorum was difficult, let alone achieve any legislative action. Even among the Congress itself, most assumed a new government needed to be created to replace it.

However somnolent and ineffective the Congress was though, there was currently no alternative in sight. One of the biggest issues facing them was the growing tensions surrounding the western frontiers.

These thinly settled areas between the Appalachian mountains and the Mississippi were a world apart from the coastal regions. It was a land of fur trappers, log cabins and roving Native Americans. The lure of cheap land had drawn men West and had been one of the driving forces that had caused the Revolution. Now free and independent, they did not intend to be anymore quiet for the United States then they had been for Great Britain.

The Kentucky region, while still technically part of Virginia, had already been agitating in the Congress for recognition. Their plea had been given a cold shoulder in the East due to the frontiersman's demands.

Kentucky and the other western territories wished to be entered as full and equal members, not treated as “junior partners” by the older and larger coastal states. The Articles of Confederation gave no such guarantee and indeed, many eastern states were worried that the backwoods rabble would soon outnumber them.

Even more polarizing, these western pioneers also demanded that their need for open trade on the Mississippi be recognized and made a major policy for the nation at large. With Spain dominating Louisiana, American trade on the river was vulnerable, expensive and totally controlled by a foreign power. The entire West demanded trade agreements that would allow free access to Mississippi entrepot of New Orleans. This was unpopular with the eastern states, whose economies were built on seaborne trade. They preferred to concede the Mississippi in return for larger commercial concessions in the Atlantic.

As these tensions grew, Kentucky held a statehood convention in 1788, asking Virgina, again, to accept them. The Old Dominion said no, reluctant to release this area to self-rule. The irritation at this, and the apparent lack of a Federal government, opened the door to radical solutions. One proposed idea was that the west should create an independent league of new states, loosely backed by Spain. This proposal was backed by General James Wilkinson, a Revolutionary War general who moved to Kentucky and was now deeply involved in the Kentucky statehood movement. Secretly, Wilkinson had been long in talks with Spanish officials in New Orleans, promising to bring the Mississippi area into the Spanish orbit, in exchange for some sizable bribes and personal trade monopolies. While the convention eventually narrowly rejected his proposal, the idea lived on in Kentucky and other nearby regions. When this news trickled back to the East, it sent off alarm bells throughout the Republic and the press for a strong central government redoubled.



North of Kentucky, across the Ohio River lay the Northwest territory. The region had been handed over the USA after the Revolutionary War but it was hardly ruled by them. British forts dotted the area, flagrantly violating treaties and agreements. Hostile Native American tribes filled the area, firmly united in their hatred and mistrust of the United States. Illegal settlers and traders also filled the frontier zone, often trespassing from Kentucky, as well as native war parties. The entire region seethed with violence and law-breaking.

In response to this, the Congress of Confederation embarked on its most sweeping legislation yet. The current President was Arthur St. Clair, another former Revolutionary War General, who detested the job. He openly called the Presidency of the Congress, a “miserable post”. However, St. Clair did see a chance to enrich himself through regulating the Northwest. So it was with his own power in mind that St. Clair hammered through the Ordinance of 1787, laws closely based on Jefferson’s proposed Ordinance of 1783.

To organize this area the Ordinance had several sweeping sections. The grandest was that the federal government, not the states, would govern and manage the territory before full statehood. This idea had been presaged by most states giving up their western claims, and turning them over to the central government. Even so, the actual law was a shocking precedent and change of pace for the more states-rights based legal system in place.

Some of the other sections of the law were just as ground-breaking. Slavery was banned, totally and absolutely in the Territory. This had passed easily in northern New York, and surprisingly few slave states argued against it at the time. Most wanted to deny slavery (and the lucrative tobacco trade) to new competition. Other sections laid out the progression from territory to statehood and every step in between, giving the entire intended future of the Northwest. It was an incisive and expansive law, boding well for the future management of the West….if the government could pull it off.

As soon as it was passed, St. Clair promptly resigned as of President of the Confederation Congress and became Governor of the Northwest Territory. The Anti-Federalists in New England (and elsewhere) saw this as a blatant power grab but could do little to stop it. An ardent Federalist, St. Clair ignored them and eagerly headed West to the new Territory (and personal fiefdom), or tried to.

He was quickly challenged by the resident Native Americans who, having no say in the Northwest Ordinance, disregarded it completely. Already armed and organized they quickly formed a confederation of several tribes under veteran Shawnee General Little Turtle, to protect their lands from further encroachment. Furthermore, they were heartily backed by the British, who still hoped to create an Indian buffer state to fence in the United States. This backing included guns, materials and money for Little Turtle, who happily accepted. Blithely ignoring these growing danger signs, St. Clair organized a small force from Kentucky in 1788 to cross the Ohio river and force Little Turtle to acquiesce to his demands and concede the Northwest Territory to the Americans.

The campaign was a disaster. While initially successful, intimidating the native Americans with the river crossing, the micromanaging St. Clair soon slowed progress to a crawl through the wild Ohio Country. The glacial pace gave Little Turtle and his allies time to re-gather and they soon attacked the laboring American columns. In the Battle of Five Springs, the Natives were triumphant and the scattered Americans fled across the river, back to the relative safety of Kentucky. Back in Washington Cyrus Griffith, St. Clair’s reluctant replacement as President, urged Congress to support St. Clair but his pleas fell on deaf ears. The Congress of the Confederation had no power to raise an army or ability to tax to pay one. “St. Clair’s Disaster” was yet another rallying cry for those who demanded governmental reform.
 
Shattered Stars- Installment Four

“It was only in New England that the Anti-Federalist view became the dominant voice…” The New England Triumvirate.



The total overhauling of the government that nearly happened in Philadelphia shocked many. Even beyond the changes being made, the fact that the Convention had exceeded their mandate and proposed a new form of government behind closed doors was intolerable. One of the most influential and outraged was Samuel Adams,an early patriot speaker, who had been part of the original Boston Tea Party . An impassioned and talented speaker Adams was incensed that the reform, which had initially supported had almost resulted in a “National Government with monarchical ambitions”. Hoping to stop such madness from taking place, he threw himself back into the Boston public sphere and started the Massachusetts Anti-Federalist Committee, essentially a group of Anti-Federalists intent on blocking any strong federal government from being formed.


His words fell on rich soil in New England. It had always been a land apart, with its own history, stories and history. It was an area of smallhold self-sufficient farms, quite different the the cash crop oriented South. Slavery was vanishingly rare, and the population highly educated at least compared to the nation at large. It had been a hotbed of Revolutionary activity during Independence and that tradition died hard among the Yankees.

Fundamentally the region differed from the rest of the nation at even the highest level. It was geared toward seaborne trade and commerce with little regard for westward expansion. Indeed, by 1788 nearly all of New England’s western claims had been given up (Connecticut held onto a small area in the Ohio region). The small states were worried any strong national government would be dominated by the large states like Pennsylvania or Virginia. These concerns let Adam’s rhetoric find support even among the well off and powerful.

Still, even as Sam Adams waxed in influence, he turned to an old ally. The old President of the Continental Congress and current Governor of Massachusetts John Hancock. While the two had cool relations these days, they had once been good friends. Knowing Hancock could provide powerful support, early in 1788, Adams went to Hancock. Uncharacteristically he begged for Hancock’s help and to repair their disagreement. Taken by this show of humility and his own concerns about any proposed Convention, Hancock joined Adam’s new cause.


The two of them working together soon gathered another useful ally, Elbridge Gerry. Hardly a demagogue, Gerry was a wealthy merchant patrician who had traveled in the highest circle during the Revolution. He had signed the Declaration, the Articles and had even been present at the in Philadelphia for the failed Convention in 1787. One of the most prominent Dissidents, he had turned on the entire project of Constitutional reform. More moderate than the other two, Gerry had joined Hancock and Adams after being convinced that the best way to protect citizen’s rights was on the state level.

The three made a powerful and nearly unstoppable force. The prestige, power and influence they could wield was far greater than other Anti-Federalists groups (even in other states-rights locations like Virgina). Adams riled the people up, got the average citizen involved through pamphlets and speeches. Hancock helped organize the Committee, chairing sessions and passing resolutions. Gerry, with his moderate views gave the whole affair a legitimate and respectable air while also proving a capable parliamentarian himself. The Dissent was already creating the rigged electoral maps that would make him infamous.

Unlike the other Anti-Federalists Committees scattered across the country, the Boston Committee quickly gained real political power, holding huge sway over Massachusetts. Hancock as Governor held quite a bit of authority and worked hard to implement Anti-Federalist demands into law while Adams and Gerry leaned on state delegates. They soon began looking outside the state and throughout New England for help and support. Throughout 1788 their influence grew, and spread into other nearby states.

Adams changed the name of the organization to the more expansive “New England Anti-Federalist Committee” and went searching for new allies. Rhode Island already had an active Anti-Federalist Community focused around the local “Country Party” and, if anything, was more rebellious than Adams himself. Led by local judge and firebrand William West, they already had organized militias ready to defend their rights. The small state sent men, money and even arms to Adam’s Committee, as well as founding local branches.

Connecticut and New Hampshire were more divided as the elites were cool to Adam’s rhetoric, but the people generally rallied. Most were fearful of the picture being painted of a distant national government ruthlessly collecting taxes and drafting soldiers. Generally the state governments played along, trying to ride the storm. Branches of Committee were allowed in both states, which soon held local power.

By spring 1789 they had formed the New England Triumvirate which held all the real power in New England. Sam Adams controlled the growing mob, which he used with great skill to effect unrest and change wherever it was needed. It was he who injected a flowing, violent and revolutionary populist strain into the movement, giving it life for the common man. It was almost the Revolution come again, as Adams, Hancock and Gerry brought forth a new power center in the struggling nation. They were on the verge of possibly creating some type of ‘New England Federation’ when news reached them from Great Britain…




A giant was sailing back to them, as fast as wind and wave would allow, eager to ‘knock sense’ in the heads of former friends and colleagues. John Adams, titan of the Revolution, signer of the Declaration of Independence and recently Minister to the Court of St. James, was heading home. Word had reached the former lawyer that New England was falling into the hands of wild-eyed radicals who were undoing the entire American experiment. Already unhappy with his current job and constantly snubbed by British aristocrats, the news was all Adam’s needed to hurry home.

Nearly as soon as John Adams hit the docks in Boston in April 1789, he plunged into the roiling political scene . He found things much farther gone than his reports had suggested. The Anti-Federalist Committee had apparently taken over the city. He saw newly raised militia drilling, Committee officials at the docks and even a small navy being formed out of privateers and local sailors. It reminded Adams too much of the build-up in the years before the Revolution had broken out.

After only the briefest time setting up his wife Abigail in Boston, he joined the rising turmoil with his usual vigor. Seeing the “New England Anti-Federalist Committee” in Boston, he started his own rival organization simply called the “Federalist Committee”. He hoped to galvanize the local supporters for reform and central federal power, alongside those simply opposed to Sam Adams populist style. While there was some initial success, Hancock and the others had a huge lead in both organization and numbers. Faced with this lopsided battlefield, Adams arranged a visit to “moderate the argument” with Hancock and Samuel Adams (Gerry was away visiting New Hampshire).

The meeting went poorly, despite John Adams trying to build on past relationships and family connections (Sam Adams was his second cousin). Adams’s famous ‘volcanic’ anger boiled over as soon as the pair began to disagree with him. Compromise had never been John Adams’ style and his impatience took over . He dismissed the Anti-Federalist concerns over centralization, condescendingly trying to tell them about his vision of a strong Union of states. Hancock, who had presided over the Continental Congress for years, did not take this lecture lightly and replied angrily in turn. Sam Adams himself, having now had a taste of real power, would never give it up and confirmed they intended to resist any growth of central power in America. The meeting broke up and any remaining hopes for peaceful reconciliation between Anti-Federalist and Federalist in New England was lost.

Faced with rejection, John Adams took on the Triumvirate directly, in the public political sphere. Brilliant, famous and well-connected it seemed that the local Federalist cause had gained a huge backer and protector, but Adams proved to be a poisoned chalice. Despite John Adams’ energy and intelligence, he was outflanked by Sam Adams who was always careful to turn the competition into a battle of personalities and feelings, not ideas. In a battle over hearts, John Adams would never win.

Prideful, caustic and suspicious Adams was poorly equipped to deal with the skillful demagoguery of Sam Adams or connected enough to combat Hancock’s and Gerry’s cliques of power. Throughout the hot summer of 1789 it became apparent that John Adams was hurting the Federalist cause more than helping. The battle grew ever more personal and John Adams became deeply bitter about the whole argument, certain everything the Revolution had been fought for was being ‘frittered away’ by the Triumvirate. Neutrality became impossible as most people were forced to choose sides, caught between the Committees political power and John Adam’s acidic tirades.

Newspapers, filled with pamphlets, letters and articles about the ongoing debate, increased in number. Backed by the state legislature, now a mere Committee rubberstamp, Sam Adams made sure the growing media provided only his point of view. Federalists newspapers were intimidated into silence either through legal actions or threats of physical force.

Political tempers grew short, as arguments often broke out on street corners. Even violence was not unknown, as several Anti-Federalists dusted off the old Son’s of Liberty moniker and used physical means to achieve their ends. The Anti-Federalist movement was being slowly rebranded as the Patriot Cause, a term Sam Adams encouraged. Torn apart, Boston began boiling over, and it soon became evident that the Anti-Federalists had the upper hand. The Triumvirate began raising men and arms to “calm” the situation, often leading to further turmoil. The rest of the nation watched in growing concern as New England appeared poised to fall into civil war.

In a last ditch attempt to remove their chief foe from the scene, Hancock brought forth a motion that the state of Massachusetts select John Adams as a delegate to the Congress of Confederation in New York in the fall of 1789. The move was supposed to merely signal the Committees total control over the state assembly, and give Adams a taste of growing Patriot strength. The post had stood empty for months, as most men rightfully considered it powerless. Hancock knew this first hand, as several years before, he had taken a turn as President of the Congress. He had quickly returned to Massachusetts however. Who wanted to live in New York and be part of such a toothless Congress?

In a move that shocked everyone, John Adams accepted the post. The former ambassador had been worn down by the intensity of the hopeless struggle to win the hearts and minds of his fellow New Englanders. Disappointment at his impending defeat weighed heavily on him and a post in New York seemed a somewhat graceful exit. There was no future in Boston for Federalists, a situation that was becoming more and more clear. John Adams was not the only man leaving that fall for friendlier climes, as other men escaped the growing dictatorship of the Committee. His rival “Federalist Committee”m which had never numbered more than a few dozen, shut its doors and bowed to the inevitable.

As he packed his bags, the Triumvirate reveled in victory. Unlike the state house, which at least pretended to be giving Adams an honor, the Anti-Federalist Committee openly rejoiced that their great foe was being chased out of Boston. As John Adams left, a defeated, dispirited man, the Patriots now had total and unchallenged control over New England. It would not take them long to impose their will and remake the land to their liking. Even as John Adams set sail for New York another ship was departing on the other side of the Atlantic carrying another great man. Thomas Jefferson was heading home, also troubled by news from New England.
 
Shattered Stars- Installment Five

I hold it, that a little rebellion, now and then, is a good thing, and as necessary in the political world as storms in the physical.- Thomas Jefferson


Even as John Adams was leaving rebellious New England for New York in the early winter of 1789, Thomas Jefferson was boarding a ship of his own, to cross the wild Atlantic. The rumors of revolt, rebellion and unrest had reached the American Ambassador to France in Paris. Things sounded grave in the new Republic so despite his intense interest in the ongoing French Revolution, Jefferson tore himself away and traveled home. After a rough voyage, Jefferson found himself back in his native Virginia just as America was ringing in 1790.

The plantation owner found little to celebrate. Harbors were still full of ruined hulks from the war, farms still burned and ruined. Roads and canals had not been repaired, as the state lacked the money and there was no federal government to guide internal improvements. Commerce had ground to a halt and money was hard to come by, as more and more farmers hoarded away any silver or gold against hard times. Paper money, the old war-time “Continentals” backed by Congress were worthless, less than one percent of their face value. In response individual states had taken to printing money but they had also suffered from inflation, making them virtually useless as well. Most states still carried heavy debts from the Revolutionary War which weighed down already damaged economies.

News out of the West was hardly better as Ohio was still full of hostile Native Americans, backed by the British, preventing settlement and westward expansion. Kentucky still chafed as a western part of Virginia, wishing to be free but having no government to send its appeals to. The rumors that Kentuckians were negotiating with Spanish imperialists was troubling in the extreme. Already the Empire of Spain encircled the South from Florida to New Orleans in a stranglehold. The mouth of the Mississippi River was still closed to American traders, forcing them to use Spanish middlemen. This crippled interior trade, and demands for an American-Spanish treaty were growing. Congress had sent John Jay to negotiate such a trade deal but it had come to nothing, without a government to back any agreement.

While not yet on the scale of the events in New England, divides in the South were growing between reformers and those opposed. In North Carolina the lines between the Anti-Federalist rural majority and the Federalist urban elites was quickly turning into open violence. Backwoods farmers were already arming themselves and drilling with impromptu militia companies as the coastal planters openly discussed secession, or integration into Virginia.

Despite this lengthy list of problems, Jefferson saw no immediate resolution on the horizon. Nationally there was no hope of guidance any time soon. The Congress of the Confederation had turned out to be toothless and ineffective. While Jefferson never wanted a strong central government, it was becoming obvious the Congress was incapable and unable to do even the minimum asked of it. Its greatest accomplishment, the Northwest Ordinance, was seemingly stillborn due to lack of enforcement and also seems to have mostly been a depressingly easy power grab by St. Clair.

So instead Jefferson turned to more local sources of unity and political decisiveness. Friend and sometimes political ally James Madison was still trying to put together another Convention, to reform the obviously ineffective Articles. So far his fellow planter had failed, and had merely raised the ire of his political foes. Listed chief among these were current Virginia Governor Patrick Henry and widely respected Dissent George Mason. While Jefferson considered Henry a ‘fear monger’, he deeply respected Mason and had worked with him in the past. Faced with this divide, Jefferson chose a different route than John Adams has chosen in Boston. Instead of diving straight into the political maelstrom, he retreated to Monticello, removing himself from the fray entirely.



Personally, his sympathies laid with the Anti-Federalists. The planter was suspicious of the urban power brokers, centralizing power in some far-off capital, accountable to no one. What difference did it make if a farmer was unfairly taxed from a distant London or just as remote American capital? He worried that the Revolution would simply enshrine a different set of political elites, instead of distributing it out to responsible, yeoman farmers. Even the unrest in New England did not overly bother him. What was Adams and Hancock doing except defending their states against possible federal overreach? The worst excesses of the New England revolt still lay in the future, and it was easy to paper over the unrest as simple patriotic spirit and vigor in the fact of uncertainty.

On the other hand, he approved of the Northwest Ordinance which would organize and unify the nation’s Western policy. In fact the Ordinance had been greatly based off of his own earlier work. A clear list of guidelines for making new, equal states appealed to him greatly and was obviously needed. Jefferson had always considered the West the future of the United States and it was clear a central government was needed to shield these early settlers from hostile natives and aggressive foreign governments. It was also evident that relations with the European powers could only be settled via united front from the former American colonies. Only with a friendly Europe could American produce, buy and trade the items it needed to prosper, as well as settle Western land claim questions.

Divided as his own nation, he began an active correspondence, writing letters to men all over the nation. In an attempt to clarify his own divided views, Jefferson researched the problems facing the nation at large and in Virginia in particular. It was becoming clear that despite his current neutrality he would have to join one side or the other. When that time came, Jefferson wanted to be in full possessions of the facts and sure of his own thoughts. The entire project of American democracy, that he had spent so much time in France advocating, seemed to hang in the balance.
 
Very interesting on this so far in terms of the kind of picture that is being setup so far. I'll likely expand a bit in terms of my thoughts on it somewhat later, but good job on it so far and I can't wait to see where you go with it.
 

Installment Six


I agree with you that in politics the middle way is none at all.- John Adams


John Adams, still trailing clouds of defeat from New England, landed on the New York docks just in time for the Christmas celebrations of 1789. It is probable he was hoping the next year would prove more satisfying than the endless frustrations of last year. On the surface it appeared so. New York was a bustling city of over 30,000 people and had just edged out Philadelphia as the largest city in the United States. Already the city was creating the foundations of the financial superiority to come as the financial speculation market was one of the main drivers of New York’s wealth. In fact New York City had bought much of the state debt from Southern states, valued in the millions, hoping to turn a massive profit once a new government was created. The seeds of Wall Street were already planted, although they would take long to mature.

The City itself was staunchly Federalist, for a number of reasons. The primary one was that a strong national government would hopefully regulate trade between the states and end the current inter-state trade wars. Even now New York had erected tariffs against New Jersey and Connecticut, trying to keep out “foreign” manufactures. Secondly a national government would open up trade agreements with other nations, as seaborne commerce was the lifeblood of the city. While a few simple deals had been worked out with the British, as New York was viewed as the main British port in the United States, the current state of disarray and uncertainty had been devastating to the local economy. John Adams found a much more accepting atmosphere here then in Patriot-held Boston.

Again Adams set his wife up in a comfortable house and was quite impressed with the energetic and voluble New Yorkers. They had a “positive drive” that had been sorely lacking among the irritable and mob driven Bostonians. Adams was less impressed when he found Congress however, despite the palatial surroundings of Federal Hall. Astonishingly, Adams found the building essentially empty. After some investigation Adams discovered the rather disappointing truth. There were hardly any members in session, committees left empty, and votes ignored. Few members even showed up in New York, let alone attended the dull meetings of the Congress. Those that were in town preferred to enjoy the cultural and social events, rather than tend to their political duties. Adams was forced to face the fact that the supposed political body of the nation was effectively non-existent.

A lesser man may have given up in the face of such sloth and indolence. However, having just received such a staggering defeat at the hands of the Patriots in New England, Adams was not going to give up this time. The New Englander went out personally to assemble a quorum of members, finding delegates in their own homes, in taverns and at parties. It took weeks of diligent work but just as 1790 was dawning John Adams has assembled every Congress delegate in New York in the chamber, some having been prevailed upon to attend only through the use of “physical force”, as Adams put in.



The first act of the new Congress was obvious and all clamored to select John Adams as the new President of the Congress of the Confederation. Current president, South Carolinian non-entity named John Hunter, happily stepped aside for the energetic New Englander. After only arriving in New York a month ago Adams was unanimously elected President of the Congress. The weight of the new nation's many problems fell heavily on a man who, just a short time ago was essentially hounded out of Boston. Still, despite the list of administrative problems his, primary goal had not changed, to begin the task of reforming the national government of the United States and to create a just, robust and effective central government.

Therefore, before he did anything else the new President retired to his study and began writing letters. With Abigail’s help, he wrote dispatches to every state legislature, asking them to send their best and brightest to fill Congress and to craft a new Constitution for the nation. In his bid to make this Congress as inclusive as possible, Adams even sent letters to rebellious New England as well as the territories of Kentucky. Some of his dispatches were even sent to Vermont, which was not even formally part of the Republic. In addition to these official requests to the states Adams also sent personal letters to men whom he respected and wished to attend. This list was composed primarily of men who had gone to Philadelphia, even including a few Dissidents, as Adams wished to call on men with experience. His entire plan rested on him gathering a body of men with the prestige, influence and political backing to create a Constitution that would be respected by a divided nation. It would take time for men to begin arriving however, and other matters crowded on Adams.

Before he could begin running the country, Adams first sought a local base of support. He had learned his lesson in Boston and realized he could do nothing if the local power structure was hostile to him. While the urban center of New York City was a Federalist stronghold the rest of the rural state was Anti-Federalist and the Governor George Clinton was quite hostile to the idea of a national government. In the face of this, Adams found two local allies to help him rally support for his cause of a reformed and strong national government, Alexander Hamilton and Aaron Burr.

Alexander Hamilton was perhaps the only man in the Republic with a stronger Federalist resume then John Adams. A senior officer in the Continental Army and later delegate to Philadelphia, Hamilton had been a tireless proponent of a strong central government for years. Over the last three years he had unleashed a torrent of pamphlets, essays and letters explaining his views. Like Madison, Hamilton had been relentless in his pushing for another Convention. While Adams found the young man arrogant and prideful, there was no denying his energy, his intelligence and his skill with the pen.

Burr, a friend of Hamilton’s, was quite a different sort. While also a Continental officer, Burr was now the quintessential power broker in a city full of them. Now the New York state attorney general, he was a man with allies in every club and completely ensconced in the local power structure. A reliable, if moderate, Federalist Burr was respected and trusted by the varied and diverse political factions in the City. If anyone could help keep the local elites in line while Adams rebuilt the nation, it was Aaron Burr.

His new allies came at a price however, and Adams was forced to pay for their aid. Hamilton for his part, came relatively cheap. Already a member of Congress he simply asked to be given a lead role in the crafting of any new governmental documents and constitutions created. While Adams feared the young lawyer was far too enamored with the British political system he had no options but to concede. Pushing forward on reform without Hamilton in tow would be unthinkable, and likely impossible. Burr, on the other hand, had slightly larger demands. Despite not being a member of Congress, he wanted to have a say in whatever new government structure was formed. Burr was particularly in regulations on western land speculation, a field in he was already a rich man. While this smacked of corruption to Adams, he needed Burr too much. Reluctantly he agreed, and set the two to fan the flames of reform among the public.


With those wheels in motion Adams, now President, turned to the actual tasks related to his new post. The first and most pressing was the Northwest Territory. That vast area was claimed by the United States but the new Republic held little sway there in 1790. St. Clair, titular Governor of the territory, still huddled on the south bank of the Ohio river, unable to enter his own supposed province. Despite the disaster in 1787, St. Clair had tried again in 1789, having gathered another force of local Kentucky militia. Under supplied and out numbered they had once again faced defeat and St. Clair had once again retreated south across the river, where he still waited. Nearly three years had passed and he was no closer to his goal then before.

Opening this rich and fertile area to colonization, and making good many land speculators claims to the area, was Adam’s first major test. Even beyond the specter of a united native american heartland, were the intolerable British forts still being maintained in American claimed areas. Clearly the answer was to create a large and well-supplied army, march it into the Ohio Territory and assert American control over the area. This was easier said than done however and Adams knew it.

Congress had no ability to raise troops, appoint officers to lead it, or even raise taxes to pay for it. The states were unwilling to volunteer troops or money for a bankrupt and obviously incapable government. Ohio however couldn’t wait until reform came, which promised to take many months. Finally however, Pennsylvania Governor Thomas Mifflin came forward with a promise of aid. Mifflin promised to create, organize and pay an army to invade the Ohio Territory and fully integrate it into the United States. The Governor of the Keystone state did not intend to do this for free however and his demands were not cheap.

First, Mifflin demanded the federal government turn over the so-called “Erie Triangle”, a debated plot of federal land on Lake Erie to his state, giving Pennsylvania a port on the Great Lakes. Secondly Mifflin wanted help financing Pennsylvania war debts, and hoped Adams could lean on New York finance house to ensure good rates. Last, the Governor wished for his state to have “considerable control” over the Federal territory of Ohio including land grants, access to Ohio goods and other commercial concerns. Adams was canny enough to know this meant a Pennsylvania dominated Ohio, with the new area treated as a quasi-colony of the larger state.

Still, President Adams had few other options. With no other offers forthcoming and faced with was clearly a crisis he agreed to Mifflin’s deal. In a private letter dated April 1790 President Adams agreed to the three demands in exchange for a Pennsylvania Army to invade Ohio and restore American law and order. St. Clair, while still nominally Governor of the Territory, was not even mentioned. It would be the first test of the new administration where even success might destroy the fragile Republic.
 
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