Sean Eternos los Laureles

maverick

Banned
Sean Eternos los Laureles

(working title)

For the ones tired of WWII, Baseball, US and british politics...
tongue.gif


Prologue
Argentina in 1945

The nation once known as the Barn of the World was a sleeping nation in 1945; and while the world was divided and fighting in a war of epic proportions, at the Deep South of the world different forces were fighting a war of their own.
The infamous decade of 1930 had been replaced by an even more authoritarian period of military rule under the officers of the 1943 military revolution, who had continued the economic and social policies of the previous governments, ignoring the civil rights of the workers and the farmers, who by October of 1945 had found a strong leading figure in the man known as Colonel Juan Domingo Peron, at the time both Vice President, Minister of War and head of the Department of Labor. From his position of power the young officer had been able to rally considerable support behind him, defending the rights of the common man instead of those of the industrialists, the businessmen and the oligarchs that controlled the political machines of the time.
To understand what is happening to Argentina and South America now it is important to know that much of the current situation is a direct result of the acts of men and institutions years and decades ago, as everything that a man does has consequences and has have consequences in the history of mankind, whether one writes a book that challenges the established ideologies, whether one kills a king or whether one orders a rising political figure arrested and exiled in a little prison island…

Buenos Aires, Argentina
October 17th of 1945

It was a warm day of the spring of 1945 and the crowd gathered at the Plaza de Mayo was getting hot-heated and tired. Ever since the arrest of General Peron on October 12th, and while the middle and high classes cheered President Farrell’s decision to have the popular leader incarcerated, the reaction from the working classes has been a tad different. General strikes in several provinces and massive gatherings like the one at Plaza de Mayo began to turn into nearly hourly occurrences since the arrest of the man.
What was worse for the government of General Farrell, several unions and worker’s associations declared their intention to go on a general strike on October 18th
The already dire situation of the Military government was turning even bleaker as the hours passed and the people continued to gather at the Plaza de Mayo. Thousands of workers, men and women, invaded the national capital demanding the liberation of General Peron, marching from the neighborhoods of Avellaneda, Lanús and Berriso towards the square. Even the government’s attempt to close the bridges had not stopped the mobilization of the people, some of which even swam through the Riachuelo to get to Plaza de Mayo.
The tensions could be felt in the air, as could be the heat. Even at a city like Buenos Aires, the Spring and Summer could be terrible for one, and many people went as far as to take of their shoes and deep their feet at the Plaza’s fountains.
There had been rumors that Peron’s health had forced the military government to move him from his exile at the island of Martin Garcia, between Argentina and Uruguay, to a Military hospital in the neighborhood of Belgrano in the city of Buenos Aires, which was true, but only rumors until then.
People were screaming, people were shouting, people were signing and demanding. There was probably thousands and tens of thousands of people, although nobody even knew for sure exactly how many people were there.
It was certainly a night that would change the history of the country forever, although nobody would ever know if things could have done differently that they had had things taken a different course.
It was at 9.00 pm of that night of 1945 that the history of the country changed, in front of the Presidential Palace, known as the Casa Rosada. The announcement was short and Dramatic “El General Peron esta Muerto, Abatido por la enfermedad” (General Peron is dead, stroke by Illness). The dramatic effect of those words would forever resonate in the ears of those present and in the history books written by the generations that were and the generations that came afterwards.
While some began to cry and shout, others let their feelings out in a more violent way, attacking the police controls around the crowd and some even trying to storm the Presidential palace before being stopped by the soldiers stationed around it. Nevertheless, the violence would not be stopped there.

Encyclopedia of Argentinean History 1930-1956
The Plaza de Mayo Riots

“Following the news of General Peron’s death that night, the angry crowds of workers gathered almost immediately began to wreck havoc in response to what they perceived as the assassination of their beloved leader at the hands of a military-industrial conspiracy
The truth of course is that the real nature of Juan Domingo Peron’s death have never and probably will never be revealed, the body of the general long-lost in the annals of History, in those chaotic and senseless days of 1945.
But for the moment the angry and heartbroken workers, finding themselves without a unified leadership, attacked several police and military personal and offices through Buenos Aires, even attempting to storm the Casa Rosada that night of October 17th, although being stopped by the machine gun fire of the soldiers defending the presidential palace.
The violence would nevertheless last for three days before the direct military response on October 21st, when men scratched from several infantry battalions were gathered to end the riots, which by then had cost the life of 135 people and thousands and even millions of pesos in damage to personal and public property…”


US Embassy at Buenos Aires, October 18th of 1945

‘Mr. Braden, It is safer if you stay away from the windows’
The US Ambassador to Argentina hardly listened to what his secretary told him. He was blankly staring at the window from his office, terrified and shocked at the violence that took place right in front of his eyes. The soldiers at the gates could only do so much, but nothing to calm the nerves of the Ambassador.
Spruille Braden knew that the people below him wanted him death. To them he was part of the conspiracy that had put their hero in the exile that killed him. Both Braden, the oligarchs, the military and the conservatives were part of the conspiracy, but whether said machinations had resulted in the death of Peron was unknown to Braden. He had hoped so at the beginning, since taking Peron out of the way had been Braden’ s say of adverting the rise of “the Hitler of Tomorrow”, or at least so did he think when he started his work against the man. Braden had gone as far as advocating for a pre-emptive military invasion of Argentina upon accusing several members of the Argentine government of conspiring with the Axis powers during the war.
With a glass of scotch in his left hand and a tissue in his right one, the Ambassador was waiting for the worse, and at every minute he expected the angry mobs to break through the gates to take over the embassy, torch it and lynch him. So far the mobs had limited themselves to thrown rocks and bottles to the building, while insulting and cursing at the people inside.
On the bottom drawer of his desk there was a gun which he hadn’t used in years and that he had little idea of how to use know, but that made Braden feel much better that the men holding their carabines outside his office door.
‘We’ve heard that the army is preparing a response, Mr. Braden’ commented his secretary once more, although Braden could do little more than to grin unconvincingly and wait for the worse to come.
‘Any news from Washington?’ inquired Braden now, as he filled his glass once more.
The crowds around the embassy were now bigger and louder, and the rocks hitting the building’s walls and windows were now more accurate and destructive.
‘Maybe we should go to the basement’ suggested Braden’s assistant, as the Ambassador came out from under his desk.
‘Maybe we should, maybe we should’


From The Country that was Argentina, by Felix Luna

“Following the mysterious death of General Juan Domingo Peron, the extremely violent Plaza de Mayo Riots and the bloody military response of the night of the 21st, the military government could barely stand, and the weakest of winds could force the house of cards down, crumbling and collapsing over its inhabitants.
Said wind came in the form of an assassination attempt on President Farrell by an angry member of the CGT, one of the most powerful Labor unions of the country. The assassination attempt, although far from injuring the president, gave the General a new perspective, letting him knows exactly how much he was hated…”
“On October 30th, the military government announced that a new government would be formed and that elections were to be held on February 20th of the following year…”
“Of course, many had suspected that the fraudulent system of the decade of the 1930s would be revived the keep the old political machines in power, and thus some protests and strikes continued even after December of 1945, when military force was used one last time to bring some stability to the country…”

Encyclopedia of Argentinean History 1930-1956
Presidential Election of 1946

The terrible economic and social crisis originated by the death of Peron, although with roots as deep and old as the origins of the labor movement in Argentina decades ago, were hardly a good atmosphere for a return to Democracy after a three year military dictatorship and a thirteen year fraudulent semi-democracy.
The divisions between the various social and political sectors were of great influence in the consolidation of the political powers that contested the election, including most notably the Union Civica Radical, the Catholic Church, the Military, the Agricultural-Financial oligarchy, the industrialists and of course, the Labor movement.
By far, many had anticipated what was to come, the formation of a coalition of the moderate elements of the Union Civica Radical (UCR) and the conservative factions of Argentine society and politics, as the one formed in the aftermath of the overthrowing of the left wing radical President in 1930, Hipolito Yrigoyen. The Concordancia, as the alliance of anti-Yrigoyenist radicals, conservatives and nationalists was known, had ruled the country for 13 years through a series of corrupt practices and electoral fraud in the form of rigged elections in which the Yrigoyenists were not allowed to participate.
The new Concordancia, this time known as the Partido Social Democratico Radical (Social-Democratic Radical Party) presented the Radical leader, Jose P. Tamborini as their candidate, with a fellow radical as his running mate, Enrique Mosca.
The socialists, on the other hand nominated Nicolas Repeto as their candidate, while the Conservative Partido Democrata Nacional (National-Democratic Party) limited itself to support the Tamborini-Mosca ticket, being unable to find a candidate without falling to inner fighting. Finally, a rump PDN of conservative officers and former supporters of General Peron nominated Admiral Alberto Tessaire, who would eventually play an important role in future political event, as history would show.
Most important was the labor nominations, as without Peron, the labor movement had lost the one unifying figure they had. The CGT (Confederación General de Trabajo-General Labor Confederation) and other prominent unions formed the Partido Laborista (Labor Party) and the “Partido de los trabajadores” (Worker’s party), the first nominating their leader, Alcides Montiel, and the second one nominating prominent Union leader Luis Gay.

The elections were hold on February 20th of 1946, giving a not surprising victory to Jose Tamborini of the UCR, with a 45% of the votes and over 200 electoral votes (1), while the others including Montiel (13% of the votes), Gay (11%) and Repeto (6%) would not come close enough to compete with the coalition behind Tamborini.
Weeks after the elections…”

From the cover of La Nacion, February of 1946

TAMBORINI DEFEATS MONTIEL AND TESSAIRE

CGT THREATENS WITH FURTHER STRIKES

TENSIONS BETWEEN THE SOVIET UNION AND THE UNITED STATES RISING AT BERLIN


From…A History of the UCR 1890-1950 by Felix Luna
The Times of Jose Tamborini

“The presidency of Jose Tamborini has always been considered as one of the most controversial of our history. Tamborini was a man in a very complicated position, representing the conservative wing of his party, often agreeing more with the conservatives outside the UCR than with the main party line, something that lead to several conflicts with the party leadership and the Senate throughout his presidency.
It’s of course interesting that even his vice-president represented completely different political views, being from the social-progressive wing of the party. But the divisions between the President, the vice President and the Party were not the only problems Tamborini would have to face during his government. The unions were growing in power and action, the economy that had grown immensely from the war neutrality was now stagnating due to the CGT strikes, while on the international stage Argentina was being pressured into taking anti-communist lines along the main party line of the United States, something that both nationalists and socialists did not like…
…most importantly was also the problem with the military sphere, which did not completely trust Tamborini, despite having proven himself a conservative…through his entire government the president would find himself under the pressure of the Unions, his own party, his own army, the senate and several other sectors wanting to further their own goals within the country…”

To be continued...

Notes:
1.Argentina was under an Electoral College system until the constitutional reform of 1956. (OTL, until 1949)
2. The title comes from the National anthem...
3. No, that was not a joke, there was actually a politician called Luis Gay...
 
Very promising begining!!! I wonder how will things go from there. Many questions arrise. Here are a few:

- Who would make the legislative reforms Peron made in OTL? The radicals? The socialist? Someone else?

- With which party (if any) will the members of the working class identify themselves? Will the Socialists Party benifit from the absence of Peron?

- Will the Labour Party survive in the long term? I think it was too attached to Peron to became significantly important without him, but it's just an idea...

- What will the government do with the econnomic resources post-war Argentina had in 1946/49?

- Will we recieve more, less, or the same number of inmigrants we recieved in those years? Will they include war criminals, as those who came in OTL?
Ojalá que no...

- What will be the government possition during the cold war?

- Will Guevara still go to Guatemala and Cuba, go somewhere else, or stay in his home country?

There are a lot of interesting possibilities!


Well, good luck!:) The two other TLs of yours I read were great, and very detailed in info. I liked specially the one about Japan.
 

maverick

Banned
Holy shit! an Argentinean!:p:)

The idea is that without Peron (although Evita plays a role later) the Labor movement has no leadership, and as I've made clear, Tamborini is a conservative, something that will bring problems with the labor movement...

The life of the Che will be different.

Well, without a Nazi-friendly government, a lot of germans will get to know the sunny beaches of brazil and the comfortable tax-free laws of Paraguay:p

The problem with the labor parties is that they'll have to learn how to work things how between them and eventually merge, but meanwhile using strikes and the unions to pressure the government into getting some reforms done, but hardly the kind of reforms Peron did IOTL...
 

maverick

Banned
1946-1948

A History of Argentina 1900-1950

“The government of Jose Tamborini and its actions can be easily divided within three fronts:
1. The political front: in which the government proved to be at the same time authoritarian and libertarian, not wanting a policy of outright persecution of the opposition, but not wanting to fully allow the participation or involvement of the Union and labor movements, which still used the deceased General Peron as their spiritual leader and martyr. Several CGT strikes and riots at the provinces and Buenos Aires would be crushed by police and military force, while many elections which gave the laborist and the Workers’ party victories in Congress would be declared null while military intervention was used at the province.
2. The Economical front: which was especially affected by the political and economic policies, as the conservative attitudes of Tamborini fully favored the old agricultural plutocracy over the industrialists and the labor forces, though at the same time Tamborini’s government continued with the policies of industrialization of the past government, a policy that would be continued well beyond political or ideological differences by every government between 1930 and 1981. Thus between 1946 and 1949 Argentina experienced one of the fastest growths in its history and the history of South America, being only later beaten by the short-lived Brazilian miracle of 1983-1989.
3. The international front: perhaps the lest studied of Tamborini’s many policies, but nevertheless one of the most interesting ones to analyze, as it saw a continuation of the old system of the 1930s and well before the crisis of 1929, by which the Argentinean economy was deeply and closely attached to that of Great Britain, and now Europe and the United States, vastly benefiting from the destruction of Europe and said continent’s inability to produce its own food and to export industrial goods, which the Argentineans were seeking to provide for themselves. Through the late 1940s Buenos Aires would become a staunch anti-communist stronghold and a very close ally of the Western Bloc, a policy that would be nevertheless strongly criticized by many factions of the left and the right, especially the nationalists within the armed forces and the labor unions.


From…Argentina en la encrucijada by Felipe Pigna
The 1940s

“The Federal and military interventions of 1946 and 1947 are often said to have done more harm than good, and if we judge the tense relations between the labor unions, the industrialists, the land-owning aristocracy of the time, the Government and the Military, we can surely see that said assumption is far from wrong…
…Well into the summer of 1947 and the spring of 1948, the labor unions, the industrialists and some factions of the military opposed to President Tamborini and his Agricultural-favoring Policies, had begun secret meetings and negotiations, and by the winter of 1948, most of said sections opposing the government of President Tamborini were agreeing in the terms for pushing their demands on the Radical government…
…Some would even claim that the then young radical politician Ricardo Balbín and Admiral Alberto Tessaire, the de facto leader of the anti-Tamborini secret Cabal, had met on more than one occasion, although such allegations have never been proven…
…Back to the scandal of September 9th of 1948”…

From…The New York Times, September of 1948

GOVERNOR DEWEY TO DEFEAT PRESIDENT TRUMAN BY LANDSLIDE
Page 2
DEMOCRATIC PARTY SPLIT TO CONTINUE
Page 4
FURTHER TENSIONS AT BERLIN THREATEN TO CAUSE WAR
Page 19
SCANDAL ROCKS ARGENTINEAN GOVERNMENT
Page 21

From La Nacion, September of 1948

-RICARDO BALBIN AND OTHERS ARRESTED FOR ANTI-GOVERNMENT CONSPIRACY
-ANTI-GOVERNMENT FORCES RALLY AT BUENOS AIRES AND CORDOBA
-ARMED FORCES ON HIGH ALERT

From…El Pais de los Argentinos, de Felipe Pigna

“If the government had a great amount of difficulties dealing with the labor unions, the dissatisfied elements of the armed forces and the industrialists separately, their sudden and unexpected “unholy alliance” of 1948 was the stroke that broke the Camel’s back. If the CGT Threatened to call for a general strike, if the some angry colonel threatened to order his men to stay at the barracks instead of suppressing the riots, or if an industrialist menaced with halting his production if the government subsidies stopped, the government could handle them separately, but when a group of representatives from the new grouping of industrialists and unions threatened to throw the country into an abyss, and the armed forces were not able to agree whether to mobilize or not, President Tamborini realized that he lost the control of his own country…
…By ordering the pre-emptive arrest of his main opposition within his own party, Ricardo Balbin, and several other labor and union leaders, Jose Tamborini precipitated a series of events that would lead to the Bloody night of September 13th of 1948…”

From…Operación Masacre, by Rodolfo Walsh

“It was a warm night in the late winter of 1948, and the signs that the spring was approaching could be felt in the air…”
“The streets of Buenos Aires were unusually empty, as if the people of the capital knew what was going to occur, as if the calm before the storm was premeditated…”
“The neighbors of Belgrano were the first to hear the sounds of the soldiers marching, and the army cars moving towards the Casa Rosada…”
“Nobody knows exactly who started shooting, whether it was the police, the insurrected troops or the government troops guarding the Plaza de Mayo by the orders of President Tamborini, like he knew what was going to happen as well…when the dark clouds gather over your head, you don’t wonder if the rain will fall over your head, but whether you will be able to get home on time…”

From La Nacion, September 14th of 1948

-BLOOD ON THE STREETS!!! ARMED ENGAGEMENTS LAST NIGHT AT CAPITAL FEDERAL; COUP ATTEMPT BLAMED ON RADICAL ELEMENTS OF THE MILITARY
-WHEREABOUTS OF PRESIDENT TAMBORINI UNKNOWN
-MINISTER OF WAR TO DECLARE MARTIAL LAW

Buenos Aires, Argentina, September 14th of 1948

Lieutenant Castillo was thrown back to his sell as a shadow of his former self. The military police had beaten him into a bloody pulp for three hours and he could barely breathe anymore, and he did it with extreme difficulties.
The men around him had inferior ranks to his own, except for a Captain, which he did not recognize, but that for a minute Castillo mistook for Colonel Valle. It took Castillo a minute to realize that the man next to him was a captain and not a colonel, and an extra minute to think that if captured, Colonel Valle would have been taken elsewhere to be interrogated.
The young man next to him, a corporal from Corrientes, later he learnt, was missing an eye and his face was covered in blood. He had screamed until he fainted, much to the comfort of the men around him, as they had their own pain to worry about.
Suddenly, Lt. Castillo began to wonder what had happened to Colonel Valle.
Juan Jose Valle had been a good officer, even if he was an insurrect and a radical, at least by government standards and those of the majority of the armed forces. It was likely that Valle was either captured or killed during the bloody coup attempt of the night before. What had happened to admiral Tessaire was unknown, although later Castillo learnt that the admiral had been able to escape to Montevideo when it was clear that the government forces had beaten the “rebels”
The limited assistance the naval aviation had given to the land forces of Colonel Valle had caused panic and wrecked havoc in the early minutes of the engagements, and the Bombing of the Plaza de Mayo would be forever remembered as one of the most dramatic events of the modern history of the country, yet the planes were forced to withdraw and so were the regiments of Colonel Valle.
And now Jorge Castillo was in a filthy concrete cell in some army base surrounded by 15 shadows of men that not even their mothers could recognize.
Some three minutes later, the interrogators threw another beaten soldier with the rest at the cell and left, leaving the man lying in the middle of the room. Castillo was the only one with enough energy to help the man, so he gave him some water and carried him to a corner in which he was sitting.
After an hour, the young man was awake once more, and a few minutes after that, he and Castillo began to talk. The private, a certain Ernesto Martinez, of Entre Rios, talked little, as he was clearly traumatized by the “interrogation” he had underwent, but after a few minutes of light conversation about their lives and families, Martinez really caught Castillo’s attention for what he said.
“I heard the officers talking, about the stuff happening at Buenos Aires, you know…”
Castillo didn’t know. He hadn’t heard anything while being interrogated, other that the taunts of the officers and his own screams of pain.
“…It seems that the President is missing, and that the war minister is calling the shots, but the unions don’t like that, and Tessaire from Montevideo is telling them to put up a fight against any military government wanting to oppress the people”
“But that could lead to…” said Castillo while turning unbelievably pale
“I know…”
 

maverick

Banned
1946-1948

A History of Argentina 1900-1950

“The government of Jose Tamborini and its actions can be easily divided within three fronts:
1. The political front: in which the government proved to be at the same time authoritarian and libertarian, not wanting a policy of outright persecution of the opposition, but not wanting to fully allow the participation or involvement of the Union and labor movements, which still used the deceased General Peron as their spiritual leader and martyr. Several CGT strikes and riots at the provinces and Buenos Aires would be crushed by police and military force, while many elections which gave the laborist and the Workers’ party victories in Congress would be declared null while military intervention was used at the province.
2. The Economical front: which was especially affected by the political and economic policies, as the conservative attitudes of Tamborini fully favored the old agricultural plutocracy over the industrialists and the labor forces, though at the same time Tamborini’s government continued with the policies of industrialization of the past government, a policy that would be continued well beyond political or ideological differences by every government between 1930 and 1981. Thus between 1946 and 1949 Argentina experienced one of the fastest growths in its history and the history of South America, being only later beaten by the short-lived Brazilian miracle of 1983-1989.
3. The international front: perhaps the lest studied of Tamborini’s many policies, but nevertheless one of the most interesting ones to analyze, as it saw a continuation of the old system of the 1930s and well before the crisis of 1929, by which the Argentinean economy was deeply and closely attached to that of Great Britain, and now Europe and the United States, vastly benefiting from the destruction of Europe and said continent’s inability to produce its own food and to export industrial goods, which the Argentineans were seeking to provide for themselves. Through the late 1940s Buenos Aires would become a staunch anti-communist stronghold and a very close ally of the Western Bloc, a policy that would be nevertheless strongly criticized by many factions of the left and the right, especially the nationalists within the armed forces and the labor unions.


From…Argentina en la encrucijada by Felipe Pigna
The 1940s

“The Federal and military interventions of 1946 and 1947 are often said to have done more harm than good, and if we judge the tense relations between the labor unions, the industrialists, the land-owning aristocracy of the time, the Government and the Military, we can surely see that said assumption is far from wrong…
…Well into the summer of 1947 and the spring of 1948, the labor unions, the industrialists and some factions of the military opposed to President Tamborini and his Agricultural-favoring Policies, had begun secret meetings and negotiations, and by the winter of 1948, most of said sections opposing the government of President Tamborini were agreeing in the terms for pushing their demands on the Radical government…
…Some would even claim that the then young radical politician Ricardo Balbín and Admiral Alberto Tessaire, the de facto leader of the anti-Tamborini secret Cabal, had met on more than one occasion, although such allegations have never been proven…
…Back to the scandal of September 9th of 1948”…

From…The New York Times, September of 1948

GOVERNOR DEWEY TO DEFEAT PRESIDENT TRUMAN BY LANDSLIDE
Page 2
DEMOCRATIC PARTY SPLIT TO CONTINUE
Page 4
FURTHER TENSIONS AT BERLIN THREATEN TO CAUSE WAR
Page 19
SCANDAL ROCKS ARGENTINEAN GOVERNMENT
Page 21

From La Nacion, September of 1948

-RICARDO BALBIN AND OTHERS ARRESTED FOR ANTI-GOVERNMENT CONSPIRACY
-ANTI-GOVERNMENT FORCES RALLY AT BUENOS AIRES AND CORDOBA
-ARMED FORCES ON HIGH ALERT

From…El Pais de los Argentinos, de Felipe Pigna

“If the government had a great amount of difficulties dealing with the labor unions, the dissatisfied elements of the armed forces and the industrialists separately, their sudden and unexpected “unholy alliance” of 1948 was the stroke that broke the Camel’s back. If the CGT Threatened to call for a general strike, if the some angry colonel threatened to order his men to stay at the barracks instead of suppressing the riots, or if an industrialist menaced with halting his production if the government subsidies stopped, the government could handle them separately, but when a group of representatives from the new grouping of industrialists and unions threatened to throw the country into an abyss, and the armed forces were not able to agree whether to mobilize or not, President Tamborini realized that he lost the control of his own country…
…By ordering the pre-emptive arrest of his main opposition within his own party, Ricardo Balbin, and several other labor and union leaders, Jose Tamborini precipitated a series of events that would lead to the Bloody night of September 13th of 1948…”

From…Operación Masacre, by Rodolfo Walsh

“It was a warm night in the late winter of 1948, and the signs that the spring was approaching could be felt in the air…”
“The streets of Buenos Aires were unusually empty, as if the people of the capital knew what was going to occur, as if the calm before the storm was premeditated…”
“The neighbors of Belgrano were the first to hear the sounds of the soldiers marching, and the army cars moving towards the Casa Rosada…”
“Nobody knows exactly who started shooting, whether it was the police, the insurrected troops or the government troops guarding the Plaza de Mayo by the orders of President Tamborini, like he knew what was going to happen as well…when the dark clouds gather over your head, you don’t wonder if the rain will fall over your head, but whether you will be able to get home on time…”

From La Nacion, September 14th of 1948

-BLOOD ON THE STREETS!!! ARMED ENGAGEMENTS LAST NIGHT AT CAPITAL FEDERAL; COUP ATTEMPT BLAMED ON RADICAL ELEMENTS OF THE MILITARY
-WHEREABOUTS OF PRESIDENT TAMBORINI UNKNOWN
-MINISTER OF WAR TO DECLARE MARTIAL LAW

Buenos Aires, Argentina, September 14th of 1948

Lieutenant Castillo was thrown back to his sell as a shadow of his former self. The military police had beaten him into a bloody pulp for three hours and he could barely breathe anymore, and he did it with extreme difficulties.
The men around him had inferior ranks to his own, except for a Captain, which he did not recognize, but that for a minute Castillo mistook for Colonel Valle. It took Castillo a minute to realize that the man next to him was a captain and not a colonel, and an extra minute to think that if captured, Colonel Valle would have been taken elsewhere to be interrogated.
The young man next to him, a corporal from Corrientes, later he learnt, was missing an eye and his face was covered in blood. He had screamed until he fainted, much to the comfort of the men around him, as they had their own pain to worry about.
Suddenly, Lt. Castillo began to wonder what had happened to Colonel Valle.
Juan Jose Valle had been a good officer, even if he was an insurrect and a radical, at least by government standards and those of the majority of the armed forces. It was likely that Valle was either captured or killed during the bloody coup attempt of the night before. What had happened to admiral Tessaire was unknown, although later Castillo learnt that the admiral had been able to escape to Montevideo when it was clear that the government forces had beaten the “rebels”
The limited assistance the naval aviation had given to the land forces of Colonel Valle had caused panic and wrecked havoc in the early minutes of the engagements, and the Bombing of the Plaza de Mayo would be forever remembered as one of the most dramatic events of the modern history of the country, yet the planes were forced to withdraw and so were the regiments of Colonel Valle.
And now Jorge Castillo was in a filthy concrete cell in some army base surrounded by 15 shadows of men that not even their mothers could recognize.
Some three minutes later, the interrogators threw another beaten soldier with the rest at the cell and left, leaving the man lying in the middle of the room. Castillo was the only one with enough energy to help the man, so he gave him some water and carried him to a corner in which he was sitting.
After an hour, the young man was awake once more, and a few minutes after that, he and Castillo began to talk. The private, a certain Ernesto Martinez, of Entre Rios, talked little, as he was clearly traumatized by the “interrogation” he had underwent, but after a few minutes of light conversation about their lives and families, Martinez really caught Castillo’s attention for what he said.
“I heard the officers talking, about the stuff happening at Buenos Aires, you know…”
Castillo didn’t know. He hadn’t heard anything while being interrogated, other that the taunts of the officers and his own screams of pain.
“…It seems that the President is missing, and that the war minister is calling the shots, but the unions don’t like that, and Tessaire from Montevideo is telling them to put up a fight against any military government wanting to oppress the people”
“But that could lead to…” said Castillo while turning unbelievably pale
“I know…”
 
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