Theodore Worden: His Life and Ideology
Theodore Worden was born in Atlanta, Georgia, the Southern Confederation in 1936, two years before the beginning of the Global War, the son of Hector and Sandra Worden. The Worden family had arrived in the CNA during the Gallivan years, attracted by the nation’s economic prosperity in comparison to their native Britain. Worden grew up in a middle class home, but barely knew his father. Hector Worden was a staunch North American nationalist who joined the Burgoyne Brigade during the Global War, a volunteer brigade from North America that fought for Britain in Europe.
When Hector returned from Europe, he was scarred by two things: the brutality of the war and the inefficiency of the British war effort. Believing British constitutional monarchy to be the superior system of government and in the intellectual and political prowess of ethnically British culture and its derivatives, he was shocked that the British had only left the war in a stalemate with Germany. The CNA, he thought, was the only bastion of pure parliamentary democracy left in the world.
As young Theodore grew up, Hector taught him his thoughts on the CNA’s role in the world. CNA neutrality had left the world in ruins, and Hector believed that the war’s desolation was ultimately the result of inefficient government practices. Furthermore, he pointed to the chaos and economic troubles of the Mercator regime in Mexico as a cautionary tale. Such diverse peoples were unable to coexist when one elite was forced on an unwilling population, as the Anglos in Mexico were on the Hispanos and Mexicanos. Rather, he saw the consensual union of peoples, such as the case of the Negroes in Southern Vandalia and the rest of North America, as a far more ideal design. He lambasted the “mongrel empires” of Germany, Mexico, and their allies, while praised the United British Empire as a consensual union of peoples plagued by imperfect government.
After he was done with secondary school, young Theodore enrolled in the University of New York to study political science. One of his professors, Charles Winslow, assigned readings of Thomas Kronmiller, the mastermind of the CNA’s Moral Imperative ideology in the nineteenth century, for his class in political science. Theodore found himself in agreement with Kronmiller’s beliefs on the world regarding the spread of civilization by the already civilized nations to nations with lower levels of development. Synthesizing his father’s teachings with those of Kronmiller, Worden created his New Moral Imperative.
Worden began public speaking in the University of New York, persuading those who opposed the Mason Doctrine to his ideology. Richard Mason, in his view, was a coward who falsely assigned his nation guilt for the actions of what Worden viewed as lesser nations. Rather, Worden believed, the world owed the CNA for its neutrality and generosity after the war, and that Mason had already given too much to other nations.
In the New Moral Imperative, the CNA had a mission to civilize the world as Britain had done before. However, Worden differed from Kronmiller in that he had a strong militaristic quality that extended outside the North American continent. Worden believed that the CNA should intervene in foreign conflicts in the hopes of creating a lasting peace and ending war quickly, or preventing war before it could happen. Additionally, Worden believed that the CNA had the natural right to plunder and exploit other nations at will so long as it was ultimately beneficial to the state in question. This was a common interpretation of the Moral Imperative by nations of the 19th century, but it was never explicitly stated. Worden was very clear in elaborating this right.
Worden viewed the contemporary state of the United States of Mexico with contempt. Mercator, he believed, was a disgusting antithesis to democracy, and that the Mason administration had done nothing to stop him. To remedy the current social ills of Mexico, the CNA should invade the country and incorporate Jefferson into the nation, and confiscate Alaska as it was the “natural place of expansion for the successors of the British Empire. It was robbed from us by Hermion, and this must be corrected.” Furthermore, he believed in the taking of the Anglo population of the Mexican states other than Jefferson and resettling them in Alaska, a free Hawaii, and a Hispano-Mexicano government in Mexico. This, he felt, would end the imperialism of the Anglos on the Hispanos and Mexicanos and allow them to run their own nation effectively in the mold of the CNA.
While he was at university, Worden was noted as a gifted public speaker but socially inept, spending most of his time in his dormitory (and later his apartment during graduate years) formulating his New Moral Imperative. He had few actual friends, only political allies, and no significant other. A former roommate of his by the name of Jason Henley wrote in My flatmate, the Leader in 1990 that “Theodore was an ideological puritan and nothing less. He would rarely engage in normal college-age activities with his peers, often rudely shunning them, and was utterly oblivious with girls. All cues from an aspiring trophy wife (for that is all they could be considering the stature he would rise to in his great and terrible administration) for anything from mere dinner dates to outright sexual advances were not so much ignored, more so that he was utterly oblivious to them. He was that committed.”
After his graduation from Graduate School at New York University, Worden returned to Atlanta to preach his politics there. A noted admirer of Perry Jay, Worden was able to join the People’s Coalition office in Atlanta, eventually rising to city director of the party in 1964. Despite the disappointment of Jay’s resignation in 1963, Worden supported Governor-General Carter Monaghan during his first term, silencing his critics in the Atlanta party. Worden stressed color-blindness in the affairs in North America despite his rhetoric which could be construed as racist; he insisted that a consensual union of diverse peoples, such as between whites and Negroes in the CNA were completely acceptable, unlike the ‘forced’ union of the USM.
By 1967, the New Moral Imperative had become a noted subsection of the People’s Coalition, being especially popular in the Northern and Southern Confederations, but with significant amounts of adherents elsewhere in the country. Worden appealed to those alienated from the “massive guilt trip that was the Mason administration” and promised a higher joie de vivre in the CNA based on its natural right to both police and plunder the world. Governor-General Monaghan was dismissive of the group, calling them “well-intentioned radicals. Nevertheless, we [the moderate wing of the People’s Coalition] must work with them.”
In 1968, Worden ran for the Grand Council Seat for his district for the People’s Coalition, being nominated over a moderate candidate by the name of Orson McEwan. Campaigning for an “Atlanta free of guilt,” he won over his Liberal opponent Grover Thurston in a landslide election. Those who remember that time recount Worden banners on every street, sometimes on every telephone and vitavision pole. Thurston, on the other hand, ran a paltry campaign. It was remarked by Thurston in 1988 that “I knew I had no chances in that election. The PC was the dominant party in the Southern Confederation, and Worden was especially popular. I was a lamb to the slaughter. Soon, Atlanta and then the CNA would be at his beck and call.”
John Paul Lassiter: His life and Ideology
John Paul Lassiter was born in Puerto Hancock, California, in 1922 to an Anglo family of modest means. His father, Henry Lassiter, was a career soldier, having served in the Hundred Days War before John Paul’s birth. The Lassiter family was descended from North Americans who had made the wilderness walk to Jefferson, and later relocated to California during the Gold Rush. Henry was proud of being of a family that had fought in “every major war of the United States since the War of Unification.” Henry, despite being an Anglo, loved Mexican culture and could speak fluent Spanish, a language he raised John Paul to be bilingual with in addition to English.
John Paul Lassiter’s family was quite poor by Mexican standards, and often spent time with Mexicano and Hispano families of similar economic stature. While in primary school and secondary school, he campaigned for tolerance between the three ethnic groups. In a speech in secondary school to an audience of a thousand, he said “our nation was founded on diversity and tolerance. Jackson made it so, and we must continue it. Hate will lead us nowhere.”
Lassiter was too poor to attend any of the major universities, and joined the army in 1940 during the Global War at his father’s encouragement. Shortly before leaving for war, he had married his adolescent sweetheart Carmela Barrera, a Mexicano girl from a family that had been friends of his own family for several years (her father, Miguel Barrera, had worked with Henry Lassiter in their convenience store in Puerto Hancock after the end of the Hundred Days War). It is interesting to note that John Paul was considered to be a womanizer during his youth, and many were surprised on his decision to marry.
After training in Alaska, in 1942 John Paul’s division was deployed to Siberia to be used in the continuing invasion of China. Like his father, John Paul was a natural soldier, and was promoted several times during the campaigns in China. As a Lieutenant, Lassiter brainstormed the famed Defense of Zhengding, in which his force of three thousand Mexicans held off a 10,000 strong Chinese force from taking the city. The Defense of Zhengding catapulted Lassiter to nationwide fame, and even received an accolade from Alvin Silva.
In 1947, Lassiter was withdrawn from China back to Mexico to deal with the various ethnic antigovernment insurrections in the United States. Lassiter, now a Major, was appalled by the Silva regime’s handling of the Rainbow War, finding that the Black Justice Party and the Causa de Justicia had legitimate misgivings. Nevertheless, Lassiter did as he was told, becoming the leader of the garrison at Puerto Hancock to fight both insurgencies. He disagreed with their violent tactics, but he began to despise Silva for his handling of the income inequality in the country and the relationship of minorities with the majority. He is on record as saying while in command that “he [Silva] should be ashamed to call himself a Callista [follower of Emiliano Calles].”
Lassiter ran the garrison at Puerto Hancock and the surrounding area for several years, in a military arrangement known as one of the most tolerant in Mexico. Lassiter, unlike several Jefferson military leaders, was fair in terms of race and promoted on an egalitarian basis. As a result, he was often coveted by young Mexicano soldiers to be their regimental commander, and many soldiers deserted their posts in other cities such as Sangre Roja or Conyers to attempt to join Lassiter’s formation. These “Lassiteristas” were loyal to him often to a fault, but he tried to moderate them – he would openly chastise those who started violence on his behalf.
In 1950, Lassiter was contacted by the leader of the Guadalajara garrison and future political ally, Vincent Mercator. Mercator, also an Anglo, was a radical economic thinker who demanded increased social justice in the country, including income caps, improved state-funded education, removal of the majority of inheritance laws, and other various reforms to ensure socioeconomic equality in the United States of Mexico. Lassiter had always been of similar convictions and agreed with Mercator’s program.
Mercator’s most radical proposal, that of overthrowing President Alvin Silva, was accepted by Lassiter with beaming enthusiasm. Mercator merely viewed Silva as incompetent; Lassiter viewed him as a traitor to his cause and a complete and utter hypocrite. Mercator knew that if Lassiter would agree with his cause, than the Mexican people would follow him. Eventually, Mercator, Lassiter, and several other garrison leaders from around Mexico would meet in Mexico City and overthrow Silva.
After the coup had been carried out, Lassiter was placed in several posts dedicated to preserving social equality as practiced by Mercator’s Progressive Party, the only legal party in the country. Lassiter’s forces were able to quell several riots around the country, including the famed Jefferson City riots and the notorious San Francisco Massacre of Mexicanos by Anglos. In the latter, Lassiter personally went into the streets of San Francisco and stood between the two factions until they reasoned with one another. Lassiter quickly became a national hero even more than he had already and certainly rivaled the figure of his idol Emiliano Calles. Lassiter also won election to the Mexican assembly representing Puerto Hancock.
Lassiter remained a loyal servant of the Mercator regime, but rapidly grew to dislike Mercator’s appointed puppet, Raphael Dominguez, he who worsened relations with the CNA with his spying programs, failed to gain Mexico the nuclear bomb, and conducted a sham of educational reforms. As such, he ran against Dominguez in the elections of 1971 and won, which has been detailed previously. Lassiter’s recruitment of Thomas McCarthy to the post of Huddleston Nuclear Research Center was a fulfillment of his campaign promises, and his passage of GAFTA was yet another boon for the Mexican economy (however, restrictions on income and inheritance, among other things, still applied. Lassiter was still a Mercatorist, albeit a more pragmatic one than Dominguez).
Theodore Worden was born in Atlanta, Georgia, the Southern Confederation in 1936, two years before the beginning of the Global War, the son of Hector and Sandra Worden. The Worden family had arrived in the CNA during the Gallivan years, attracted by the nation’s economic prosperity in comparison to their native Britain. Worden grew up in a middle class home, but barely knew his father. Hector Worden was a staunch North American nationalist who joined the Burgoyne Brigade during the Global War, a volunteer brigade from North America that fought for Britain in Europe.
When Hector returned from Europe, he was scarred by two things: the brutality of the war and the inefficiency of the British war effort. Believing British constitutional monarchy to be the superior system of government and in the intellectual and political prowess of ethnically British culture and its derivatives, he was shocked that the British had only left the war in a stalemate with Germany. The CNA, he thought, was the only bastion of pure parliamentary democracy left in the world.
As young Theodore grew up, Hector taught him his thoughts on the CNA’s role in the world. CNA neutrality had left the world in ruins, and Hector believed that the war’s desolation was ultimately the result of inefficient government practices. Furthermore, he pointed to the chaos and economic troubles of the Mercator regime in Mexico as a cautionary tale. Such diverse peoples were unable to coexist when one elite was forced on an unwilling population, as the Anglos in Mexico were on the Hispanos and Mexicanos. Rather, he saw the consensual union of peoples, such as the case of the Negroes in Southern Vandalia and the rest of North America, as a far more ideal design. He lambasted the “mongrel empires” of Germany, Mexico, and their allies, while praised the United British Empire as a consensual union of peoples plagued by imperfect government.
After he was done with secondary school, young Theodore enrolled in the University of New York to study political science. One of his professors, Charles Winslow, assigned readings of Thomas Kronmiller, the mastermind of the CNA’s Moral Imperative ideology in the nineteenth century, for his class in political science. Theodore found himself in agreement with Kronmiller’s beliefs on the world regarding the spread of civilization by the already civilized nations to nations with lower levels of development. Synthesizing his father’s teachings with those of Kronmiller, Worden created his New Moral Imperative.
Worden began public speaking in the University of New York, persuading those who opposed the Mason Doctrine to his ideology. Richard Mason, in his view, was a coward who falsely assigned his nation guilt for the actions of what Worden viewed as lesser nations. Rather, Worden believed, the world owed the CNA for its neutrality and generosity after the war, and that Mason had already given too much to other nations.
In the New Moral Imperative, the CNA had a mission to civilize the world as Britain had done before. However, Worden differed from Kronmiller in that he had a strong militaristic quality that extended outside the North American continent. Worden believed that the CNA should intervene in foreign conflicts in the hopes of creating a lasting peace and ending war quickly, or preventing war before it could happen. Additionally, Worden believed that the CNA had the natural right to plunder and exploit other nations at will so long as it was ultimately beneficial to the state in question. This was a common interpretation of the Moral Imperative by nations of the 19th century, but it was never explicitly stated. Worden was very clear in elaborating this right.
Worden viewed the contemporary state of the United States of Mexico with contempt. Mercator, he believed, was a disgusting antithesis to democracy, and that the Mason administration had done nothing to stop him. To remedy the current social ills of Mexico, the CNA should invade the country and incorporate Jefferson into the nation, and confiscate Alaska as it was the “natural place of expansion for the successors of the British Empire. It was robbed from us by Hermion, and this must be corrected.” Furthermore, he believed in the taking of the Anglo population of the Mexican states other than Jefferson and resettling them in Alaska, a free Hawaii, and a Hispano-Mexicano government in Mexico. This, he felt, would end the imperialism of the Anglos on the Hispanos and Mexicanos and allow them to run their own nation effectively in the mold of the CNA.
While he was at university, Worden was noted as a gifted public speaker but socially inept, spending most of his time in his dormitory (and later his apartment during graduate years) formulating his New Moral Imperative. He had few actual friends, only political allies, and no significant other. A former roommate of his by the name of Jason Henley wrote in My flatmate, the Leader in 1990 that “Theodore was an ideological puritan and nothing less. He would rarely engage in normal college-age activities with his peers, often rudely shunning them, and was utterly oblivious with girls. All cues from an aspiring trophy wife (for that is all they could be considering the stature he would rise to in his great and terrible administration) for anything from mere dinner dates to outright sexual advances were not so much ignored, more so that he was utterly oblivious to them. He was that committed.”
After his graduation from Graduate School at New York University, Worden returned to Atlanta to preach his politics there. A noted admirer of Perry Jay, Worden was able to join the People’s Coalition office in Atlanta, eventually rising to city director of the party in 1964. Despite the disappointment of Jay’s resignation in 1963, Worden supported Governor-General Carter Monaghan during his first term, silencing his critics in the Atlanta party. Worden stressed color-blindness in the affairs in North America despite his rhetoric which could be construed as racist; he insisted that a consensual union of diverse peoples, such as between whites and Negroes in the CNA were completely acceptable, unlike the ‘forced’ union of the USM.
By 1967, the New Moral Imperative had become a noted subsection of the People’s Coalition, being especially popular in the Northern and Southern Confederations, but with significant amounts of adherents elsewhere in the country. Worden appealed to those alienated from the “massive guilt trip that was the Mason administration” and promised a higher joie de vivre in the CNA based on its natural right to both police and plunder the world. Governor-General Monaghan was dismissive of the group, calling them “well-intentioned radicals. Nevertheless, we [the moderate wing of the People’s Coalition] must work with them.”
In 1968, Worden ran for the Grand Council Seat for his district for the People’s Coalition, being nominated over a moderate candidate by the name of Orson McEwan. Campaigning for an “Atlanta free of guilt,” he won over his Liberal opponent Grover Thurston in a landslide election. Those who remember that time recount Worden banners on every street, sometimes on every telephone and vitavision pole. Thurston, on the other hand, ran a paltry campaign. It was remarked by Thurston in 1988 that “I knew I had no chances in that election. The PC was the dominant party in the Southern Confederation, and Worden was especially popular. I was a lamb to the slaughter. Soon, Atlanta and then the CNA would be at his beck and call.”
John Paul Lassiter: His life and Ideology
John Paul Lassiter was born in Puerto Hancock, California, in 1922 to an Anglo family of modest means. His father, Henry Lassiter, was a career soldier, having served in the Hundred Days War before John Paul’s birth. The Lassiter family was descended from North Americans who had made the wilderness walk to Jefferson, and later relocated to California during the Gold Rush. Henry was proud of being of a family that had fought in “every major war of the United States since the War of Unification.” Henry, despite being an Anglo, loved Mexican culture and could speak fluent Spanish, a language he raised John Paul to be bilingual with in addition to English.
John Paul Lassiter’s family was quite poor by Mexican standards, and often spent time with Mexicano and Hispano families of similar economic stature. While in primary school and secondary school, he campaigned for tolerance between the three ethnic groups. In a speech in secondary school to an audience of a thousand, he said “our nation was founded on diversity and tolerance. Jackson made it so, and we must continue it. Hate will lead us nowhere.”
Lassiter was too poor to attend any of the major universities, and joined the army in 1940 during the Global War at his father’s encouragement. Shortly before leaving for war, he had married his adolescent sweetheart Carmela Barrera, a Mexicano girl from a family that had been friends of his own family for several years (her father, Miguel Barrera, had worked with Henry Lassiter in their convenience store in Puerto Hancock after the end of the Hundred Days War). It is interesting to note that John Paul was considered to be a womanizer during his youth, and many were surprised on his decision to marry.
After training in Alaska, in 1942 John Paul’s division was deployed to Siberia to be used in the continuing invasion of China. Like his father, John Paul was a natural soldier, and was promoted several times during the campaigns in China. As a Lieutenant, Lassiter brainstormed the famed Defense of Zhengding, in which his force of three thousand Mexicans held off a 10,000 strong Chinese force from taking the city. The Defense of Zhengding catapulted Lassiter to nationwide fame, and even received an accolade from Alvin Silva.
In 1947, Lassiter was withdrawn from China back to Mexico to deal with the various ethnic antigovernment insurrections in the United States. Lassiter, now a Major, was appalled by the Silva regime’s handling of the Rainbow War, finding that the Black Justice Party and the Causa de Justicia had legitimate misgivings. Nevertheless, Lassiter did as he was told, becoming the leader of the garrison at Puerto Hancock to fight both insurgencies. He disagreed with their violent tactics, but he began to despise Silva for his handling of the income inequality in the country and the relationship of minorities with the majority. He is on record as saying while in command that “he [Silva] should be ashamed to call himself a Callista [follower of Emiliano Calles].”
Lassiter ran the garrison at Puerto Hancock and the surrounding area for several years, in a military arrangement known as one of the most tolerant in Mexico. Lassiter, unlike several Jefferson military leaders, was fair in terms of race and promoted on an egalitarian basis. As a result, he was often coveted by young Mexicano soldiers to be their regimental commander, and many soldiers deserted their posts in other cities such as Sangre Roja or Conyers to attempt to join Lassiter’s formation. These “Lassiteristas” were loyal to him often to a fault, but he tried to moderate them – he would openly chastise those who started violence on his behalf.
In 1950, Lassiter was contacted by the leader of the Guadalajara garrison and future political ally, Vincent Mercator. Mercator, also an Anglo, was a radical economic thinker who demanded increased social justice in the country, including income caps, improved state-funded education, removal of the majority of inheritance laws, and other various reforms to ensure socioeconomic equality in the United States of Mexico. Lassiter had always been of similar convictions and agreed with Mercator’s program.
Mercator’s most radical proposal, that of overthrowing President Alvin Silva, was accepted by Lassiter with beaming enthusiasm. Mercator merely viewed Silva as incompetent; Lassiter viewed him as a traitor to his cause and a complete and utter hypocrite. Mercator knew that if Lassiter would agree with his cause, than the Mexican people would follow him. Eventually, Mercator, Lassiter, and several other garrison leaders from around Mexico would meet in Mexico City and overthrow Silva.
After the coup had been carried out, Lassiter was placed in several posts dedicated to preserving social equality as practiced by Mercator’s Progressive Party, the only legal party in the country. Lassiter’s forces were able to quell several riots around the country, including the famed Jefferson City riots and the notorious San Francisco Massacre of Mexicanos by Anglos. In the latter, Lassiter personally went into the streets of San Francisco and stood between the two factions until they reasoned with one another. Lassiter quickly became a national hero even more than he had already and certainly rivaled the figure of his idol Emiliano Calles. Lassiter also won election to the Mexican assembly representing Puerto Hancock.
Lassiter remained a loyal servant of the Mercator regime, but rapidly grew to dislike Mercator’s appointed puppet, Raphael Dominguez, he who worsened relations with the CNA with his spying programs, failed to gain Mexico the nuclear bomb, and conducted a sham of educational reforms. As such, he ran against Dominguez in the elections of 1971 and won, which has been detailed previously. Lassiter’s recruitment of Thomas McCarthy to the post of Huddleston Nuclear Research Center was a fulfillment of his campaign promises, and his passage of GAFTA was yet another boon for the Mexican economy (however, restrictions on income and inheritance, among other things, still applied. Lassiter was still a Mercatorist, albeit a more pragmatic one than Dominguez).
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