Sand and Steel: The Story of the Modern Middle East (TL)

(Preface: I am new to the forum, and I thought it would be fun to join because I've recently been becoming a major alternate history nerd. I love the idea of world-building, and especially building a world based off of an alternate timeline of our own. I've been coming up with this timeline for a while and basically the idea was to create a modern Middle East that is different and perhaps more stable than the one that we have today. I decided to start with the partition of the Ottoman Empire post-WWI, seeing how it is essentially the start of what most would consider the modern Middle East.

I am also aware that it is often disputed how likely Emir Faisal would have been to accept the fulfillment of an agreement with the Zionists. I'm gonna take a little stretch at the start here, but I feel like it will pay off with how this timeline goes.)

3 January 1919, 9:30 AM - Carlton Hotel, London


Emir Faisal ibn Hussein al-Hashemi sat in a chair in his hotel room. He had been told the previous night that Thomas E. Lawrence would be meeting with him at ten o’clock that morning. Sipping from fine British tea he had received from the hotel, he sat in his robes waiting for his old friend from the Arab revolt to enter.


Sure enough, Lawrence entered the room right on the dot with two documents, one in English and one in Arabic.


“Ah, Lawrence, right on time. What did you come to discuss?”


“Your highness, Chaim Weizmann has a proposal for you on behalf of the Zionist Congress. I had the courtesy of creating a translation in Arabic for you.”


“Allow me to read it,” Faisal calmly commanded.

His Royal Highness the Emir FAISAL, representing and acting on behalf of the Arab Kingdom of HEJAZ, AND Dr. Chaim Weizmann, representing and acting on behalf of the Zionist Organization, mindful of the racial kinship and ancient bonds existing between the Arabs and the Jewish people, and realising that the surest means of working out the consummation of their national aspirations, is through the closest possible collaboration in the development of the Arab State and Palestine, and being desirous further of confirming the good understanding which exists between them, have agreed upon the following articles:

Article I​

The Arab State and Palestine in all their relations and undertakings shall be controlled by the most cordial goodwill and understanding and to this end Arab and Jewish duly accredited agents shall be established and maintained in their respective territories.

Article II​

Immediately following the completion of deliberations of the Peace Conference, the definite boundaries between the Arab State and Palestine shall be determined by a commission to be agreed upon by the parties hereto.

Article III​

In the establishment of the Constitution and Administration of Palestine all such measures shall be adopted as will afford the fullest guarantees for carrying into effect the British Government’s Declaration of the 2nd of November, 1917 (Balfour Declaration-SEH).

Article IV​

All necessary measures will be taken to encourage and stimulate immigration of Jews into Palestine on a large scale, and as quickly as possible to settle Jewish immigrants upon the land through closer settlement and intensive cultivation of the soil. In taking such measures the Arab peasants and tenant farmers shall be protected in their rights, and shall be assisted in forwarding their economic development.

Article V​

No regulation or law shall be made prohibiting or interfering in any way with the free exercise of religion; and further the free exercise and expression of religious profession and worship without discrimination or preference shall for ever be allowed. No religious test shall ever be required for the exercise of civil or religious rights.

Article VI​

The Mohammedan Holy Places shall be under Mohammedan control.

Article VII​

The Zionist Organization proposes to send to Palestine a Commission of experts to make a survey of the economic possibilities of the country, and to report upon the best means for its development. The Zionist Organization will place the aforementioned Commission at the disposal of the Arab State for the purpose of a survey of the economic possibilities of the Arab State and to report on the best means for its development. The Zionist Organization will use its best efforts to assist the Arab State in providing the means for developing the natural resources and economic possibilities thereof.

Article VIII​

The parties hereto agree to act in complete accord and harmony in all matters embraced herein before the Peace Congress.

Article IX​

Any matters of dispute which may arise between the contracting parties shall be referred to the British Government for arbitration.


As he concluded looking over the document, Faisal began to speak.


“I do not know if I could approve such a deal.”


“Why not?” Lawrence questioned.


"My priority is to secure the independence of the Arab people. I cannot just give away land to another foreign entity.”


“Your highness, many of my fellow Brits are adamant about supporting the Zionist cause. Balfour has already made a declaration declaring British support for a Jewish homeland in Palestine. Perhaps giving the Zionists some of what they want will help to ensure the British and French support your rule over all other Arab lands in Syria, Mesopotamia, and Arabia.”


“I still cannot simply hand Arab land over to a Jewish authority after we fought such a long, brutal campaign against the Turks. Surely you remember the intensity of our struggle.”


“And so surely you can understand that just one more small sacrifice is worth it to secure the freedom of your people forever. Even Weizmann has promised to protect the rights of the Arabs of Palestine and to hand over control of all Islamic holy sites. He even guarantees a mutually beneficial alliance to help your country to flourish.”

Lawrence knew that it would difficult to fully sway Faisal. However, he knew that securing this deal would be necessary to gain British support for the Pan-Arab Kingdom. He knew that a deal with Faisal would be the only way of possibly ensuring that the British and the French would not enact the plans drawn up by Mark Sykes and François-Georges Picot.

From Faisal's perspective, it was true that Lawrence was mostly repeating to him what he had just read. It was true that reading Weizmann’s words had not convinced him. However, hearing it all from Lawrence made it different. He had begun to consider the possibility that maybe this deal, or some version of it, could be beneficial somehow.

“I will take more time to look over the deal,” Faisal declared. “In the meantime, bring Weizmann to me as soon as possible. Perhaps we can negotiate."

 

10 January 1919, 10:00 AM - Carlton Hotel, London


As was requested, Lawrence brought Weizmann with him to meet with the Arabian Emir, and exactly one week after the previous meeting. He also came with two other men, one of them being British diplomat Mark Sykes and the other being French Diplomat François-Georges Picot. A table and several chairs had been set up in the room, one for each attendant to the meeting. Weizmann and Lawrence each had a copy of the original proposal written out in English, with Lawrence also holding two extra which he promptly distributed to Sykes and Picot, the two of whom were simply told to attend a diplomatic discussion with Lawrence and Faisal and were unaware of what would be going on. However, as soon as they had realized Weizmann was in the vicinity, the two men immediately realized that this party would not go smoothly for them. They were then each handed a copy of the document and seated at the small table. Faisal and Lawrence also each held a copy of the treaty in Arabic.


“Your majesty,” Weizmann began. “I heard you have looked over my proposal and am aware that you requested to see me.”


Lawrence translated Weizmann’s words into Arabic for his friend, who then responded.


“That I did. I understand the needs of your people and I am aware that you do intend to forge a close alliance with us and protect the rights of the local Arabs, but I still cannot, unfortunately accept this proposal in it’s entirety.”


“What then,” Weizmann asked, “are the terms that you are proposing.”


“Unfortunately for you, I do not intend to give up the land that we fought for. However, I will accept the presence of the Jewish people in Palestine.”


“I am sorry your majesty, but the Zionist Congress specifically requests that we form and maintain our own independent state in the region.”


“As I have said before,” Faisal repeated, “I cannot give away land to grant you independence. However, I am willing to make a compromise. Perhaps I can make Palestine an autonomous region within my Kingdom. I can allow you and the Zionists control over the land, and depending on what I see I can either re-annex the land back to the kingdom proper or grant you your independence later down the line.”


As Lawrence finished translating Faisal’s words to Weizmann, he also turned to Sykes and Picot and addressed them.


“As for you two gentlemen, I would like to inform you why I have invited you here. I have quite recently been informed of some plans you had made a few years ago that undermine the plan to create an independent Arab Kingdom. We would like to inform you that if you go on with such a proposal, the blood of countless angry Arabs, Jews, and Kurds will be on your hands. I, personally, will make sure they all know about your deal should you choose to go through with it.”


Despite knowing exactly where this meeting was headed, the two diplomats were left dumbstruck by Lawrence’s bluntness.


“Now,” Lawrence said, “as long as there is no confusion, let us continue.”


As the discussion continued, Lawrence continued to act as the the translator between the Emir and the Jewish chemist. It was not long before they had achieved a deal.

***​

On the 10 August 1920, Faisal and Weizmann would sign the Treaty of Sèvres in France along with diplomats from Britain, France, Italy, Greece, and the Ottoman Empire, which could barely still be called an empire. All Arab Lands in the Levant, Mesopotamia, and Hejaz would be given to the Kingdom of Hashemite Arabia. Palestine was to become an autonomous Arabian Mandate granted to the Zionists guaranteed by the UK and the League of Nations. The Mandate was to be given a 20-year charter, and at the end of those 20 years, the king would either renew the charter, fully annex the land, or grant it independence. The French would gain a sphere of influence over the densely Maronite region around Beirut and Mt. Lebanon, which would still remain part of the Arab Kingdom and be held on a 20 year charter. Spheres of influence would also be established by Britain, France, and Italy across the remainder of Turkish territory, and an international zone would be set up around the Sea of Marmara. The Kurdish representatives also took part in the treaty, securing the Kurdish majority lands to the north of the Arab Kingdom. Armenia would gain their independence in the Caucasus and northeastern Anatolia. The Turks, however, would continue to control the Hatay province.


In reality, the signing of the treaty did not establish anything new. The Hashemites had already established their kingdom and the Kurds had already established their own state. All this treaty did was make that which already happening official under international law. Faisal, now King of Hashemite Arabia, simply prayed that he had made the right decision and that his new kingdom would be able to stand.

 

Despite diplomatic victory, the conflict against the Turks had not truly ended. Fighting had been going on continuously between Turkish nationalists lead by Mustafa Kemal Pasha and allied forces. Greek forces, with British and French support, had landed a little over a year ago in Smyrna, and fighting had now broken out across Anatolia. Italy too had sent its own force to Smyrna as well hoping to claim Western Anatolia as well, forming a third faction in the Greco-Turkish War. By the time the Treaty of Sèvres was signed, Turkish, Greek, and Italian forces had already been locked in another conflict. It was therefore no surprise when on 19 August 1920, only nine days after the treaty was signed, the Turkish Grand National Assembly proclaimed to not recognize the treaty and stripped the signatories of their citizenship. As a result, British and French troops encouraged Greece to push further into Anatolia. On August 28, the Greek forces advance from their holdings in northwest Anatolia to take the cities of Uşak and Afyonkarahisar. Despite this loss, the Turks push on and make the decision to invade Armenia, Kemal believed that the allies would be unlikely to intervene there and that since they were also fighting the Soviets, such a victory will help to boost moral. On September 24, the Turks begin to push northeast and invade Armenia. Beginning to fear Turkish ambitions to reconquer old territory, the Kurds and the Hashemites agree to declare war on Turkey. The southern front of the Anatolian War had now opened up.

The Anatolian War​

1920


Oct 22– French troops are forced to evacuate the city of Saimbeyli facing resistance by Turkish revolutionaries.


Oct 24– Exactly one month after the Turkish invasion of Armenia, Hashemite (including Jewish) and Kurdish forces begin to push west from Aleppo into the Hatay province. Within 24 hours, the entire province falls. Antioch is captured by the Hashemites, and the cities of Alexandretta and Dörtyol are occupied by the Kurds.


Oct 31– Turkey begins to divert troops from Armenia to the southern front to fight the Kurds and the Hashemites. By this point, the combined Arab and Kurdish force has advanced as far north as Elazig and as far west as Adana.


Nov 18– Due to the success of the war with Hashemite and Kurdish entry on their side, Greek Prime Minister Venizelos, architect of the Greek advance, is reelected. On the same day, the Armenians begin to slowly advance west along the Black Sea coast further into Turkish territory.


Dec 2– The Armenian government transfers power to a Soviet government backed by Soviet Russia. The new government pledges to continue the war against Turkey, proclaiming that there is no way that Turkey can win a three-front war.


1921


Jan 6-11– The Turks make a large stand at the Battle of Inonü. Greek commander Anastasios Papoulas manages to crush the Turkish force which is made easier by Çerkes Ethem’s defection from the Turkish Army.


Feb 8– The Turks attempt to regain ground in an offensive against the Kurdish forces at Adiyaman, an attempt which miserably fails, causing the Turks to retreat back.


Mar 7– The combined Kurdish-Hashemite force takes Elbistan, further solidifying their front line.


Mar 8– Mustafa Kemal Pasha attempts to appeal to the Soviets to agree to a ceasefire on the Armenian front. The Soviets, seeing a clear victory, turn them down and Armenia stays in the war.


Mar 26– Greek forces win the battle of Eskisehir, deeply hurting Turkish moral.


Apr 1– Kurdish-Hashemite forces put down Turkish revolutionaries in Karaisali.


Jun 21– In Inebolu, Greek ships begin to bomb the port and warehouses. Repeated shelling continues throughout the summer.


Aug 4– Kemal is declared Commander-in-Chief by vote of the Turkish Grand National Assembly in Ankara.


August 13– The Kurdish-Hashemite force takes Mersin.


Aug 23– The Battle of Sangarios is fought between Turkish and Greek forces. The Greeks win and prepare to advance to Ankara.


Aug 27– The Soviet Armenians capture the city of Samsun, dealing a major blow to the Turks on the Armenian front.


Aug 31-Sept 7– The Battle of Ankara is the bloodiest of the Anatolian War. As a result of the devastating Turkish defeat, The Turkish Grand National Assembly retreats south to Konya. While this is going on, the Kurds and Hashemites take Silifke.


Sep 14-Sept 23– The Greeks advance south from Ankara while the Kurds and Hashemites advance northwest from Silifke, preparing to corner Konya from both sides.


Sep 24– With the Kurdish-Hashemite capture of Karaman, the Turkish Grand National Assembly surrenders to Greece, Armenia, Hashemite Arabia, and Kurdistan.

***​

On December 1, the Treaty of Thessaloniki officially brings an end to the Anatolian War. Greece annexes Constantinople and much of western Anatolia. Hashemite Arabia annexed the southern half of the Hatay province including Antioch, while the northern part of the Hatay Province, including Dörtyol and Alexandretta, are annexed by Kurdistan, giving the Kurds access to the Mediterranean. The Kurds also annexed the Kurdish-majority areas contiguous with their current territory. The Italians were angered by this treaty, having not gained anything out of either the Great War or the Anatolian War. The Turks meanwhile had an independent nation, but a damaged national pride. The people grew distrustful of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, and now feared the communist threat to the northeast, which only grew after Armenia was annexed to the Soviet Union in 1922. The result was a chaotic political mess in Turkey for the next decade and a half, the type that could only be solved by a powerful strongman who could restore Turkey to its former glory. Meanwhile, in Greece, Kurdistan, Hashemite Arabia, and Zionist Palestine, people celebrated the newly found glory of their great nations having achieved victory in the war. This time of success saw a major uptick in Jewish immigration to the mandate. For Faisal and Weizmann, all seemed to be well, although no one could tell the future or see the great danger looming on the horizon.

 

Middle East Map: 1922 (fixed)

​

27 March 1921, 9:15 AM - Jerusalem City Square, Palestine, Hashemite Arabia


The day was Easter Sunday, and the annual Nebi Musa festival had begun. People had begun to gather in the Old City of Jerusalem, and Hajj Amin Al-Husseini stepped out on his balcony, a platform from which he had a perfect view of the gathering. As he stood out there, many in the square began to notice him and slowly turned their attention to him. He knew that at this moment he had the right crowd that he needed.

“My Muslims brothers” he spoke. “During the Great War, a war in which the Arab people fought with great bravery and honor, the allies made a promise to us. They promised that we would all live as a free people, that Arabia would be a free country and we would no longer live under imperial rule. However, with the defeat of the Turks in that Great War, we in Palestine have not received our end of this deal. Our once brave and honorable Hashemite leaders who lead us through our revolution are now the people allowing us to once again fall to colonial rule. The Jews have robbed us of our freedom and now control our homeland, and it was the Hashemites who have betrayed us and allowed this to happen. It was by force with which we fought through the Great War, and it must be force with which we are to rid ourselves of the Zionists and Faisal’s tyranny and restore our honor.”

With the fiery speech, Arabs began clashing with Zionist forces around the city, rioting against government institutions and attacking the Jewish quarter of the Old City. Jewish law enforcement opened fire upon the protesters, but were soon overrun. Witness Khalil al-Sakakini said the following:

"[A] riot broke out, the people began to run about and stones were thrown at the Jews. The shops were closed and there were screams. … I saw a Zionist soldier covered in dust and blood. … Afterwards, I saw one Hebronite approach a Jewish shoeshine boy, who hid behind a sack in one of the wall's comers next to Jaffa Gate, and take his box and beat him over the head. He screamed and began to run, his head bleeding and the Hebronite left him and returned to the procession. … The riot reached its zenith. All shouted, 'Muhammad's religion was born with the sword'. … I immediately walked to the municipal garden. … my soul is nauseated and depressed by the madness of humankind.”

***​

The Kingdom of Hashemite Arabia: 1920s​

The Hashemite Kingdom was off to a promising start. The Treaty of Sèvres saw some British and French presence around their realm, yet the two great powers recognized and supported the Arab Kingdom, allowing the region to see massive developments. With the additional help of Zionist leaders, Hashemite Arabia saw the draining of swamps, the terracing of hills, and the irrigation of many areas of desert creating new farmland and living space. The Arab Army too would continue to be supplied with the latest in British and French weaponry, although it remained rather unorganized with different emirs and clans within the country maintaining their own militias.

One particular Arab leader which had been causing some trouble was Hajj Amin Al-Husseini, the Mufti of Jerusalem and a major leader among Arabs and Muslims within the Mandate of Palestine. Throughout 1920, he considered his position in supporting the Hashemite regime. On Easter Sunday, 27 March 1921, he used the Nebi Musa festival as a chance to speak anti-Zionist and anti-Hashemite rhetoric to the crowds, resulting in a riot throughout Jerusalem, particularly in the Old City, which saw violence between Jews and Arabs. After over an hour of rioting, a division of the Zionist militia had gathered to quell the riots. The division was small due to a large portion of the militia being off fighting in Anatolia. The Zionists had already begun requesting Damascus to send more troops by the time the riots had finally been quelled a little after noon.

The incitement ultimately backfired for Husseini. Arab newspapers, heavily influenced by the government in Damascus, told of Husseini’s radical nature and opposition to the existence of the Arab Kingdom, painting him as someone who supported the Turks with the war going on in Anatolia. The papers told that he fought for the Turks in WWI and only joined the Arab revolt because he was in Jerusalem when the rebels took the city. On top of the negative press, he was forced to flee the Kingdom and left for Egypt. Throughout the decade, he would travel North Africa, leading to more riots against Jewish communities, inadvertently causing them to leave their towns for Palestine. Across the Hashemite Kingdom, Husseini would continue to be seen negatively throughout the decade even among most Arabs in Palestine, although among some Arabs, both in Palestine and the rest of the kingdom, a hidden tension would remain. Many historians argue that if Husseini had been more decisive on his positions and incited the riots a year earlier, he may have succeeded in fueling greater antizionist sentiment among the Arabs due to the fact that they would not have been in a war at the time.

The Anatolian War was key in the development of national pride amongst Arabs. With the capture of Antioch at the start of the war, there were celebrations in the streets from Baghdad to Mecca. As more and more Turkish cities fell to the combined Hashemite and Kurdish force, the Arab population grew more and more excited and satisfied with their new regime. The news of the capture of Karaman and the surrender by the Turkish Grand National Assembly was seen as a moment where the Arabs had finally put the Turks in their place after centuries of Ottoman rule, and the country had once again erupted into celebrations even more massive than the ones at the start of the war. The return of the occupying troops after the Treaty of Thessaloniki was seen as the start of an era of good feelings across interbellum Arabia that would last until around the end of the decade.

In addition to the increase in national pride, relations also improved dramatically with Kurdistan and Greece, the latter of which was now known as the Hellenic Empire. Having fought on the same side of the Anatolian War and not having any real disputes with one another, the three nations would have excellent ties, which would continue to be improved over the attempt to keep in check the political instability that was now plaguing the Turkish government. Both Hashemite Arabia and the Hellenic Empire would invest in the development of the Kurdish ports of Alexandretta and Dortyol, and in turn the Kurds gave special trading rights to the Hashemites and the Greeks.

The one region of the Hashemite Kingdom that did not gain much from the developments going on was the Nejd region in the central and eastern Arabian Peninsula. Although nominally considered by the rest of the world, including the League of Nations, to be a part of Hashemite Arabia, the Hashemites cared little for the land which was mostly desert and had little in the way of resources, and so they left the region to be ruled by the local clans and their emirs. However, it was clear that one clan, the Saudis, led by Abdul Aziz Ibn Saud, was clearly in charge. Abdulaziz, as he was known, declared himself Sultan of the Sultanate of Nejd in 1921 and then began his decade-long campaign to take control over parts of the Nejd not yet under his control. The Hashemites did not think much of this challenge to their power. The Saudis had no foreign relations and virtually no resources, and were also surrounded by British Protectorates along the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Sea. Despite this, just in case, the Hashemites did train and fund smaller clans opposed to the Saudis. The Saudis still managed to complete the Nejd campaign by 1929.

Meanwhile, in the city of Haifa in the Mandate of Palestine, a new cultural phenomenon had taken place. Ashkenazi Jewish immigrants and Arabs and Sephardi Jewish immigrants started to play music together, and quickly a new genre of music, combining klezmer, Middle Eastern-style music, and some elements of American jazz, was formed known as "Ruach" (from the Hebrew and Arabic word for "spirit"). Ruach music spread widely across Palestine, and then to the rest of Hashemite Arabia. It also spread to Kurdistan, and even made some impact in the Hellenic Empire and Iran due to the relations both the Hashemites and the Kurds had with those two countries. It also spread to Mutawakkilite Yemen, Asir, the British protectorates on the Arabian peninsula, Egypt, and the colonies of North Africa, although many of the locals opposed it due to the growing antizionism and antisemitism in the region. From the colonies and protectorates, it spread to Europe, and was particularly popular among the British. Historians would look back on Ruach and the culture surrounding it as instrumental to bringing Jews and Arabs closer together.

Unfortunately, Hashemite Arabia’s progress throughout the decade was also its downfall. In 1929, the world began to fall into economic depression, and due to its connections to the world economy, economic ruin began to affect the Arab Kingdom as well. Banks and businesses would begin to collapse, and this would set the stage for the events of a new decade that was very different from the last.