Romanov Ascendant: Alternate 21st Century

I thought it might be interesting to make an attempt at a modern scenario, dealing with the fall of the Soviet Union. There was a particularly interesting moment after Soviet leader Chernako's death, where there were two favorites to succeed him. Grigory Romanov and Mikhail Gorbachev who were the two youngest members of the Politburo. They also represented completely different outlooks, while Romanov was a hardliner conservative and rumored neo-stalinist, while Gorbachev was a moderate and reformer. In the OTL, Gorbachev manages to politically outmaneuver Romanov and has him thrown from the politburo. Our timeline diverges with Romanov successfully succeeding after Chernako. I'm always open to feedback or constructive criticism.


11th March 1985: Central Committee Headquarters, Moscow, Soviet Union

The colour had begun to drain out of his already sullen face. It was surreal almost, Gorbachev could hear the words but couldn't believe them. He had promised to himself after his first failed attempt that he wouldn't fail himself again. I had even planned in advance to keep that fool Romanov stuck outside of Moscow. How could this be happening to me? He looks around the room, he could see the grimaces of his reformist allies and the smug smirks of the hardliners. Gromyko had decided to throw his immense political weight to Romanov by nominating him.

Murmurs carried around the ornate meeting hall of the central committee. The various old men who made up the politburo began voting on who would lead their socialist utopia. Once it had become clear that Romanov had the votes, the rest of the membership joined in voting for him. Gorbachev knew deep in his heart that attempting to oppose Romanov now would only make things worse for himself... for his family.

The meeting ended like most central committee meetings, hands were shook and pleasantries exchanged. Gorbachev shuffled out of the grand room, conceded and already depressed. Romanov, displaying his characteristic arrogance greeted Mikhail warmly. He offered sympathy but also mentioned that he would have no place for him in his central committee. Gorbachev of course agreed, and wished Romanov good luck as he continued on.


Spring 1985:

Grigory Romanov was one of the youngest members of the central committee prior to his promotion to general secretary of the CPSU. Having raised up through the ranks of the defence industry in Leningrad, he demonstrated skill in navigating the almost byzantine type politics in the Soviet single party state. His younger age awarded him vigor and energy in governance that Chernako or Andropov could only dream of. Romanov was no stranger to the nature of power struggles, and attempts by his subordinates to manipulate him due to his perceived naivete failed almost absolutely. Several major soviet organizations had their leadership replaced or had their manpower shook up. Romanov believed in strict adherence to the Marxist Leninist principles that (in his mind) his nation was built upon. The American media took his rise to power as a direct challenge by the Soviets to Reagan's hardline rhetoric.

The general secretary of the communist party of the Soviet Union would traditionally give a landmark speech on mayday, often outlining new policies either domestic or foreign. This speech would sometimes be televised to the soviet audience. Romanov demanded that not only should his speech be televised all over the Soviet Union, but also translated and bespectacled in the allied (puppet) states as well. Romanov delivered an aggressive speech "The fraternal order of socialism, and our attempt to realize the classless and stateless society has become subverted. Not only by our outside enemies, who had threatened our way of life with their imperialism, who have driven us to the edge of nuclear annihilation. But rather by it's internal enemies, whom I will say endanger our course more than any other threat. These enemies are not just mere people, but they are behaviors. These criminal behaviors include those who betray the principles of our party and use their position to unjustly benefit themselves. Those who illegally buy or sell the property of the state and people, to enrich themselves. Those who spread counter revolutionary propaganda. Those whose corruption has crippled the socialist state. Our final, and most dangerous enemy is complacency and the stagnation which has undoubtedly hampered our goals." much of what was said could be considered as radical by soviet standards. However what he would propose as his program would stand out even more. "We in the central committee are embarking now on the program which I have dubbed Yustitsiya (Justice), we intend to bring any and all corrupt individuals no matter their rank in the party to justice. For this purpose I have authorized the KGB to begin a general anti corruption campaign, additionally I have also elected to create a separate division of the KGB answerable only to the general secretary... and to a lesser extent the central committee."
 
Summer 1985:

The creation of a separate division in the KGB answerable only to the Soviet executive was concerning to various sectors of soviet society. Reformers and moderates were vehemently against it labelling it an act of state terror, whose accusations were also repeated in western media. The general anti corruption campaign only saw negligible gains in the fight against corruption, falling to the same habits which have dominated Soviet society for decades. General Secretary Andropov had previously attempted an anti corruption campaign himself, which somewhat negated corruption by increasing the consequences. However for the most part it was just used to remove his political enemies. By forming a separate directorate of the KGB (Called the KGB-DbkS) that was in practice only answerable to the General Secretary, Romanov massively increased his personal power at the expense of the rest of the Soviet bureaucracy. In the next few weeks scores of his political enemies, targets of opportunity and corrupt individuals were arrested and sent to labour camps, prison or house arrest. Groups espousing political dissent were also targeted. However Romanov was growing more popular, he tailored the propaganda efforts so that Soviet citizens would see on television or hear on the radio about corrupt individuals being tried and convicted. Romanov stated that no one was safe, not even at the highest levels of the party. This had the effect of endearing Romanov to people, increasing the popularity of the government with certain demographics. On the other side, many became despondent about his tyranny and secret pro democracy groups spread.

The Soviet Union was still stuck in Afghanistan, it's intervention having become bogged down. The General Secretary had already authorized an increase in troop levels. But summer in Afghanistan is the fighting season, and bodies were continually being shipped back home. The Soviets could utterly dominate on the battlefield in Afghanistan but couldn't deal with it's porous border, allowing thousands of volunteers, weapons and supplies to support the Mujahideen. Pakistan was the centerpiece of these efforts. Romanov was furious, he started looking for unconventional solutions. After meeting with the Council of Ministers as well as the Defence Minister and Marshal of Aviation Alexander Yefimov. The concept discussed were punitive measures that could be taken against Pakistan itself to force it out of the war. It was finally agreed that an ultimatum would be delivered to Pakistan.
 
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