Romania in the Second Millennium
Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit et artes intulit agresti Latio.
“Conquered Greece took captive her savage conqueror and brought her arts into rustic Latium.”- Horace

Foreword:

The Empire of the Romans (or as it is more popularly called, “Romania”) evokes a multitude of reactions in people, especially those of us in the West. Sometimes romantically loved as the source of Western Civilization itself, at other times despised for the bloody centuries of conflict that followed. People praise Julius Caesar and Trajan in the same breath in which they denounce Basil and John Callinicus[1], without actually attempting to understand what differences (if any) lay between them. There is indeed an overarching feeling of cultural appropriation: that Roman history and culture used to be ours till “they” came and took it away (or corrupted it, as the popular narrative has now shifted to). It is easier for the Germans and the Norse to turn away from it and proclaim their supposed cultural independence, despite the degree to which “Roman-ness” had penetrated their culture. But those of us who still cling on to a semblance of Latin culture have no such excuse, and must at times wonder at how the relationship became so dysfunctional. Was it fated to be thus since the Crusaders laid siege to Constantinople alongside pagans, or were the seeds sown earlier, perhaps on that New Year’s Day when a Pope had the audacity to crown a “Holy Roman” Emperor? Did Diocletian doom the East by introducing “Oriental Despotism” or was that moment inevitable the instant Alexander crossed into Anatolia? These are questions most educated scholars of History face, and unfortunately cannot find a clear cut answer to.

Members of the general public may not be plagued with these issues as often, as made evident by the tendency of our politicians to blast the “Greeks” while kneeling before a Palestinian[2] preacher whose Gospel was originally written in Greek. Perhaps that is one of the major places where the conflict comes, for though Rome had given us Christ, she herself had turned her back to the faith and demonstrated a level of tolerance many of our brethren in the New World would find intolerable. Certainly that is one of the major issues that keeps us divided, for I have little doubt that some form of rapprochement would have been reached by those of us in the Old World if not for our allies in the New one. There are legitimate issues concerning National debt and the refugee crisis that lie between our government and theirs, but to let us trifling issues halt a relationship with the primus inter pares of the League of Civilizations[3] is folly of the highest order.

But for an understanding to be reached and be acceptable to the general public, it is essential to gain a finer understanding of our shared history in order to see where our paths parted and the workings of the Roman state which somehow remains intractably alien to us. Both our cultures pay lip service to Solon and Cicero and yet somehow Romans feel a closer kinship to the heirs of Confucius and Buddha than to those of us who ostensibly share the same cultural heritage, because of the aversion to the “accursed Latins”. Our media too often falls into a similar trap, denouncing all Asian cultures with the same label of “oriental despotism” without actually attempting to understand the differences between the cultures that span that continent.

This is work for many generations, but it is my hope that this book will bring to it’s readers a closer understanding of modern Roman political thought and history as opposed to paying lip service to shared ancient ideals that few ultimately care about. There are several excellent books on medieval and modern Roman history already, but few are meant to be accessible for the popular masses as they almost exclusively target academics. The objective of this book is exactly the opposite, for it seeks to summarize Roman history in a fashion that a non-specialist would be able to understand and appreciate. A professional historian will not care much for this one, as it is merely a rehash of my earlier work on the materials leaked from the Bucoleon Archives, little to no new material has been added since then.

The question of where to end is fairly simple, but the deciding on the starting date is a harder task. Diocletian, Constantine or Theodosios offer convenient starts, but our tales were still too tangled then to be truly called separate. The same goes for Justinian and Heraclius, while the years following the latter left very little bits of information to stitch a narrative together. It was only after Charlemagne that more information starts to appear, and thus that point may be seen as a natural origin. Yet, I personally do not think accounts of Theophanes and the like are entirely satisfactory as they seem more like records without an actual voice. Primary sources with a voice start appearing much later, around the time of John I Tzimiskes, which somewhat coincidentally is around the earliest time recorded in the censored documents. This tale therefore shall mainly focus on Romania in the Second Millennium (by the reckoning of Dionysius)-at least to those of us who keep to the years of Our Lord, and of the singular characters who made it possible. It is a tale of blood and conflict, defined only by the continuous ascent of the Empire and the battles it waged both against us and it’s mortal foe. I speak of course of Islam, the only force that had once brought the Empire to it’s knees and which still keeps Ministers of the Interior awake at night. Roman foreign policy had always looked more to the East, and was greatly influenced by the evolution of this strange and highly dysfunctional relationship. Much of what I will report therefore will not be to the liking of our brethren across the Ocean, but facts do often have an inconvenient way of not adhering to previous biases.

I should also offer a personal disclosure about my main source which may not be known to many readers. Most of the material came from primary sources meticulously copied by the Late Professor Constantine Anastasios, who unfortunately met his end in an automobile accident in Cagliari before I could publish the material he confidentially provided me with. His estate however contests this claim, and has filed several lawsuits against me that prevents me from stepping foot in Romania without fearing arrest. This is undoubtedly at the behest of the Roman Government, who have sought to keep material in the Bucoleon archives a secret. The inability of scholars to access the actual manuscripts stored there makes it difficult for us to verify the material Professor Anastasios provided me with. The only evidence I can therefore bring to support my claims are circumstantial, with the credibility of this work being strongly reliant on my reputation as an academic, as well as that of Professor Anastasios.

Lastly, I would encourage my readers to read the material with an open mind. It is easy for us to buy into popular conceptions of the greedy, cruel Greeks when we remember the recession we had to endure on account of the Roman Government’s unwillingness to forgive our debts. Our blood boils when we hear the leaders of the Popular Orthodox Rally call for gassing the refugees fleeing the continental European conflicts while corpses of those trying to flee to safety in Syria and Mesopotamia wash up on Aegean shores. Yet the biggest mistake we can commit is to refuse to hear their side of the tale. I am every bit as outraged as the rest when it comes to the callousness of the Roman Government, but at a primal level I do understand where they are coming from, being stuck between the hammer and the anvil for most of their history. I may be an emigre-a descendant of purged Republicans after the Imperial coup in the Nineteenth Century, but on some level Romania still calls to me. I was in fact fortunate to grow up in a more tolerating environment than my parents, who jumped into the first plane to Constantinople after the descendants of purged Republicans were no longer persona non-grata after a century of exclusion, and am thus more British than Roman. That is not really the case for many others in my generation, who bitterly rue the fact that the Motherland will not welcome them back with open arms, while they are distrusted and excluded in their country of birth. Whatever political division may exist within the Senate halls in Constantinople fades the moment one steps out into the Latin West, where even sworn republicans name their children after dictators and tyrants in a misguided attempt to atone for defying their Basileus. It is therefore left to us to take a higher moral ground, and bring our people closer with the Roman ones-even if our Governments will not cooperate. Only this way can the wounds dealt over centuries be healed, and we can purge the shadows of the past that still hang over us.

Your Sincerely,
Ίωάννης Ιούλιος Κομνηνός
John Julius Comnenus
London, 29th May 2005.


Notes:
[1] TTL character. Might be hearing more of him than you like.
[2] Not Palestine as we would understand it in 2015 of OTL, but rather the Roman Province (it was Iudea in the first century, but the current name is Palestine).
[3] TTL alliance of nations.

Romania2.png
 
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Explanation

Hi AH.com'ers

I am a long time lurker who is venturing out to post a timeline (another Byzantine one, as if there was ever a deficit of those). Thought I might make a couple of points clear first:

0. Comments and Crit really welcome :)

1. This is a dystopia. Some parts of the foreword are already hinting that way, but I should make this clear-this is a terrible, terrible world. Basically I asked myself how bad of a world is possible with the constraint of a surviving ERE, and discussed it with a friend. The answer was a fairly frightening world.

2. John Komnenos != Vasilas. Komnenos is a character I created, who lived in a world that diverged 1000 years ago. He may have unreasonable or horrifying views. Those should not be taken to be my views, for Komnenos is a character I am creating and while I am giving him a voice, it is not necessarily my own. It is merely what I think he would sound like, irrespective of whether that is ethically right or not (Hint: very often it is not).

3. Most of this TL will come in the form of excerpts from his book. Some exceptions might be possible, depending on my mood.

4. I am not going to delve into details of every possible year. Some periods will likely be sketchily handled.

5. I have been influenced by many great writers on this site, including B444. Their influence might be very visible, and so I thought I would acknowledge that early on :)

6. The major POD's happen in the years of John Tzimiskes, i.e. when the ERE was at it's strongest. Easier to make that into a dystopia. Plus gives me 1000+ years to screw the world up.

7. Hopefully it will not be too ASB. Trying to keep it normal, but sometimes my lack of knowledge can shine through.

Let me know what y'all think.
 
Hey :)

I like your idea, but I skipped reading entire first post because huge image stretches text too much, and reading a large post while scrolling left and right all the time is pretty hard.

I hope you don't find this as a criticism, but it would really make reading easier if map was smalller.
 
I like the focus on cultural consequences of a hegemonic ERE, I can't wait to see how it manages to hold all that land with a X century POD.
 
Responses

Hey :)

I like your idea, but I skipped reading entire first post because huge image stretches text too much, and reading a large post while scrolling left and right all the time is pretty hard.

I hope you don't find this as a criticism, but it would really make reading easier if map was smalller.

That is an extremely legitimate point to raise, and I am really glad you pointed it out. I hate doing the same thing when I am the reader, but was too tired earlier to care enough to fix it :(. The map has now been fixed. Hopefully you'd be willing to give it another shot? :)

I like the focus on cultural consequences of a hegemonic ERE, I can't wait to see how it manages to hold all that land with a X century POD.

Don't ask questions you don't want to know the answer to :p. Just kidding, of course. That is probably going to be one of the main issues I will have to tackle here. Although the relatively low historical population density of certain places, and the next plague being a few centuries away helps. It is not going to be a clean process though, by any means :( . Hopefully it will come out plausible in the end....


In AH rare to see ERE TL of a John I POD.I expect this one


The rarity of those surprise me too, hopefully it will come out to your liking :)

@All: Thanks for the reviews and support!
 
A really cool and intriguing introduction: you seem to be going towards the same direction I was towards the end of the first version of Isaac's Empire.
 
That is an extremely legitimate point to raise, and I am really glad you pointed it out. I hate doing the same thing when I am the reader, but was too tired earlier to care enough to fix it :(. The map has now been fixed. Hopefully you'd be willing to give it another shot? :)

No need to worry, I'm not missing a timeline that starts at the prime of Macedonians :)

Start seem nice, especially for a first timeline. Even B444 started with a bit dry stuff, your first post seems much more descriptive than that.
 
Replies:

A really cool and intriguing introduction: you seem to be going towards the same direction I was towards the end of the first version of Isaac's Empire.

Sempai noticed me :D

Jokes aside, I am extremely flattered that you found this intriguing. And yeah, it is kind of headed along similar direction as version one of IE. Not sure if that was intentional or not (might just be my subconscious stitching together good TLs :) ). I do definitely owe you an intellectual debt though- at least one of the most important figures I have in mind for this TL was inspired by an IE character. Hopefully I'd be able to keep you hanging around till then.

No need to worry, I'm not missing a timeline that starts at the prime of Macedonians :)

Start seem nice, especially for a first timeline. Even B444 started with a bit dry stuff, your first post seems much more descriptive than that.

Glad to hear you like it. Hopefully will be able to upload a legit update soonish :)
 

Deleted member 67076

Always fun to be the bad guy.:D

I'm a bit surprised on the borders- why's Romania expand into Arabia and Iran passed the Zagros?
 
Replies:

Ooh, that's an idea I haven't seen yet. Subbed!
Thanks! Now I actually feel bad, as the update is taking a bit longer than I anticipated... But really glad to have people interested.

Always fun to be the bad guy.:D

I'm a bit surprised on the borders- why's Romania expand into Arabia and Iran passed the Zagros?

Regarding Iran, the simplest answer probably is that I need to actually consult a physical map carefully to not miss the exact location of the Zagros. My plan was to have the Zagros be the main border, but with Khuzestan and the Persian Gulf coast going to Romania. However, I may amend plans to be consistent with this map (or maybe discreetly retcon it sometime). Darn readers and their eagle eyes! (Actually though, much appreciate! :) )

As to how Romania grabs even a chunk of Iran or Arabia, it is kind of the standard formula. Conquer when enemy is weak and use proximity to alter demographics sufficiently to make reconquest impossible in a more civilized age. Neither of the conquests were particularly sensible from an economic perspective (well, before they hit oil), but good politics does not always mean good economics. Any sustainable campaigns in either of these areas are a long way off though. Plenty of larger challenges to face in X and XIth Centuries.
 
Very interesting TL ,I look forwards to your next update eagerly .I do wonder though why the empire did not hold onto Britain ?It was afterall an important part of the empire for a long time .Did they leave as per OTL and then return .I look forward to finding out !Good work so far and consider me subscribed :)
 
Very interesting TL ,I look forwards to your next update eagerly .I do wonder though why the empire did not hold onto Britain ?It was afterall an important part of the empire for a long time .Did they leave as per OTL and then return .I look forward to finding out !Good work so far and consider me subscribed :)

The PoD is significantly past the Roman departure from Britain, and in a time period when there's about one million issues closer to home that Rome has to think about over any reconquest of Britain.

Great introduction though. I enjoy the writing from the perspective of modern ATL. Gives you a glimpse of the wider world you've constructed.

I do find the borders slightly odd though. The Zagros thing has already been mentioned, but the Roman position in Spain crossing over the Pyrenees without owning all of Iberia seems... odd. They form a natural barrier that tends to have states coalesc around, so am interested in seeing why that isn't the case here.
 
Very interesting TL ,I look forwards to your next update eagerly .I do wonder though why the empire did not hold onto Britain ?It was afterall an important part of the empire for a long time .Did they leave as per OTL and then return .I look forward to finding out !Good work so far and consider me subscribed :)

Thanks for subbing. As for Britain, I think Komnenos002 has addressed it perfectly. My understanding is that OTL Britannia was a backwater (compared to Italy, Africa or the East) and a drain on resources which the Romans abandoned pretty fast (early 400s) as things started heading south for the WRE. Not even the looniest irredentist in the Eastern Empire ever had any plans of annexing Britain (in OTL as well as TTL), although they would like it if the government "cooperated" more. I think me placing a character called Komnenos in Britain caused some confusion, but he is not a Roman citizen (he is descended from Romans sent into political exile for supporting Repulicanism and proposing an end to the Basileia). His country and Romania don't really have a decent relationship-and he has grand delusions of being a bridge between cultures (at least that sells books well).

The PoD is significantly past the Roman departure from Britain, and in a time period when there's about one million issues closer to home that Rome has to think about over any reconquest of Britain.

Great introduction though. I enjoy the writing from the perspective of modern ATL. Gives you a glimpse of the wider world you've constructed.

I do find the borders slightly odd though. The Zagros thing has already been mentioned, but the Roman position in Spain crossing over the Pyrenees without owning all of Iberia seems... odd. They form a natural barrier that tends to have states coalesc around, so am interested in seeing why that isn't the case here.

Thanks for the compliment! As for the European borders, those are less of me just forgetting basic geography (not saying that didn't have a role though). My plan was to have the European sector beyond Magna Grecia be mostly formed by annexation/assimilation of allied minor Kingdoms and Duchies (let's think of some of the colonial Empires, like British India under the East India Company maybe)-making the borders patchier and less nice looking. There was also a big concern about how many Latins the Empire wanted, stalling further annexations at places.

@All: Regarding the map, don't read every last border as canon. They can move a bit as timeline progresses and I learn to actually keep a physical map open next to me. The overall theme was to have re-established dominance over the Mediterranean, holding on to the majority of the Danube frontier in the Haemus, control Mesopotamia, Arabia, the coasts of the Red Sea+Persian Gulf and a semi-defensible land border along the Caucasus region. Yep, that's a tall order and will involve a bit (ok quite a lot of) Roman-wank which will hopefully be spread over a long enough period in time. Also did I mention Romania likes ruling the waves? No wonder Britain is so pissed at it :p
 
Preludes to the Second Millennium

Preludes to the Second Millennium

Primary sources employed:
1. Letters between John I and Basil II (classified material supplied by C.A.)
2. Memoirs of Basil II (classified material supplied by C.A.)
3. Ferdowsi’s Shaitannama: A Biography of Basileos the Second. Oxford 1780 edition.
4. Leo the Deacon’s history (in public domain)
5. Michael Psellus’ history (censored edition in public domain).


The two centuries following the rise of Islam were a tumultuous time for the Roman Empire, and it’s very existence was threatened at times. In less than a century it had been driven out of the economically important provinces of Egypt, Africa and Syria, lost control over the seas and saw Constantinople itself besieged twice. Even after the Caliphs recognized that the Queen of the Cities would not bend easily, they continued to lead annual jihad into Anatolia that devastated the countryside and kept the Empire perpetually on the defensive. The rise of the Bulgarian Empire in the Balkans also meant that the Empire could scarce expect peace on the West while it had to deal with it’s mortal foe in the East, and for a long time the future of Romania looked truly bleak. Theological debates over images turned violent and threatened to tear the Empire apart. The Patriarch of Rome abandoned the Empire and sought a Frankish defender who he crowned as Augustus. Bloody coups were common, as successful generals often spent their energy in disposing the Basileus than actually facing the enemies of the state. Military campaigns ended in failure more often than not, and one Emperor even had his skull be converted into a drinking cup after an ignominious death in an ambush. It seemed like Romania was only destined to fade into the shadows over time, maybe with sparks of brief resurgence against an uniformly black prospect, to be reduced to a Greater Greece at best or a forgotten Empire at worst.

Yet Romania endured, and its people clung on--waiting for a day when their enemies would no longer be as strong and could then be taught what the heirs of Caesar were truly capable of. Arguably, signs of the resurgence began even before the Makedonian dynasty, with the victory in the Battle of Lalakaon [1] indicating that Islamic adventures in Anatolia would be met with overwhelming force. There are even suggestions that this prompted the conversion of the Bulgarians to Orthodoxy, in fear of what the Empire could do now that Islam was no longer an existential threat. The trend continued with successes in Southern Italy in the early years of Basil I, including but not limited to putting an end to the Emirate of Bari, as Romania finally could dream restoring some of her old borders.

However, if those early events were hints of a shift of balance of power, then the shift was slow indeed, with the Romans going properly on the offensive against Islam nearly a century later, under John Kourkouas [2] who recaptured Melitene and pushed the borders to the Euphrates around 930s. Ultimately the gains were very modest compared to both the past and the future, but Kourkouas’s campaigns set the ball rolling and gave hope to a generation of future leaders who realized that the Caliphs were now weak and the Eastern question could possibly be solved once and for all, if the Empire was willing to take a chance and make the necessary sacrifices.

Kourkouas’s successes were followed up by Nikepheros II Phokas, who humbled the Emirs of Aleppo and succeeded in reconquering Crete, Cyprus, Cilicia and Antioch. Phokas’s assassination in 969 and subsequent replacement with his nephew John I Tzimiskes did not ultimately change the nature of the game. It is true that John first dealt with the Bulgarian Empire by getting the Rus and Bulgars to fight each other, but like John Kourkouas-his famous kinsman and namesake-his heart lay in the East. As soon as the Rus had been beaten at Arcadiopolis and the Bulgarian Emperor divested of his post, Tzimiskes turned east to attack Mesopotamia. Few territorial objectives were achieved despite much gain of treasure, but he was not dissuaded, launching a second campaign into Syria in 975 that established control over the Levantine coast till as south as Kaisaria before retreating on account of the Fatimid Caliphs of Egypt strengthening Jerusalem. The Caliphs however were reluctant to push further north, and settled for reinforcing their control over Egypt which they had only conquered in 969.

Tzimiskes fell deathly ill on his return journey to Constantinople, and was only saved with great difficulty by a Syrian physician [3]. While it is impossible to determine what exactly might have contributed to this, it is known that the Emperor suspected poison and went on a lethal purge of those he suspected were beneficiaries. Amongst those executed were Basil Lekepenos-a bastard son of Romanos I who was castrated to be eunuch in the Imperial household, and Bardas Skleros-the brother in law of the Emperor who ostensibly hoped to succeed him. Basil II himself however was not harmed, and the senior Emperor later claimed that this was only because he sincerely doubted that a eighteen year old womanizer had enough brains to actually carry out such a nefarious plot.

It is however far more likely that Tzimiskes had only spared Basil out of the fear of the Constantintinopolitan mob, which was loyal to the Makedonians beyond reason, as could be seen in the fashion in which they had restored Basil’s grandfather Constatine VII to power after a coup attempt. Tzimiskes was certainly a popular leader, and had the unquestioned loyalty of the East, but he had to tread softly in Constantinople proper if he wanted to avoid a lynching. Tzimiskes thus had to spare Basil, and instead chose to marry his daughter Helena[4] to him, possibly in order to have a grandson who could one day be used to eliminate the son-in-law. It is also possible that this was Tzimiskes’ plan all along to ensure that the throne remained in the family, as he lacked a male heir. It is indeed hard to conceive another reason behind sending his niece instead of his daughter to marry the Holy Roman Emperor Otto II, if not for the better match he might have had in mind.

Tzimiskes however had no plans to let Basil remain in Constantinople and possibly be at the centre of another conspiracy. Basil was sent out to mop up the remaining Bulgarian opposition in the West, while Tzimiskes himself decided to leave for another eastern campaign. He must therefore have been quite outraged to hear that Basil had lead ten thousand soldiers to death in an inglorious defeat at the Gates of Trajan [5], although the junior Emperor himself had survived. Turning back from Ancyra after hearing the news of this disaster, he entered Constantinople in rage and decided to personally settle the Bulgarian question. Basil was sent East in disgrace, with Tzimiskes later noting that this was only done because he trusted the Eastern commanders to not let Basil create another catastrophe there.

Basil in fact was not taken seriously by anyone in the East in the first couple of years. The Buyid Emir Khosrau thought that he was a joke and felt insulted that Emperor John had sent a moron to be his adversary. Indeed, it took Basil quite a while to control the situation, with the Buyids crushing the Hamdanids of Nineveh and seizing their territory in 977 [6]. Emboldened, but unwilling to bring the wrath of John Tzimiskes upon himself, Khosrau refrained from invading Romania and went into Iran to try to settle the Ziyarid succession in Tabaristan (in the Southern shore of the Caspian Sea). Historians often wonder what would have happened if he had invaded Romania itself, and I am led to understand that this situation is something alternate history enthusiasts like to play with.

It is not certain whether Khosrau’s intelligence was faulty or if he neglected it altogether, seeing Basil as a nonentity but the situation in early 978 was different from what it had been a year ago. Basil had finally been able to establish himself as commander in the East by rallying junior officers and footsoldiers to his cause, effectively staging a coup against John’s officers. The situation was further helped by several of John’s most trusted officers being recalled to the Western front as John had resumed warfare against the Bulgarians. Basil sought to redeem himself with a successful Eastern campaign by capitalizing the absence of the Emir and did not find it hard to bring the poor soldiers from the East Anatolian themes to join his cause against the hated dynatoi officers. Many of the middle of the rank officers were also from the Aegean, and they were more likely to support Basil over the “Armenians” as many of the seasoned Eastern commanders were called [7]. Support also came from David III of Georgia, who saw it as an opportunity to let his soldiers collect loot from Muslim lands and improve relationships with the Romans [8]. Therefore, in the early spring of 978, Basil II marched with a 30,000 strong army into the former emirate of Nineveh and headed south. Basil received crucial assistance and supplies from former Hamdanid elements in Northern Mesopotamia, who hoped that the Emperor would humiliate the Buyids and restore the old Emirate of Nineveh. Basil’s target however much further south, and in a rapid, breakneck campaign he approached Baghdad in less than a week and laid siege to it. To many historians the lack of resistance was shocking despite the Emir taking the best forces to Iran, but it was a likely consequence of the power struggle between the Sunni Caliph and representatives of the Shia Emir, with many Christian officials not cooperating with either side, wanting to wait out the conflict and support the eventual victor. The Caliph in particular wanted to use Basil to humiliate the Shia Buyid Emir, and secure an independent domain for himself. He sent feelers to Basil’s camp and was able to convince some of the guards to defect and lay the gates of the City open to the Romans in the hope of gaining political power with Roman help. It has also been suspected that the Roman intervention had only happened in the first place because he had requested aid (1).

If so, it was the most singular case of bad judgement in the history of the Abbasid Caliphate. Basil had absolutely no plans to help the Caliph and chose to unleash his army on the masses. It was an utter bloodbath, with nearly 60,000 people being killed on the first day itself and the streets of the city being filled with blood and fire. It was estimated that something close to 150,000 people died in the sack. Basil had the Caliph burned alive in the centre of the City and ordered his soldiers explicitly to not spare any muslims they found-especially women and children. In a later letter to John Tzimiskes, he noted that even many of his soldiers were less than happy with orders to murder women (after having their way with them, if the soldiers so chose) and children, but Basil justified it with the excuse of demographically maiming their enemy.

After four days of sacking, Basil pulled his soldiers out-along with the majority of the city’s surviving Christians, who clearly realized that their chances were bleak once a Muslim force arrived to avenge this humiliation. Several Zoroastrians were also known to have accompanied Basil north. Almost every cart, and pack animal in the city was taken out to carry the loot and supplies for the way back, along with maimed muslim men to make up the deficit in labor. Finally, Basil crowned a Jew to be “King” of Baghdad (2), and had his soldiers set what remained of the City to fire on their way out, moving back north at a much more leisurely pace. It was estimated that each man got five year’s worth of pay in terms of loot, and were even allowed to take one woman with them.

Unfortunately for Basil, the journey North was far more difficult due to limited amount of supplies and the slower pace. He forcibly acquired most of the crops in the villages in the way, along with nearly all the farm animals. This was not well received and he had to massacre many of the Villagers in order to meet his demands. Even so, the requirements were hard to meet, and many of the prisoners from Baghdad were starved to death, with villagers on the way being their replacement. Disturbing reports of cannibalism by the prisoners were also noted by Georgian soldiers, but Basil chose to ignore such claims, noting that it was not his business as long as the prisoners did their due.

The brutality of the sack of Baghdad had also served to unify his foes, and a host was organized in Southern Mesopotamia to bring the Emperor to justice. Realizing that the he would be unable to reach Roman lands in time, Basil turned around and gave battle in Nineveh, just like Heraclius once had in the past. The resulting battle was a great victory for the Romans over a horde of mostly green conscripts, with Basil later attributing it to the courage of the soldiers in defending their ill gotten gains. In any case, the Battle of Nineveh settled all doubts over Basil’s military competency and he never again had to worry about the support of the Army of the East.

However if the victory had made Basil’s reputation golden for his men, his actions afterwards blackened it for his enemies till the end of time. Ninety nine out of every one hundred prisoners of war were blinded, with the hundredth being castrated and then charged to bring his comrades home. The Buyid Emir was said to have died of heart failure after he had heard of the actions of Basil, and his Kingdom did not really survive his death, disintegrating into distinct Mesopotamian and Iranian fragments by 980.

This did not however mean that the Hamdanids of Nineveh got their Emirate back. Basil invited them to convert to Orthodoxy and accept estates in Cappadokia, but Nineveh belonged to Romania. There was grumbling in the Muslim ranks, but they ultimately constituted a minority in the province which had an Assyrian plurality along with a significant Armenian population. Basil made no secret of the fact that he would actively help place an Assyrian as Prince of Nineveh, if he could not annex the province to the Roman Empire. As a concession, he was willing to chop off the southern end under a non-Hamdanid muslim ruler, but Nineveh proper and the core were non-negotiably under Roman control. This final partition formula was accepted by the Hamdanid allies in Nineveh (after heavy bribery on the part of Basil with the spoils of Baghdad), and many of them in fact chose to embrace Orthodoxy and settle in Anatolia. The rest departed under the leadership of a certain Dastak to the south, realizing that central and southern Mesopotamia were now ripe for the picking. It was also likely that they were unlikely to provoke Basil and welcome the fate of Baghdad upon themselves. Whatever the reasons, Basil had annexed an entirely new rich province into the empire in less than one campaign season, and with little casualties.

John Tzimiskes was understandably furious once he had heard what had happened, but he had no excuse to dispose of Basil since the latter had been highly successful. Basil had also sent John a large portion of the loot, along with a late apology for Trajan’s gates, which cooled the senior Emperor’s temper down somewhat. Basil also showed no inclination of marching towards Constantinople to depose him, and so John I decided to maintain status quo after a few days of indecision. However, he demanded that he be kept up to date about events in the East, a request that Basil kept till the end. The letters they exchanged afterwards reveal interesting facets about the interactions between those two powerful figures, and indicate their contrasting thoughts about the future of the Empire.

They also shed light on many aspects of Basil’s campaign that are hard to determine otherwise. It is now therefore clear that the massacres and blindings carried out by Basil were not merely random acts of cruelty, but instances of wholesale ethnic cleansing strategies he had conceived, which his men were not always comfortable with. By murdering Baghdadi women for instance, he sought to prevent that population from ever recovering, while he blinded prisoners of war less for psychological warfare but more to make those men a burden on the economy. John in particular was quite disturbed by many of these statements and directly asked Basil what he planned to say to God.

Basil’s answer was blunt: ‘God only wishes the best for his chosen people. Serving Romania is thus the greatest act of worship’. Variations of this argument would continue to resurface in the next few centuries as an excuse for more Roman atrocities. However, it is questionable how much Basil himself believed the truth of this statement, as his own private memoirs reveal a relatively non-religious person who rarely invoked God or Christ. Near the end of his life he did regret the Baghdad massacre, admitting he went too far with it, in light of how much he was able to capitalize on it. But there were few traces of similar regret in his early years, where he continued to act in the same fashion.

Basil’s actions had consequences, and while the shattered Buyid Emirate could not really challenge him again, the Fatimids of Egypt could and did, declaring jihad to avenge the martyrs of Baghdad. The Emir of Aleppo was also convinced to defect to the Fatimids, which was proved to be another unwise decision on hindsight. Beirut, Tyre, Sidon and other coastal cities were supplied by the Romans by the Sea where they had total mastery and Basil raised Assyrians levies from Nineveh to challenge deal with Aleppo once and for all, defeating the Emirate in Calinicum in 980, and seizing Aleppo itself by January 982. These campaigns were marked with widespread communal violence and riots throughout, with Christians massacring Muslims in every place the Romans occupied, with the Fatimids allowing the converse in their zone of control. The Fatimids however were ultimately worse off, as they were supplied by land and were quite far off from their Egyptian base. They were also hurt by the fact that the muslims did not constitute a plurality in the Levant, with Basil having great success in recruiting Assyrian and Syriac peasants to his cause by asking them to join him against the hated Islamic overlords. This cooperation between Christian sects might appear surprising in light of all the conflicts between them since the fifth century, but it appears that Basil’s message was not particularly religious, having more of the overtone of a class struggle between the rich Muslims and poor Christians, with him often using the ziziya as a propaganda weapon. This approach also alarmed John Tzimiskes, as it could easily be applied against his dynatoi friends in East Anatolia, but Basil completely ignored his warnings and continued to head south, relieving Kaisaria in 984. The demographic advantages of the Romans assured that the victory would be theirs as long as an eglatarian leader like Basil remained in charge, and could inspire the local populace to be canon fodder.

Conversion of certain Arab times in the locality also helped Basil’s cause. John Kourkouras had already converted the Banu Habib, and Basil was able to meet some more success in this department with a skilful use of military threats and heavy bribery. Christian tribes often received help from Roman soldiers in seizing the livestock and women of their Islamic neighbours, while they assisted Romans in raids into villages and aided intercepting Ghazi hordes coming from the desert. Overall, while there were no massive victories or defeats like Calinicum or Trajan’s Gates, but Basil was able to make a slow grinding progress south before being stopped around Jerusalem in late 984, which the Fatimids had strongly fortified. No formal peace agreement was reached then, but both sides waited in the locality: the Emperor from Jaffa and the Caliph from Jerusalem, with raids happening across the border, waiting for the first one to misstep.

John Tzimiskes was not idle in the West either, having to first handle the Bulgarian situation that had resulted from Basil’s defeat at the Gates of Trajan. His first point of order was to bribe the Cometepouli to to fight against each other. This bought him a few years of peace as the eldest, Aaron was willing to cooperate with the Romans if he was allowed to wed Basil’s sister Anna Porphyrogenita. In 977-78 Tzimiskes summoned some troops back from the East and assisted Aaron in putting down his brothers. The combined effort succeeded in eliminating the middle two brothers (named David and Moses) but the youngest, Samuel remained untouched in Vidin up in the northwest edge of the Empire. In the meantime, Basil won his great victory in Nineveh and demanded that the marriage not occur. John was forced to take his demand into account, especially as there was still a chance that Basil’s brother Constantine could summon the mob to harm him while Basil brought the Army of the East to Constantinople. His act of calling the marriage off infuriated Aaron who tried to invade Thrace, only to meet an inglorious end in battle. Samuel however proved a much more difficult entity to tackle, and John ultimately decided to negotiate peace in 980 as the situation in Italy merited his immediate attention. Samuel too did not demand too harsh terms, seeing the Bulgarian Empire as a broken and the Vlachs unlikely to aid him over Romans, and agreed to retire to an estate near Trebizond with the title of curopaletes and a stipend of 200 pounds of gold a year. Ties of vassalage of Serbia and Croatia were also confirmed at this time. bringing the whole of the Haemus under Roman control, albeit indirectly.

Italy was a different matter, as John’s niece Theophano was still unhappy on account of being snubbed by her cousin Helena who was married to Basil, while she was sent to marry a barbarian. Nearly all accounts agree that she convinced her husband to attack Roman possessions in Apulia and Calabria. Otto II indeed chose to do that in 980, ostensibly to conquer the Emirate of Sicily and “their Greek allies”. The Principalities of Salerno and Benevento also joined hands with the Western Emperor for a share of the spoils, putting the existence of Roman Italy itself in crisis. John was forced call upon David III of Georgia again for help, and secured ten thousand men in return for ceding Theodosiopolis as well as parts of north east Anatolia, pushing Trebizon itself nearly to the border. Even Samuel himself was convinced to join in on the Roman side with a Bulgarian host of six thousand, in return for John doubling his stipend.

The Imperial host sailed from Dyrrachium in early 981 and landed in Apulia, where they met the Germans in battle outside Tarranto. The battle was a decisive Roman victory again in no small part due to Samuel’s brilliance. The princes of both Salerno and Benevento met their ends in battle, and Otto was taken captive by Tzimiskes, where he fell ill and died within the week [8]. This plunged the Holy Roman Empire into severe internal crisis as Empress Adelaide attempted to dispose of Theophanu as soon as news of the defeat reached Germany, believing that she had aided her uncle John. Other claimants (such as Henry II of Bavaria) to the Imperial throne also wanted to dispose of the young Otto III, resulting in a long and chaotic civil war that lasted several decades.

In the short term at least, there was no one to oppose the Emperor’s march to Rome, where the Pope was forced to pay homage to him as the “Emperor of the Romans” and deny that anyone else held the title (which would have been awkward for Basil, if he cared). The Pope was also convinced to support the Emperor’s plan of capitalizing on his unexpected success and invading Sicily (although he might have legitimately wanted to support it without coercion in first place). Samuel too expressed a great deal of interest in Sicily, and was asked to lead a fifteen thousand strong host across the Straits of Messina to prepare for the Imperial army. The invasion of Sicily was also possibly another reason why Tzimiskes demanded that Basil send large quantities of oil to make Greek Fire, which was duly carried out by Assyrian officials in the theme of Nineveh in 982.

Sicily however proved to be a much stronger nut to crack than what John wanted, with the Romans being unable to advance further south than Messina for the entirety of 982-4, and that too only on account of Samuel’s men. An attempted naval landing in Syracuse had ended in disaster, and it seemed like this campaign would be the first time John would have to taste failure.

That this was not to be turned out to be on account of Basil, who had stabilized the Eastern front to a point where the Eastern fleet was no longer necessary to ferry soldiers and supplies to the Levantine Cities. This, along with Venetian help, allowed the Romans to effectively enforce a total blockade of North and East Sicily, stopping aid coming in from the Fatimids. This ultimately proved to be extremely damaging for the Sicilian Kalbids as they were now left to fend for themselves, while Fatimid attempts to relieve the siege were annihilated with Greek fire, effectively breaking their back as a naval force. By the spring of 985, the Romans had landed in Syracuse itself and were rapidly securing the Eastern coast.

This was seen as a golden opportunity by the Zirids of Carthage, who invaded Sicily from the West in the name of defending Islam, but it made the situation on the ground significantly more complex. Nonetheless, the Romans focussed on securing the coast, advancing as far West as Agrigento in 987 when the Kalbid Emir surrendered in return for being granted passage to Alexandria. The Zirids were now the major foe left in the Island, and in a daring move Tzimiskes did something few Emperors in the past would have dared.

He landed in the outskirts of Carthage with 20,000 men and blockaded the City from the sea, while having supplies for his army ferried in from Sicily. The Zirids had put the majority of their men on the Island, and were able to only launch an ineffectual challenge in land, being stuck in Sicily without being able to cross back. Carthage itself gave way two weeks later, and the City was given a sacking that Basil would have approved of. Tzimiskes qualms regarding Baghdad were clearly over, or at least suppressed after having to wage war on Sicily for five years-and he was clearly willing to use whatever methods were necessary to break the back of the Zirids.

But God probably wanted an answer from Ioannes Tzimiskes regarding his sins more than he wanted an answer from Basil. A minor wound from a stray arrow from the sack festered rapidly, and it was clear that the Emperor was not long for the world by the time the Romans had pulled back to Agrigento. Realizing he had no chances of reaching Constantinople in time, he sent ships to Kaisaria with the Imperial insignia, ordering that these be sent to Basil immediately. As his last order, he demanded that Samuel be put to death, and only died after being presented with the head of the Bulgarian (3).

Tzimiskes could not have died at a more awkward moment for Basil, who had only recently been able to drive the Caliph out of Jerusalem, and was then at Sinai attempting to chase him back to Egypt. Cursing his luck, he pulled back to Gaza and left with most of his soldiers back to Anatolia in order to stake his claim in the throne, but with the bitter knowledge that his successes would soon be undone. The situation in Constantinople however proved to be not particularly problematic, especially as his brother Constantine VIII showed no desire to be autocrat despite being co-emperor for decades. There were certainly many elements in the court who tried to force him to declare himself senior Emperor, but the intervention by Basil’s wife and other Tzimiskes loyalists saved the situation from getting out of hand.

Basil’s first order of business was to negotiate a peace with the Fatimids, who had recaptured Sinai and had laid siege to Gaza. However, the Caliph was reluctant to push Basil too far or strengthen his Sunni army further, and was willing to offer generous conditions. Kaisaria and lands north of it would be allowed to remain with the Empire, and Jerusalem itself would be turned into a condominium between the two Empires (like the status of Cyprus in the Ummayad and Abbasid days). As a further sweetener, he offered to accept whatever muslims the Romans did not want in their domains. The number actually pushed out by Basil turned out to be fairly small, as the previous ethnic cleansing had reduced their numbers significantly in the coastal regions which the Empire controlled, and Basil did not wish to damage the economy further when the war had ended. Both sides recognized that this was no peace, merely a ceasefire for a few years while they strengthened themselves and came back to settle their score.

The Eastern issue settled, Basil immediately turned to Sicily where the situation had turned severely out of control. The Romans were pushed back to Syracuse and Messina, with Zirids holding the west and the centre, while many of the Bulgarians had rebelled post Samuel’s death to set up a mini state in Agrigento. Nonetheless, Basil was quickly able to establish that he meant business, and by 992 had been able to bring the Island under his control. He also succeeded in reconquering Carthage with indirect Fatimid assistance, who were getting uncomfortable with the behavior of the vassals and wanted to reannex some of their lands.

But the task that Basil faced was a hard one-he might have won the war, but could he win the peace? Both he and John had waged wars that the state had barely been able to pay for, with essentially most of the new land conquered been given to soldiers as payment. Even the loot from the war was barely enough, and John had to both impose severe austerity measures as well as a few unpopular tax hikes. Hiking taxes in the Eastern border was out of question, as that would easily erase most of his hard won gains. Simultaneously, the Anatolian dynatoi were acting like princelings with both Emperors absent from the plateau, and had driven many poor farmers away from the land, negatively affecting tax collection and straining the welfare system put in place by the Church in the Aegean. Basil therefore had the greater task of managing the economy, and with that mandate he returned to Constantinople in 993, after being re-confirmed as Emperor by the Pope. The next few years would see him trying to break up the dynatoi estates, and attempting to rebuild the army which by the end was running on dire straits, with a single defeat promising to undo it all. Rebuilding the tagmata and trying to form themes that could supply proper soldiers as opposed to canon fodder took up most of his time, as he was perfectly well aware that the confrontation with Egypt was coming up, and Romania had to be prepared in order to not lose it all.

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Romania and her vassals at 1000 AD. Light colors denote allies. Dark purple is territory that pays taxes directly to Constantinople.

Notes (by John Komnenos):
(1) Basil never admitted the Caliph had requested help from him. His memoirs only stated that the Caliph had the gates open after he laid siege, without mentioning what might have happened earlier.
(2) An instance of antisemitism, as the Jews were the first to be blamed and massacred afterwards. This was slightly atypical for Basil considering his relatively liberal views later in life, and has been attributed to the more severe antisemitism of John Tzimiskes, who Basil sought to impress.
(3) Ironic that Carthage would defeat a Roman Emperor.

Notes (by Vasilas):
[1] As OTL.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Lalakaon
[2] As OTL. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Kourkouas
[3] POD. John survives to fight another day.
[4] Second POD. John was childless in OTL. He is pulling another Romanos I here. I was uncreative with the name, sorry.
[5] A bit earlier than schedule, but Basil did get his ass whipped. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_the_Gates_of_Trajan
Can't win them all!
[6] Not OTL. The Buyids beat the Hamdanids in 979 in OTL, but here they attack earlier and get things done faster. Also, it is not Emirate of Mosul in this timeline-because few people in that universe know wtf Mosul is/was, unlike Nineveh.
[7] And many in fact were Armenians
[8] Not too far from OTL. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_III_of_Tao
[9] Rather Similar to an OTL battle. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Stilo

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Thanks Sov! I was afraid it was way too long (I dug myself into this hole by saying Romania in the second millenium, and so everything till 1000 had to go in a single post).

@All- please feel free to criticize and comment. I'd love some feedback as this is my first TL.
 
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